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The Protestant Ethic in the Seventeenth-Century Dutch Republic

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Abstract

The seventeenth century is known as a period of prosperity for the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands. The Republic was one of the first countries where modern capitalism developed on a large scale. According to Max Weber (1904/1984), the Calvinist ethic was of vital importance to the development of the `capitalist spirit' in seventeenth-century Holland. This spirit is characterized by a tendency towards hard work, a striving for profit, and sobriety. Calvinists created a favourable climate for this spirit, since they considered work a calling, and achievement and thrift signs of a good Christian life. Weber's thesis is highly controversial; it has evoked fundamental disagree-ments in the fields of economic history, sociology and theology alike (see Lehman & Roth 1993). There are multifarious views and this study addresses the current status of historical studies that shed light on the Dutch situation; it discusses the extent to which historical research vindicates Weber's argument with respect to the Republic of the United Netherlands in the seventeenth century.
1
Contents
The Protestant Ethic in the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands:
Fiction or Fact?
1
Marijke ter Voert
The Evolution of Dutch Consociationalism, 1917-1997
9
Paul Pennings
Farewell to Pillarization
27
Piet de Rooy
Islamic Primary Schools in the Netherlands:
The Pupils' Achievement Levels, Behaviour and Attitudes and their
Parents' Cultural Backgrounds
42
Geert W.J.M. Driessen
News: Interuniversity Center for Social Science Theory and
Methodology (ICS)
67
News: Amsterdam School for Social Science Research (ASSR)
71
Abstracts
75
Who' s Who in this Issue
76
THE PROTESTANT ETHIC IN THE REPUBLIC OF
THE SEVEN
UNITED NETHERLANDS: FICTION OR FACT?
MARIJKE
TER VOERT
Introduction
The seventeenth century is known as a period of prosperity for the Republic of
the Seven United Netherlands. The Republic was one of the first countries where
modern capitalism developed on a large scale. According to Max Weber
(1904/1984), the Calvinist ethic was of vital importance to the development of
the `capitalist spirit' in seventeenth-century Holland. This spirit is characterized
by a tendency towards hard work, a striving for profit, and sobriety. Calvinists
created a favourable climate for this spirit, since they considered work a calling,
and achievement and thrift signs of a good Christian life.
Weber's thesis is highly controversial; it has evoked fundamental disagree-
ments in the fields of economic history, sociology and theology alike (see
Lehman & Roth 1993). There are multifarious views and this study addresses
the current status of historical studies that shed light on the Dutch situation; it
discusses the extent to which historical research vindicates Weber's argument
with respect to the Republic of the United Netherlands in the seventeenth century.
Weber's Thesis
Weber argued that ascetic Protestant groups (i.e. 17th-century Calvinists, Meth-
odists, Pietists, and the Baptist sects) were conducive to the growth of the spirit
of capitalism in the Dutch Republic. Within Calvinism, Weber identified four
important elements that guided everyday behaviour and influenced individual
norms. The first was the doctrine of calling, according to which the believer was
called by God to work for His glory. This made work a positive virtue. Second,
Weber emphasized the importance of the belief in predestination. This dogma
stated that only a few people were chosen to, achieve eternal grace. Intense
`worldly activity' was considered the most suitable means to attain self-con-
fidence about one's salvation. Hard work and occupational success were seen as
signs of grace. A third important element within Calvinism was the strong
ascetism, which stressed saving and restricted consumption. Accordingly, there
was little else to do with profits than save or reinvest them. Finally, Weber
1
Contents
THE PROTESTANT ETHIC IN
THE REPUBLIC OF THE SEVEN
UNITED NETHERLANDS: FICTION
OR FACT?
The Protestant Ethic in the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands:
Fiction or Fact?
1
Marijke ter Voert
The Evolution of Dutch Consociationalism, 1917-1997
9
Paul Pennings
Farewell to Pillarization
27
Piet de Rooy
Islamic Primary Schools in the Netherlands:
The Pupils' Achievement Levels, Behaviour and Attitudes and their
Parents' Cultural Backgrounds
42
Geert W.J.M. Driessen
News: Interuniversity Center for Social Science Theory and
Methodology (ICS)
67
News: Amsterdam School for Social Science Research (ASSR)
71
Abstracts
75
Who' s Who in this Issue
76
MARIJKE TER VOERT
Introduction
The seventeenth century is known as a period of prosperity for the Republic of
the Seven United Netherlands. The Republic was one of the first countries where
modern capitalism developed on a large scale. According to Max Weber
(1904/1984), the Calvinist ethic was of vital importance to the development of
the `capitalist spirit' in seventeenth-century Holland. This spirit is characterized
by a tendency towards hard work, a striving for profit, and sobriety. Calvinists
created a favourable climate for this spirit, since they considered work a calling,
and achievement and thrift signs of a good Christian life.
Weber's thesis is highly controversial; it has evoked fundamental disagree-
ments in the fields of economic history, sociology and theology alike (see
Lehman & Roth 1993). There are multifarious views and this study addresses
the current status of historical studies that shed light on the Dutch situation; it
discusses the extent to which historical research vindicates Weber's argument
with respect to the Republic of the United Netherlands in the seventeenth century.
Weber's Thesis
Weber argued that ascetic Protestant groups (i.e. 17th-century Calvinists, Meth-
odists, Pietists, and the Baptist sects) were conducive to the growth of the spirit
of capitalism in the Dutch Republic. Within Calvinism, Weber identified four
important elements that guided everyday behaviour and influenced individual
norms. The first was the doctrine of calling, according to which the believer was
called by God to work for His glory. This made work a positive virtue. Second,
Weber emphasized the importance of the belief in predestination. This dogma
stated that only a few people were chosen to, achieve eternal grace. Intense
`worldly activity' was considered the most suitable means to attain self-con-
fidence about one' s salvation. Hard work and occupational success were seen as
signs of grace. A third important element within Calvinism was the strong
ascetism, which stressed saving and restricted consumption. Accordingly, there
was little else to do with profits than save or reinvest them. Finally, Weber
2
pointed out that Calvinists were urged to exercise systematic, rational control
over all the aspects of their life, because they discarded the magical sacramental
system of Catholicism: "To the Catholic the absolution of his Church was a
compensation for his own imperfection". "The God of Calvinism demanded of
his believers not single good works, but a life of good works combined into a
unified system. There was no place for the Catholic cycle of sin, repentance,
atonement, release, followed by renewed sin" (p.117). Only the systematic and
relentless practice of appropriate worldly activity could allow the individual to
draw the conclusion that his or her faith was true and therefore capable of saving
him or her. According to Weber, the religious valuation of unceasing work in a
calling, combined with the accumulation of capital through an ascetic compul-
sion to save and to make productive investments, must have been a powerful
instrument for the expansion of the capitalist spirit.
To prove his hypothesis, Weber mainly studied Anglo-Saxon writings erna-
nating from the practice of pastoral care. He concluded that these texts supported
his thesis. However, he did not analyze Dutch pastoral literature. Nevertheless,
Weber argued that from writings by Voetius, Hoornbeek and Dutch B aptists, the
same conclusions could be drawn as from the Anglo-Saxon literature he dis-
cussed. In the present study, I explore whether this statement has been supported
by historical research into the Dutch situation.
It must be said that Weber himself was ambiguous about the influence of the
Calvinist ethic in the Dutch Republic (Wertheim 1968; van Stuijvenberg 1975).
On the one hand, he argued that the innerworldy ascetism of Calvinism was an
important influence in Holland in much the same way as elsewhere (Weber
1904/1984, 264). On the other, he pointed out that the influence of the Calvinist
ethic only permeated actual daily life to a slight degree, because Calvinism only
prevailed for seven years in Holland. By the beginning of the seventeenth
century, a weakening of the ascetic spirit was already occurring in the Republic
(idem: 177, 263).
In the present study,
I
present an overview of the Dutch historical research that
investigates aspects of Weber' s argument. Two questions with respect to the
United Netherlands in the seventeenth century are addressed: 1) To what extent
does seventeenth-century Dutch pastoral literature reveal a Protestant ethic in
the Weberian sense; 2) Were areas dominated by Calvinists more prosperous
than other areas?
Before these questions are answered, a short description will be given of the
Dutch Republic in the seventeenth century.
3
The Dutch Republic in the Seventeenth Century
The Republic began with the Union of Utrecht (1579) as a loose federation of
seven provinces (Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Gelderland, Overijssel, Groningen
and Friesland). During the Reformation, Calvinists came to be in the majority in
the Republic and the number of Catholics decreased. Protestantism spread in the
north of the country, although the population of the south remained almost
entirely Catholic. At the end of the sixteenth century, the Dutch Reformed
Church became the only church that was officially recognized. The minority of
Roman Catholics were subject to a certain extent of discrimination. They were
not allowed to hold public offices and, officially, could not conduct their services.
They were tolerated, however, and although it was against the law, they usually
could worship without restrictions. Within the official church, there was con-
tinuous tension between orthodox Calvinists, who insisted upon stringent com-
pliance with doctrine, and moderates, who held a more worldly and liberal point
of view. The orthodox view had a large following among the common people,
and the liberal attitude prevailed among the leading merchant-regents. They
dissociated themselves from radical Calvinism. Their commercial interests were
better served by peace and tolerance, and they accordingly created a social
climate where freedom of thought could flourish. From the beginning of the
seventeenth century, the major religious groups existed side by side in the
Netherlands: orthodox Calvinists representing the official Dutch Reformed
Church, strict in doctrine and convinced of their religious superiority, moderate
Protestants less interested in theological matters but often prominent in political
and economic life, and Roman Catholics, who played virtually no role in national
affairs, but still comprised a sizable portion of the population (Goudsblom 1967).
The seventeenth century is known as a period of great economic prosperity in
the Republic. The Dutch dominated the European carrying trade. Industries like
cloth production, shipbuilding, soap-boiling, sugar-refining, and printing pros-
pered. Amsterdam replaced Genoa and Antwerp as the European money market.
Agriculture was highly specialized, highly commercialized and highly success-
ful (Burke, 1988). The Dutch economic success is striking because of the
Repubfic' s lack of commodities such as wood, silver and gold, and because this
economic 'golden age' coincided with a period of 'crisis' or stagnation in most
other European economies (Aymard, 1982).
Pastoral Writings
The first question is whether Weber' s notions about the Protestant ethic can be
found in Dutch pastoral writings. Not much historical research has been con-
ducted on this topic. One of the few studies on the economic ethic of Dutch
Calvinism is the one by Beins (1931). He examined the orthodox Calvinist
4
5
literature from 1565 to 1650 by Danaeus, Udemans, Wittewrongel, Voetius, and
Cloppenburgh, and consulted reports of synods. According to Beins, these
sources illustrate that orthodox Calvinists considered work a duty, but disap-
proved of excessive industriousness, since it would distract them from religion.
Charity seemed to be very important, wealth was distrusted, and a striving for
profits was condemned. On the whole, the religious writings are conservative
with respect to economic matters. As a consequence, Beins concluded that it was
questionable whether Dutch Calvinism contributed to the development of the
capitalist spirit.
Another historical investigation was conducted by Van Stuijvenberg (1975).
He studied Calvinist literature from 1650 to 1795. He too concluded that these
writings did not support Weber's thesis. Contrary to what Weber argued, neither
the inculcation of unceasing labour nor the rationalization and methodization of
labour and life style turn out to have their foundation in the doctrine of predes-
tination. The theological basis Weber rested his thesis upon did not exist in the
Calvinist theological writings that appeared in Holland from 1650 to 1795.
Thus in Beins' and Van Stuijvenberg' s view, the Dutch pastoral writings failed •
to support Weber's thesis. Some authors noted that Beins' study did not really
invalidate Weber's argument, since he failed to show whether practice followed
theory (Beerling 1946; Hyma 1938). But the same can be raid of Weber's
research method. Weber made the same leap by assuming that the rules and
norms of pastoral writings were adhered to strictly in daily life. However, he did
not offer any proof of this leap: in reality there could have been a discrepancy
between these norms and the actual behaviour of the faithful (Van Stuijvenberg
1975; Marshall 1982).
Economic Activities
Doubts about the correspondence between ethica' tenets and actual behaviour
lead us to the second question: Did economic activities increase in areas where
Calvinism dominated? The economic consequences of Calvinism were studied
by Hyma (1937, 1938). His conclusions are based on reports of national synods,
the writings of Voetius and Cloppenburgh, and studies by other historians. He
argued that in the days of the greatest prosperity of the Dutch Republic as a whole,
the provinces where Calvinism was strongest played the least role in the process
of capitalistic growth (1938, 342). Furthermore, the more worldly and liberal
Calvinists became the leaders of business and grew rich. Orthodox Calvinists
preferred to stand in the way of financial business. Hence, Hyma concluded that
Calvinism in the Netherlands retarded the development of capitalism. At the
great centres of industry and commerce, Calvinism lost its purity, while in the
northern provinces of the Netherlands, where 70 per cent of the people were
orthodox Calvinists, the populations were poverty-stricken (1938, 343).
However, Hyma' s findings did not directly undermine Weber' s argument. His
study was partly based on the enterprises of bankers and mantime traders, whose
activities were mainly characterized by a striving for profit. Weber's argument,
however, focused on the rise of industrial capitalism, which is not only charac-
terized by a striving for profit but also by sobriety and the rational organization
of formally free labour. The same critique applies to the following study by
Riemersma (1967).
Riemersma (1967) concentrated on whether economic changes in the Dutch
Republic in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were influenced by religious
factors. He studied three aspects of the Dutch economy: the patterns of trans-
oceanic trading relations, monetary policy, and commercial organizations. In
these areas, the general tendency was towards an increasing secularization of
economic conduct. There was an inclination to exempt business matters from
religious supervision and treat them as if they were ethically neutral. According
to Riemersma, Protestantism contributed to the economic changes because it
drew a distinction between the secular and the spiritual sphere. Catholics sub-
jected economic matters to the religious authorities, and this hampered economic
development. In his opinion, Protestant ideas were a contributory factor in the
development which had started long before, rather than an independent factor.
The climate of economic enterprise was itself a factor influencing the views of
the religious authorities (p.85).
According to Schama (1987), some entrepreneurs approximated Weber's ideal
type, for example the textile manufacturers of Leiden, but on the whole economic
activities around Amsterdam and North Holland were governed by very prag-
matic working arrangements. Many of them were not at all to the church's liking,
but it could do little but passively concur (p.341).
Another point of interest is whether Calvinists or the Dutch in general were
more likely to live soberly and save their money. Schama (1987) tried to establish
whether, compared with other commercial cultures, in particular non-Calvinist
ones, the Dutch behaved differently in their pattern of personal consumption.
Although there was ample polemic against worldliness and luxury, there seemed
to be no reason to assume that the Dutch, from the patriciate at the top to the
skilled artisans and tradesmen at the bottom, showed any special propensity to
avoid consumption in favour of savings and investment (p.298). Per capita the
Republic was one of the richest countries in the world. So investments and
consumption were possible at the same time. Probably the markets for decorative
and fine arts were even more extensive in the Republic than elsewhere in Europe.
Weber's proposition that the Protestant ethic restrained consumption in favour
of capital accumulation did not seem to hold true for the Netherlands. Calvinism
cautioned, but it seemed helpless to restrain (p.323).
6
C
7
Other Criticism
In addition to research into pastoral writings and the economic activities of
Calvinists, other criticism of Weber' s argument has been brought to the fore.
There are historians who claim Calvinism did not exert much influence on the
economic development in the Dutch Republic, if any. They accentuate other
causal factors. Some mainly attribute the economic rise to the favourable political
climate (see Aymard 1982; Burke 1988), i.e. the cities were relatively autono-
mous, and free from control by icings and noblemen. The Netherlands might be
described as a pro-enterprise culture where the government did relatively little
to frustrate the designs of merchants or hinder economic growth, which gave it
an important advantage over the competitors. In many ways, the Republic
allowed traders and entrepreneurs great freedom and gave individuals the right
to regulate their own affairs.
Another frequently cited argument is that the Dutch were so tolerant towards
foreigners and religious diversity. This encouraged the immigration to the United
Provinces of countless individuals with capital and skins, and promoted entre-
preneurial initiatives (Baasch 1927, 8-9; Tawney 1926, 206). In the sixteenth
century numerous refugees from the south came to the Northern Provinces. Their
capital and know how about the textile industry played a significant role in the
prosperity of the industry in those areas (Baasch 1927). For economic and
political reasons, the liberal Protestant regents defended religious tolerance. In
this sense, religious indifference stimulated economic development. Trade with
the Catholic enemy was not avoided, and during the war with Spain, Dutch
traders even seem to have provided their Catholic enemies with ammunition and
food (Burke 1988).
In addition to these historical studies, several Dutch authors have expressed
their own views on the relations between Calvinism and economic development.
In 1904, the same year Weber' s Protestant ethic study was published, Diepen-
horst' s dissertation about Calvin and the economy appeared. It was written
independently of Weber' s work. According to Diepenhorst, Calvin' s social
teachings were very important for economic development because he did not
condemn charging interest and considered work to be a calling. The Roman
Catholic teachings could never have stimulated economic development, since
they held that secular life was subordinate to religious life. Calvin, however,
demanded that in everyday life, energy be exerted towards the revelation of God.
The accumulation of wealth was no longer something to be tolerated pas sively,
but a command of God. Especially the doctrine of predestination stimulated
people to engage in relentless worldly activity. Van Gunsteren (1934) argued
that Calvinism influenced economic development at a later stage. In his view,
there were forms of modern capitalism even before the Reformation. The
Protestant ethic was a reaction to social changes, and with these modern ideas
the church was trying to regain its influence over social life. Others feel
Protestantism was a manifestation of the same spirit that destroyed the feudal
system (Beekman 1935, p.106).
Conclusion
This study addresses the question of whether Dutch writings can be found to
support Weber's Protestant ethic thesis. According to Weber, in the Dutch
Republic the Protestant ethic was prevalent among seventeenth-century Calvin-
ists, especially the followers of Voetius. His claim that Calvinism encouraged
economic development was not confirmed. The major objections are the follow-
ing:
In Calvinist writings, no sign of a Protestant ethic was found to support
Weber' s theory. Writings by orthodox Calvinists such as Voetius were rather
conservative as regards economic aspects.
Economic activities did not increase in areas where Calvinism dominated.
The provinces where Calvinism was strongest played the least role in the
process of capitalistic growth. It was even suggested that Calvinism retarded
the development of capitalism in the Republic.
The economic growth of the Republic can be attributed to the favourable
political climate and liberal attitude on religious questions. The Republic had
a political regime that did relatively little to frustrate economic activities and
thus gave the country an important advantage over its competitors. The
political regime, the regents, adhered to more liberal religious convictions.
On the whole, there seems to be little historical support for the assertion that
seventeenth-century Calvinism stimulated economic development in the United
Provinces. Furthermore, Weber' s own argumentation with respect to the Dutch
case was inadequate. First, the data he used to support his thesis were limited to
mainly Anglo-Saxon material. Second, his reasoning with respect to the Dutch
situation was ambiguous. It seems impossible to determine precisely what Weber
meant, and not all the research presented here seems to have investigated exactly
what he had in mind. This discrepancy can be partly ascribed to his obscure
writings and the fact that significant information was to be found in the notes.
Another observation is that very few historians have been inspired to explore
whether Weber' s argument was applicable to the Dutch seventeenth century. One
of the reasons might have been expressed by Benedict (1993, 323). He noted that
to construct his picture of Calvinist piety, Weber mainly relied on English
devotional material, for which there was often little continental analogue. For
scholars outside England, Weber's depiction of the faith consequently did not
correspond to much in the sources they were familiar with. Thus, more citations
than the ones Beins gave will be required before anyone can decide with certainty
what the economic views were of the Calvinists in the Netherlands in the
8
seventeenth century. Studies on the differences with the Catholic ethic and
Catholic economie activities are also an underdeveloped field of research. If we
really want to know whether Calvinists had a special impact on economie life,
their activities and ethic should be contrasted with those of Catholics. Unfortu-
nately, no studies have been found on this topic. Nonetheless, as far as current
historical research is concerned, the Protestant ethic in the Republic seems more
fiction than fact.
REFERENCES
Aymard, M. (ed.) (1982)
Dutch Capitalism and World Capitalism.
Cambridge: University Press.
Baasch, E. (1927)
Holt/Indische Wirtschaftsgeschichte
(Dutch Economie History), Jena: Gustav
Fischer Verlag.
Beekman, E.H.M. (1935)
Katholicisme, calvinisme, kapitalisme
(Catholicism, Calvinism, Capital-
ism), Schiedam: Vox Romain..
Beerling, R.F. (1946) Protestantisme en kapitalisme. Max Weber in de kritiek (Protestantism and
Capitalism: Max Weber in Criticism), Groningen: Wolters.
Beins, E. (1931) 'Die Wirtschaftsethik der calvinistischen Kirche der Niederlande 1565-1650' (The
Economic Ethic of the Calvinist Church in the Netherlands 1565-1650),
Nederlands Archief
voor Kerkgeschiedenis,
24, 81-156.
Benedict, P. (1993) 'The Historiography of Continental Calvinism', In H. Lehmann & G. Roth
(eds.),
Weber's Protestant Ethic: Origins, Evidence, Contexts
(pp. 305-325) Cambridge:
University Press.
Burke, P. (1988) 'Republics of Merchants in Early Modern Europe'. In J. Baechler, J.A. Hall & M.
Mann (eds.),
Europe and the Rise of Capitalism
(pp. 220-233) Oxford: Bacil Blackwell.
Diepenhorst, P.A. (1904)
Calvijn en de economie
(Calvin and the Economy), Wageningen: Vada.
Goudsblom, J. (1967) Dutch Society, New York: Random House.
Gunsteren, W.F. van. (1934)
Kalvinismus und Kapitalismus
(Calvinism and Capitalism), Amster-
dam.
Hyma, A. (1937)
Christianity, Capitalism and Communism: A Historical Analysis,
The Hague:
Nijhoff.
Hyma, A. (1938) 'Calvinism and Capitalism in the Netherlands, 1550-1700',
The Journal of Modern
History,
10(3), 321-343.
Lehmann, H. & Roth, G. (eds.) (1993)
Weber's Protestant Ethic: Origins, Evidence, Contexts,
Cambridge: University' Press.
Marshall, G. (1982)
In Search of the Spirit of Capitalism,
New York: Columbia University Press.
Riemersma, J.C. (1967)
Religious Factors in Early Dutch Capitalism 1550-1650,
The Hague:
Mouton.
Schama, S. (1987)
The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden
Age,
London: Fontana Press.
Stuijvenberg, J.H. van. (1975) 'The Weber Thesis: An Attempt at Interpretation',
Acta Historiae
Neerlandica,
8, 50-66.
Tawney, R.H. (1926)
Religion and the Rise of Capitalism,
New York: Hartcourt, Brace and Co.
Weber, M. (1984) 'Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus'. In J. Winckelmann
(ed.),
Die Protestantische Ethik I
(pp. 27-277) Giftersloh: Verlaghaus Mohn. (Original work
published 1904).
Wertheim, W.F. (1968) 'Religion, Bureaucracy and Economie Growth'. In S.N. Eisenstadt (ed.),
The Protestant Ethic and Modernization
(pp. 259-270) New York: Basic Books.
9
THE EVOLUTION OF DUTCH CONSOCIATIONALISM, 1917-1997
PAUL PENNINGS
Introduction
For several decades, the study of consociationalism has been a combined effort
on the part of sociologists, historians and political scientists. The term consoci-
ationalism denotes the elite accommodation in segmented societies by means of
four mechanisms: grand coalitions, segmental autonomy, proportionality and
minority veto (Lijphart 1977). These institutionalized forms of consociational-
ism were and to some extent stil are most clearly evident in Austria, Belgium,
the Netherlands and Switzerland. The fragmented societal structure of these
countries is thought to have necessitated accommodating elite behaviour for
effective political decision-making. They are a subset of a wider group of
non-majoritarian countries characterized by a certain degree of power-sharing,
as is indicated by factors like a relatively high number of political partjes and
issue dimensions and the frequent occurrence of surplus coalitions. In keeping
with Lijphart' s terminology they are referred to as 'consensus democracies'
(Lijphart 1984).
Whether consociationalism will continue to be relevant to future research
mainly depends on whether consociationalism will persist in the polities and
society of Western Europe. This article examines the evolution of Dutch conso-
ciationalism since 1917. The starting point is Lijphart's interpretation of Dutch
consociationalism, since his approach focuses on the problem of consociational
change. One of his purposes was to solve the 'Paradox of Dutch Politics': a
socially and ideologically fragmented system was also very stable and based on
consensus-building and cooperation. In doing so, Lijphart refuted the dominant
pluralist proposition that stable democracies cannot be based on deeply divided
societies.
This article examines the typical consociational characteristics of the Dutch
polity and how they have changed since the 1960s (for two recent overviews of
Dutch politics see: Gladdish 1991; Andeweg and Irwin 1993). The major
questions this article reeks to answer are:
What was the Dutch consociational system like in the 1960s?
How has consociationalism evolved since the 1960s?
8
seventeenth century. Studies on the differences with the Catholic ethic and
Catholic economic activities are also an underdeveloped field of research. If we
really want to know whether Calvinists had a special impact on economic life,
their activities and ethic should be contrasted with those of Catholics. Unfortu-
nately, no studies have been found on this topic. Nonetheless, as far as current
historical research is concerned, the Protestant ethic in the Republic seems more
fiction than fact.
REFERENCES
THE EVOLUTION OF DUTCH CONSOCIATIONALISM, 1917-1997
PAUL PENNINGS
Aymard, M. (ed.) (1982)
Dutch Capitalism and World Capitalism.
Cambridge: University Press.
Baasch, E. (1927)
HolMndische Wirtschaftsgeschichte
(Dutch Economie History), Jena: Gustav
Fischer Verlag.
Beekman, E.H.M. (1935)
Katholicisme, calvinisme, kapitalisme
(Catholicism, Calvinism, Capital-
ism), Schiedam: Vox Romana.
Beerling, R.F. (1946) Protestantisme en kapitalisme. Max Weber in de kritiek (Protestantism and
Capitalism: Max Weber in Criticism), Groningen: Wolters.
Beins, E. (1931) 'Die Wirtschaftsethik der calvinistischen Kirche der Niederlande 1565-1650' (The
Economic Ethic of the Calvinist Church in the Netherlands 1565-1650),
Nederlands Archief
voor Kerkgeschiedenis,
24, 81-156.
Benedict, P. (1993) 'The Historiography of Continental Calvinism', In H. Lehmann & G. Roth
(eds.),
Weber's Protestant Ethic: Origins, Evidence, Contexts
(pp. 305-325) Cambridge:
University Press.
Burke, P. (1988) 'Republics of Merchants in Early Modern Europe'. In J. Baechler, J.A. Hall & M.
Mann (eds.),
Europe and the Rise of Capitalism
(pp. 220-233) Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Diepenhorst, P.A. (1904)
Calvijn en de economie
(Calvin and the Economy), Wageningen: Vada.
Goudsblom, J. (1967) Dutch Society, New York: Random House.
Gunsteren, W.F. van. (1934)
Kalvinismus und Kapitalismus
(Calvinism and Capitalism), Amster-
dam.
Hyma, A. (1937)
Christianity, Capitalism and Communism: A Historical Analysis,
The Hague:
Nijhoff.
Hyma, A. (1938) 'Calvinism and Capitalism in the Netherlands, 1550-1700',
The Journal of Modern
History,
10(3), 321-343.
Lehmann, H. & Roth, G. (eds.) (1993)
Weber's Protestant Ethic: Origins, Evidence, Contexts,
Cambridge: University' Press.
Marshall, G. (1982)
In Search of the Spirit of Capitalism,
New York: Columbia University Press.
Riemersma, J.C. (1967)
Religious Factors in Early Dutch Capitalism 1550-1650,
The Hague:
Mouton.
Schama, S. (1987)
The Embarrassment of Riches: An Interpretation of Dutch Culture in the Golden
Age,
London: Fontana Press.
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Introduction
For several decades, the study of consociationalism has been a combined effort
on the part of sociologists, historians and political scientists. The term consoci-
ationalism denotes the elite accommodation in segmented societies by means of
four mechanisms: grand coalitions, segmental autonomy, proportionality and
minority veto (Lijphart 1977). These institutionalized forms of consociational-
ism were and to some extent stil are most clearly evident in Austria, Belgium,
the Netherlands and Switzerland. The fragmented societal structure of these
countries is thought to have necessitated accommodating elite behaviour for
effective political decision-making. They are a subset of a wider group of
non-majoritarian countries characterized by a certain degree of power-sharing,
as is indicated by factors like a relatively high number of political parties and
issue dimensions and the frequent occurrence of surplus coalitions. In keeping
with Lijphart' s terminology they are referred to as 'consensus democracies'
(Lijphart 1984).
Whether consociationalism will continue to be relevant to future research
mainly depends on whether consociationalism will persist in the politics and
society of Western Europe. This article examines the evolution of Dutch conso-
ciationalism since 1917. The starting point is Lijphart's interpretation of Dutch
consociationalism, since his approach focuses on the problem of consociational
change. One of his purposes was to solve the 'Paradox of Dutch Politics': a
socially and ideologically fragmented system was also very stable and based on
consensus-building and cooperation. In doing so, Lijphart refuted the dominant
pluralist proposition that stable democracies cannot be based on deeply divided
societies.
This article examines the typical consociational characteristics of the Dutch
polity and how they have changed since the 1960s (for two recent overviews of
Dutch politics see: Gladdish 1991; Andeweg and Irwin 1993). The major
questions this article seeks to answer are:
What was the Dutch consociational system like in the 1960s?
How has consociationalism evolved since the 1960s?
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
Book
Max Weber gilt als bedeutendster Soziologe des 20. Jahrhunderts, der als „bürgerlicher Marx“ die engen Wahlverwandtschaften zwischen der religiösen Ethik des asketischen Protestantismus und der modernen, auf dem freien Unternehmertum beruhenden kapitalistischen Berufsethik aufgezeigt hat. Mit dieser Neuausgabe wird die Originalfassung von 1904-05 zusammen mit den wichtigsten Änderungen von 1920 wieder einem breiteren Publikum zugänglich gemacht. Die Edition macht deutlich, in welchem Ausmaß Webers großer kapitalismuskritischer Entwurf, der von ihm als eine Art „spiritualistischer“ Gegenposition zur Geschichtsphilosophie des Historischen Materialismus aufgefasst worden ist, zugleich als sein persönlichstes Buch verstanden werden kann. Der Inhalt Das Problem.- Konfession und soziale Schichtung.- Der „Geist“ des Kapitalismus.- Luthers Berufsbegriff.- Die Berufsidee des asketischen Protestantismus.- Die religiösen Grundlagen der innerweltlichen Askese.- Askese und Kapitalismus. Die Zielgruppe Soziologinnen und Soziologen Der Autor Max Weber (1864 -1920) war ein deutscher Soziologe, Jurist und Nationalökonom. Er gilt als einer der Klassiker der Soziologie sowie der gesamten Kultur- und Sozialwissenschaften. Die Herausgeber Prof. Dr. Klaus Lichtblau lehrt an der Goethe-Universität Frankfurt Soziologie mit dem Schwerpunkt Geschichte und Systematik sozialwissensch aftlicher Theoriebildung. Prof. Dr. Johannes Weiß lehrte bis 2008 Soziologische Theorie, Sozialphilosophie und Kultursoziologie an der Universität Kassel.
Article
Proefskrif--Vrije Universiteit, Amsterdam, 1904. Bibliografie.
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