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Le Droit International Néolibéral: les contributions du contenu et des sources du DI au néocolonialisme
Abstract
La fin de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale et l’établissement de l’ONU ont provoqué des nouveaux changements dans les relations mondiales. Non seulement la décolonisation est devenue un des objectifs rhétoriques primordiaux de la société internationale, mais également, le processus de décolonisation ultérieur a aussi proportionné un changement de la composition de cette société (le système de l’ONU composé avec une majorité des pays sous-développés). De ce fait, il semblait que la société internationale et le droit international vivraient une nouvelle ère de développement mutuel. Toutefois, des nouvelles discordes ont éclaté au sein de la société internationale, plutôt par rapport au contexte économique. L’objectif le plus fondamental de cet article est la démonstration de la continuation de l’utilisation du droit international (son contenu et ses sources) comme un facteur légitimant l’impérialisme des puissances globales sur les pays de la « périphérie » du monde, particulièrement à partir de la Pax Americana (l’hégémonie néolibérale). Afin d’atteindre cet objectif crucial, les méthodologies de la Théorie Critique et de l’Économie Politique International (EPI) se révèlent fondamentales, ainsi que la relation étroite entre les domaines de connaissance du Droit International et des Relations Internationales. Le résultat le plus fondamental de cette recherche met en lumière des politiques néocoloniales en arrière-plan du DI.
Expanded summary of the first phase of the research project "Human Rights are not yet universal: The contributions from other epistemologies to a more 'human' human rights"
In critical commentary on South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, Mahmood Mamdani advanced an argument that became known as the ‘beneficiary thesis’. At stake was the question of whom the truth and reconciliation process should engage. The Commission's work rested on the idea that ‘key to the injustice of apartheid [was] the relationship between perpetrators and victims’. According to Mamdani, however, the pivotal relationship should rather have been that between those who benefited and those who suffered from the system itself. For the perpetrators were a relatively small group, when compared to apartheid's many beneficaries, and so too were the perpetrators’ victims when compared to the vast majority of the population victimised by the system's indignities, hardships and oppressions on a daily basis. ‘To what extent’, Mamdani wondered, ‘does a process that ignores the aspirations of the vast majority of victims risk turning disappointment into frustration and outrage …?’ Since apartheid was fundamentally a ‘program for massive redistribution’, post-apartheid justice had to be ‘social justice … systemic justice’ and, accordingly, what was called for was systemic change. In effect, though he does not use the term, Mamdani is speaking here of exploitation. He is saying that the TRC failed to grapple with the extent to which, and the ways in which, one section of society had prospered at the expense of another. It failed to grapple with apartheid as a system for using some people as a means for securing the advantage of others. © Cambridge University Press 2008 and Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Free-market reforms in the last quarter of the twentieth century weakened the point of production—labor unions—as the source of effective nonparty political countermovement to liberal capitalism. Has another significant source of societal resistance arisen in association with the resurgence of market economics? Building on the work of Karl Polanyi, this article argues that circuits of exchange—the commodification of labor, land, and money—can be powerful sources of movement against contemporary forms of free-market capitalism. It draws on the cases of Argentina, Bolivia, and Ecuador to explore how Polanyi's exchange-based approach helps to elucidate three phenomena: the great variety of identities behind the myriad movements against free-market capitalism, the emergence of community as a powerful locus for organizing, and the proliferation of new forms of transgressive and highly disruptive direct action to reinforce the debilitated effectiveness of the strike.
Resumo :O artigo discute o sistema de Bretton Woods e a dinâmica do Sistema Monetário Internacional depois do abandono do padrão dólar-ouro. Sustenta-se que o colapso do sistema de Bretton Woods legitimou a estruturação de um padrão de riqueza subjugado ao plano das finanças, ao invés da produção e do emprego. Neste sentido, a idéia de ressurgimento do sistema Bretton Woods (BW-2), baseado no esquema Centro-Periferia, onde o Centro emite a moeda internacional e funciona como intermediário financeiro (banco comercial) do mundo e a Periferia atua como região exportadora de produtos manufaturados que acumula superávits nas transações correntes com o Centro, mostra-se inadequada para captar as transformações e a dinâmica do Sistema Monetário Internacional contemporâneo. Abstract: the paper discusses the Bretton Woods System and the dynamics of the International Monetary System after the breakdown of the dollar-gold standard. It is argued that the collapse of the BW System ensued the structuring of a finance-based wealth standard instead of the production and
The New Stream of critical international legal theory has been a welcome corrective to theory-blindness in international law, but it is limited by its philosophical idealism. The materialist philosophy of Marxism, by reference to political–economic contexts and conflicts, can better explain many of the New Stream's insights. The pioneering jurisprudence of Evgenii Pashukanis shows that many ‘traditional’ Marxist theories of law are limited and limiting. A reformulation of Pashukanis's ‘commodity-form’ theory shows that contra claims that the rule of law is characterized by peaceful coexistence, the unequal political violence of imperialism is intrinsic to the international system and to international law.
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