"If You Leave Us Here, We Will Die": How Genocide Was Stopped in East Timor
... The population voted overwhelmingly for independence in a United Nations-sponsored referendum in August 1999, but that vote was likewise met with widespread violence by the Indonesian Army and its local supporters. Throughout this 24-year period, the collection of human rights-related information in the territory was both difficult and dangerous (Amnesty International 1985;Robinson 2010Robinson , 2014. Nevertheless, just a few years after gaining independence, East Timor had established an unusually rich and diverse human rights archive, arguably marking it as a success story among countries emerging from long periods of violence. ...
... I approach this subject partly as a historian who has used the archives to write scholarly accounts of East Timor's modern political history, but also as a human rights practitioner who has been directly involved in creating and preserving the country's human rights records (Robinson 2001(Robinson , 2006(Robinson , 2010(Robinson , 2011(Robinson , 2014. Before becoming a professor of history, I worked for several years at Amnesty International in London, where I researched and wrote the organization's reports on East Timor and Indonesia, among other countries (e.g., Amnesty International 1991aInternational , b, 1993International , 1994. ...
... The invasion and the 24-year occupation that followed resulted in the death of at least 100,000, and possibly as many as 200,000, of a pre-invasion population of about 650,000. The scale of the killing in the first four years of the occupation was such that many scholars have described it as genocide (Robinson 2010). Those best placed to prevent this tragedy-notably the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia-instead actively lent their support to Indonesia. ...
How do distinctive historical experiences and political regimes shape human rights archives? How do those archives and those experiences in turn influence the way painful pasts are remembered or forgotten? And what can his-torical accounts tell us about the wisdom of prevailing norms and practices regarding the management and control of human rights records? This paper explores these questions through a close analysis of the history and politics of the principal archive documenting human rights abuse in East Timor. It underscores the work of archival studies scholars who argue that human rights archives are always in some degree shaped by the historical and political context in which they emerge and that conflicts over matters of content, mandate, and rules of access are virtually inevi-table. Noting that such conflicts typically pit political authorities against victims and their advocates, it argues that successful human rights archival programs hinge critically on sensitive historical and political analysis and that, under certain con-ditions, human rights archivists should play a more active role in facilitating the pursuit of justice for victims of human rights abuse. It also makes the case for a move away from large, state-controlled archives toward multiple, smaller archives with varied mandates. Finally, it proposes the adoption of a new hierarchy of interest in the management of archives; away from the long-accepted principles of national sovereignty and inalienability, and in the direction of access to the survi-vors of human rights violations and their advocates.
... Via an operation known as -Operasi Komodo‖, these military elites were key in subverting nascent East Timorese politics, fomenting divisions within Timorese society and even sponsoring in 1975 a UDT coup against Fretilin. From the brutal beginning to the bitter end the military remained centre stage (Robinson, 2010). ...
... Here is not the place to go into the macabre detail of occupation and the CAVR (2005) report does a good job of summarising, detailing and quantifying many of the crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Indonesian armed forces and their counter-insurgency proxies and militias. During the course of occupation, killings and deaths were so frequent and part of a deliberate strategy of terror and control that analysts spoke of genocide in depicting what was taking place in the territory (Jardine, 1995;Pilger, 1991;Robinson, 2010). The CAVR report provided an actual minimum estimated figure of 102,800 conflict-related deaths, including 18,600 killings and 84,200 deaths due to hunger and illness between 1975 and 1999. ...
... Fretilin and its military wing Falantil proved to be quite resistant to Indonesian rule for a surprisingly long time, inflicting numerous casualties on Indonesian forces, thus holding up operations and expectations to bring the territory quickly under Jakarta's authority. Indeed, in the early years of Indonesian occupation, a large percentage of the population was deemed to be under the protection of the resistance in the interior of the territory (Dunn, 1996;Robinson, 2010). In these circumstances and given Falantil's widespread support-actual, implicit or imagined-within the Timorese populace, the Indonesian military machine took revenge on the local people as well as on more direct opponents of the occupation. ...
... Timor-Leste (TL) torna-se independente após séculos de domínio Português e décadas de ocupação Indonésia (Robinson, 2009). ...
... A sua consecução ocorreu de janeiro de 2010 a março de 2013. Paralelamente, e dada a carência de profissionais especializados na área da educação (Albergaria-Almeida, Martinho, & Lopes, 2013;Robinson, 2009), avançou-se com um Projeto de Formação Inicial e Contínua de Professores (PFI-CP) que permitisse apoiar a implementação do novo currículo e a consolidação da Língua portuguesa enquanto língua de escolarização (PRCESGTL, 2014b). ...
Pretende-se apresentar o modo como está a decorrer a implementação da Reestruturação Curricular do Ensino Secundário Geral em Timor-Leste e que contempla atividades de formação contínua de professores. O
estudo de caso qualitativo sustenta-se nas visões de três formadores portugueses, responsáveis pela formação contínua de (futuros) formadores timorenses, focada nas disciplinas de Português, Cidadania e Desenvolvimento Social e Temas de Literatura e Cultura. Os resultados das entrevistas semiestruturadas apontam para uma distribuição ainda escassa dos materiais construídos no âmbito da reestruturação. Revelam, igualmente, a prevalência de modelos pedagógicos de orientação tradicional.
A formação em curso centra-se, essencialmente, na resolução de tarefas propostas, principalmente, no guia do professor e no manual do aluno, das disciplinas lecionadas pelos professores e formadores timorenses,
e no apoio ao domínio dos conteúdos a lecionar. Conclui-se que é pertinente a prossecução da formação contínua de professores em Timor-Leste.
... East Timor, as one of the youngest nations on earth, has developed a profound restructuring in its educational system (Robinson, 2009). As a result of decades under several foreign countries rule, Timorese education has gone through continuous changes and, in the early 21 st century, schools were completely destroyed and the country presented a lack of qualified human resources, particularly concerning professionalised teachers (Albergaria-Almeida, Martinho, & Lopes, 2013;ME-RDTL, 2011a;Robinson, 2009;Soares, 2014). ...
... East Timor, as one of the youngest nations on earth, has developed a profound restructuring in its educational system (Robinson, 2009). As a result of decades under several foreign countries rule, Timorese education has gone through continuous changes and, in the early 21 st century, schools were completely destroyed and the country presented a lack of qualified human resources, particularly concerning professionalised teachers (Albergaria-Almeida, Martinho, & Lopes, 2013;ME-RDTL, 2011a;Robinson, 2009;Soares, 2014). ...
O presente artigo discorre de uma investigação ao nível do Doutoramento, integrada no Projeto Timor, que se propõe descrever e analisar o desenvolvimento curricular para o Português à luz da Reestruturação Curricular do Ensino Secundário Geral em Timor-Leste. Concretiza um estudo de caso qualitativo, cujos participantes são alunos, professores e formadores timorenses e formadores portugueses, especificamente de Português. A recolha de dados privilegia técnicas como a recolha documental, a inquirição por questionário, entrevista e focus group e a observação direta não participante.
No contexto deste artigo, mobilizam-se vozes de professores e formadores timorenses de Português, do formador português e notas da observação direta de aulas para discussão dos principais resultados. Os mesmos discutem-se relativamente: às práticas pedagógicas e principais estratégias de ensino, assentes, maioritariamente, numa lógica transmissiva; e ao uso que os professores fazem dos materiais curriculares, particularmente do guia do professor e do manual do aluno, que, quando existentes, tendem a ser utilizados diariamente, quer na planificação como na dinamização de aulas. As principais vantagens destes recursos passam pela função orientadora da ação pedagógica e de sistematização de conteúdos a lecionar, apesar da linguagem demasiado exigente na qual estão redigidos. Pretende-se, igualmente, discutir o conhecimento dos professores acerca do currículo implementado, que parece depender da frequência de ações de formação contínua. Assim, mais formação emerge como necessária quer para apoiar os professores com as mudanças curriculares introduzidas, como para aumentar o seu conhecimento científico e pedagógico.
... After the 1999 UN-sponsored referendum widespread violence and destruction of public and private property left the nation severely weakened. The country was in ruins and lost almost its entire qualified workforce in all sectors, especially education (Robinson, 2009). Around 90 percent of secondary teachers, 20 percent of primary teachers and most administrators in the education system were not indigenous East Timorese and departed at this time. ...
The Government of East-Timor has been supporting several approaches to empower national education, since its independence back in 2002. One of the priority areas has been the implementation of in-service teacher training programs in cooperation with higher education institutions from other countries, such as Portugal. In this paper the authors describe and reflect on a particular science teacher training program held in Díli in 2011in order to discuss the role of ICT towards a better education for all, in line with the recently approved sustainable development goals (SDGs). The authoethongraphical approach that was used is conceptually supported on the Model of Situated Perspective on teacher learning and professional development (Borko, 2004). One important output is the fact that Timorese teachers are not the only professionals that need continuous development programs involving ICT. Teacher trainers need it as well in order to be able to integrate it in their teaching practices and support others to do it.
... Timor-Leste é um dos países mais jovens do mundo, tendo-se tornado independente em 2002, após 450 anos de administração colonial portuguesa (até 1975), 24 anos de ocupação indonésia (entre 1975 e 1999) e 32 meses de administração internacional temporária da United Nations Transitional Administration of East Timor (UNTAET). Em 1999, Timor-Leste perdeu quase todos os seus trabalhadores qualificados em todos os setores de atividade, sendo que o impacto na educação foi maior (Robinson, 2010). Estima-se que 80% a 90% das infraestruturas educacionais foram destruídas e a maioria dos professores abando- O estado recém-nascido em 2002 enfrentou desafios como a baixa literacia da população, lacunas na qualificação dos professores e um número insuficiente de professores habilitados para o ensino (TWB, 2004). ...
The strategic plan of development for Timor-Leste (2011/2030) defines changes in the education policies with an emphasis on improving the quality of teacher education regarding the role that these actors play in building a proactive and socially responsible youth. The Teaching Personal and Social Responsibility (TPSR) model presents itself as an example of pedagogical intervention in which, through physical activity and sports, promotes personal and social responsibility of young teachers in their undergraduate formation. The present study reports to the application of the TPSR model in teachers’ training in physical education teaching in Timor-Leste and demand in newly teachers (a) to compare the use of strategies for teaching personal and social responsibility, and (b) to analyze the behaviors of teachers in physical education classes on elementary education. The sample was composed of an experimental group (EG, n = 15) which involved teachers with experience in the TPSR model and a control group (CG, n = 15) composed by teachers without experience in the TPSR model. The data were collected through systematic observations using the Tool for Assessing Responsibility-Based Education (TARE). Results showed that, on average, the EG resorted more to the strategies for teaching responsibility than the CG; the difference in the use of the strategies ‘assigning management tasks’ and ‘role in assessment’ were statistically significant. Additionally, the analysis of the teachers’ behaviors on the GE revealed statistically significant differences on ‘integration’, ‘transfer’ and ‘empowerment’.
... Em 1999, Timor-Leste perdeu quase todos os seus trabalhadores qualificados, em todos os setores de atividade, sendo que o impacto na educação foi maior (34) . Estima-se que 80% a 90% das infraestruturas educacionais foram destruídas e a maioria dos professores abandonou o país nesta altura (20,26,37) . ...
... Following East Timor's 1999 independence referendum, the armed forces, angered by President Habibie's decision to offer the vote in the first place, and pro-integration local militias conducted a scorched-earth campaign. Hundreds of East Timorese died, and hundreds of thousands were forced by the military across the border into West Timor (Tanter, Ball, & van Klinken 2006;Robinson 2009). ...
This Element argues that after twenty years of democratization, Indonesia has performed admirably. This is especially so when the country's accomplishments are placed in comparative perspective. However, as we analytically focus more closely to inspect Indonesia's political regime, political economy, and how identity-based mobilizations have emerged, it is clear that Indonesia still has many challenges to overcome, some so pressing that they could potentially erode or reverse many of the democratic gains the country has achieved since its former authoritarian ruler, Soeharto, was forced to resign in 1998.
... In Timor-Leste between 1974 and 1999, the local population suffered a sustained period of conflict-related violence. Authors such as Taylor (2002) and Robinson (2009) have noted how this period was marked by faminerelated deaths, killings, disappearances, torture and the mass displacement of civilians. ...
... In Timor-Leste between 1974 and 1999, the local population suffered a sustained period of conflict-related violence. Authors such as Taylor (2002) and Robinson (2009) have noted how this period was marked by faminerelated deaths, killings, disappearances, torture and the mass displacement of civilians. ...
Armed conflict situations often involve mass displacement of civilians. This paper reviews the measurement challenges involved in incorporating quantitative analyses of conflict-related displacement phenomena when characterizing the nature, magnitude and pattern of large-scale human rights violations. We present two recent case studies, from Timor-Leste and Kosovo, where quantitative analysis of conflict-related displacement was integrated into a truth commission's work and statistical evidence was used by an international criminal tribunal, respectively. In these case studies we examine how the integration of analysis of civilian displacement phenomena strengthened our understanding of " what happened " during these two conflict. Using these two case studies, we also contextualize how conflict-related displacement and other forms of violence were employed in these particular conflict situations. We then conclude by noting useful lessons-learned from these case-studies: (i) in terms of the use of diverse data sources (that draw from both traditional demographic and non-traditional sources) and adaptation of classical demographic methods, and (ii) discussing the challenges of presenting demographic estimates and analysis on conflict-related displacement in international justice settings.
... 7 Non-governmental organisations, national or transnational, are also potentially powerful. Patrice McMahon (2007) highlights the role of such organisations in the avoidance of ethnic violence in Eastern Europe, and they may also be vital for mobilising action by external actors, when needed, to deter or intervene to prevent violence, as Geoffrey Robinson (2010) shows regarding East Timor in 1999. External actors are, however, needed to bring important financial, technological and educative resources and to provide expertise and coordination. ...
Both scholars and international actors frequently stress the important role played by anti-civilian ideologies in escalating risks of mass atrocities against civilians. Yet strategies to combat and counter anti-civilian ideologies remain an uncertain and understudied component of atrocity prevention, and scepticism about their efficacy is to be expected. This paper provides a preliminary framework for thinking about strategies and interventions designed to counter the ideological causes of mass atrocities. First, I briefly clarify what existing research seems to suggest the role of ideology in mass atrocities is, and is not. I caution against cruder or overly strong theses about the role ideology plays, but clarify that whilst ideology's actual causal impact is varying and complex, it is also significant. Second, I clarify what ideological interventions and strategies might be reasonably expected to do, and comparatively assess them against more dominant existing prevention tools to show that their preventive potential is sufficiently high to warrant usage. Finally, I provide guidelines on how the effort to formulate ideological strategies and interventions for preventing mass atrocities should best proceed.
... The Timorese vote for independence from Indonesian occupation was achieved at great cost, as pro-autonomy militias backed by Indonesian forces mounted a large-scale campaign of violence in reprisal (Dunn, 2002). The murders, arson, looting and forced deportations leading up to, and immediately following, the vote for independence only halted when the International Forces for East Timor (INTERFET) were given permission to enter the territory in late September 1999 (CAVR, 2006b, Robinson, 2010, Federer, 2005. By this time, much essential infrastructure had been burnt or stolen, many people killed or forcibly deported and the remaining population severely traumatised. ...
This thesis examines the impact of coexisting modern and traditional governance institutions as they are experienced in the villages of Timor-Leste. Within some development theory and much development practice, coexisting modern and traditional institutions are often portrayed as binaries and necessarily in opposition. However, the reality is that local communities across Timor-Leste are navigating both 'spheres' of governance on a daily basis. Drawing on fieldwork conducted by the author in the subdistricts of Venilale and Ainaro from July 2008 to February 2009, this thesis provides a detailed empirical analysis of this lived experience within contemporary Timorese villages. It then draws on these insights to provide a more nuanced, contextualised account of the impact of institutional interventions, local governance and democratisation within these villages.
Issues around the coexistence of pre-colonial and postcolonial forms of governance are not limited to Timor-Leste; rather, this coexistence is arguably a common experience in most postcolonial states. As such, institutional theory needs to account for this complex reality as it is experienced by millions of people across the world. This thesis argues for a critical approach to institutionalism in order to account for the coexistence of modern and traditional governance institutions. A central argument of this thesis is that this coexistence is best understood through the everyday "politics of mutual recognition" (Tully: 1995). In most cases, the politics of mutual recognition is not something that is formed through legislation but rather comes about as communities engage with modern and traditional institutions in order to fill communal needs, and as leaders engage with these institutions in order to pursue individual political agendas. This thesis critically examines the structured forms of mutual recognition that have formed within the villages of Timor-Leste and the various points of tension and mutual support that have emerged as a result of this coexistence.
This thesis reaches three conclusions. First, the coexistence of modern and traditional governance institutions should not be viewed as necessarily in opposition. While there are some important points of tension where the norms and values of modern and traditional institutions are in conflict, in many areas of communal life Timorese communities have created various forms of political hybridity that reflect the requirements of both modern and traditional institutions. Second, within the current political environment where very few resources are reaching the rural population, the balance that is negotiated between coexisting institutions tends to be determined with greater reference to the values and norms of traditional governance institutions. Third, this current reality is not a settled state of affairs. Rather, it is deeply contingent on the broader Timorese political environment. A necessary correlation to the current lack of investment in the rural areas is that the Timorese government can demand very little from communities in terms of institutional and behavioural change. The potential role of the Timorese state as a development agency means that the existing balance that is negotiated through local politics could change very quickly, creating new challenges and opportunities for different actors at the local level.
... After a period of violence, in 1999, East Timor, one of the world's newest nations, lost almost its entire qualified workforce in all sectors (Robinson, 2009), including education. After the independence, in 2002, there was a lack of teachers, and a large number was recruited on a voluntary basis. ...
The Timorese Government has embarked upon several approaches to empower national education, namely through the restructuring of the secondary education. Due to the lack of skilled professionals in education, East Timor has resorted to the support of international cooperation with institutions such as the University of Aveiro, in Portugal. In this paper, we present a starting project that aims at investigating how the new curriculum of secondary education in East Timor is being implemented, through its monitoring and short-term exploratory evaluation. At its core, this project seeks to provide constructive feedback both to the authors of the curriculum, as well as to Timorese stakeholders. Furthermore, this project constitutes a unique opportunity to closely follow, in the context of international cooperation, the process of the restructuring of an education system in a developing country, boosting the relationships between the researchers, the authors of the restructuring and the Timorese stakeholders.
... The record of Western human rights interactions with Indonesia shows that quiet diplomacy was mostly ineffective, with public pressure needed to achieve results (Glasius, 1999). In the case of East Timor, not until the fall of the Suharto regime did a window of opportunity appear (Martin, 2001;Webster, 2009a;Robinson, 2010). ...
During the brutal Indonesian occupation of Timor‐Leste from 1975 to 1999, over 100,000 Timorese out of an estimated population of 650,000 lost their lives; thousands more suffered a range of horrific human rights violations. This paper discusses ‘dark tourism’—tourism linked with this violent past—in Timor‐Leste's post‐independence era. The paper focuses its analysis of dark tourism on two of the most well‐known tourist sites linked with the Indonesian past, both sites of former violence: the Santa Cruz cemetery and the Comarca Balide prison. It looks specifically at international tourists' experiences at the two sites. The paper contributes to debates over the morality of dark tourism, as well as to human rights and transitional justice literatures that examine how memorialisation efforts play out on the ground. It argues, among other things, that a view of dark tourism as purely amoral thrill‐seeking or voyeurism should be tempered. The case of Timor‐Leste shows us instead that dark tourism can play an important role in individuals' attempts to understand, learn more about, and otherwise make meaning out of complicated pasts of violence.
Timor-Leste is a new, small, and poor “petrostate” with a national budget that relies heavily on revenue from offshore fossil extraction. The country’s 20-year history of independence has been shaped by its management of economic resources, particularly fossil fuels, as well as its legacy of independence struggle and international standing as a successful intervention by the international community, especially the United Nations. Although its democratic credentials have been firmly established through fair, transparent, and regular elections, recent elections (most recently in May 2023) have continued to elect leaders from the “75 generation” (those who fought against Indonesian occupation), which risks the political leadership becoming sclerotic and undermines the aspirations of the growing youth population. Additionally, the shifting geopolitical landscape as a result of the intensifying US-China rivalry in the region is likely to pressure Timor-Leste to take a stand, even if its likely accession to ASEAN membership may shield it from such pressure. The chapter explores three major endowments including socio-economic factors, oil and gas curses and the historical legacy of resistance in Timor-Leste which are key sources contributing to sustainable development prospects of the country amidst major powers rivalry in the region.
What conditions precipitate militia-inflicted sexual violence during counterinsurgency operations? In our article, we expand on the sexual violence as practice framework by focusing on the issue of commander’s tolerance as a form of implicit order. Specifically, we argue that militia-inflicted sexual violence is amplified by two interrelated conditions – the link to the government security forces and the autonomy permitted to the militias in conflict zones. Thus, we refine the logic of sexual violence as practice to understand the finer variations of militia-committed violence. We elaborate our explanations by analyzing Indonesia’s peripheral operations in East Timor, Aceh and West Papua.
Cambridge Core - Human Rights - Adapting International Criminal Justice in Southeast Asia - by Emma Palmer
The use of referendums to forge, ratify and enact peace agreements is on the rise. In growing numbers, peacemakers have organized referendums in order to aid peace talks and ameliorate post-settlement peacebuilding. Despite this increasingly common practice, there is little consensus on whether referendums help or hurt peace. Such votes can be uniquely powerful tools for addressing sovereignty incompatibilities driving armed conflict. However, dangerous outcomes include mass violence, intensified polarization, and the undermining peace agreement implementation. Based on 31 case studies and elite interviews conducted in Colombia, Cyprus, East Timor, Indonesia, and South Sudan, this article elaborates an analytical framework for the uses of referendums in peace processes and identifies specific benefits and risks associated with differing types. I argue that referendums can improve peacemaking and conditions for implementing negotiated settlements when they are well-designed and well-implemented.
States undergoing turbulent processes of democratisation frequently use illiberal peace-building methods to manage civil wars, as it enables them to secure order with the lowest risk. However, the existing literature on illiberal peace-building does not explain why governments sometimes opt for more liberal means, despite the risks involved. To explore this question, the paper draws on original primary sources and secondary evidence to compare the Indonesian government’s management of two civil wars during democratisation. The Papua and East Timor cases constitute an ideal comparative case study as the government took starkly different approaches to managing conflict in each region, within the same period. While East Timor was resolved via liberal methods, the Papua conflict was managed via illiberal means. I argue that two dimensions need greater recognition and interrogation within the existing illiberal peace-building framework to explain this difference: first, the role of shifting internal power balances within national political elites, especially civilian-military relations and the relative power of moderates; and, second, the influence of external actors on these internal power balances.
This introductory chapter situates the book within contemporary scholarship on Timor-Leste. It presents the theoretical framework for the study, drawing on Benedict Anderson’s thesis of ‘imagined communities’ and incorporating anthropological theories of symbols. Symbolic capital is of critical importance to the study, since it is this capital that gives the symbols and the actors that use them power and influence. Consequently, sociological theories of symbolic capital by Pierre Bourdieu and of symbolic conflict are outlined. The chapter then offers a brief history of the half-island and an overview of East Timorese nationalism since its formal stirrings in the 1970s. It traces the evolution of national identity from the original Maubere identity through to contemporary state narratives that place the tenets of funu (struggle) and terus (suffering) at the fore of official ‘East Timorese-ness’.
This chapter analyses monuments and memorials as key markers of national identity, embedded in the landscape. Taking examples of military, religious, and civilian monuments and memorials, it explores the symbolic representation of struggle and suffering as core tenets of contemporary East Timorese nationalism. Memorials and commemorative monuments take on a heightened significance in post-conflict states, especially in the East Timorese context where the presence of the dead is keenly felt and believed to have an active influence on social life. An analysis of these identity symbols reveals numerous symbolic conflicts: from the appropriation of nationalist figures by the Indonesian state and post-independence re-appropriation by the East Timorese people, to grassroots memorials that claim ownership of key symbols of nationalism that had previously been monopolised by the resistance-era leadership. Memorials and commemorations built at a grassroots level raise issues of victimhood and recognition, and an analysis of the Santa Cruz memorial elucidates how state national identity narratives can be contested, negotiated, and influenced from the bottom-up.
A Guerra da Beatriz (Beatriz's War) (2013) has been heralded as the first feature film to be produced by Timor-Leste, a country with one of the smallest film industries in the world. The film provides a fictional account of the Indonesian occupation of Timor-Leste over a 28- year period. It is told from the perspective of Beatriz and, against the background of actual historical events, follows her story through three decades of occupation and resistance. In placing a female protagonist at the centre of narrative events, the film declares an affinity with a history of international cinema that privileges female experience. This essay identifies a relationship between A Guerra da Beatriz and the women's film, a subcategory of classical Hollywood melodrama, in order to survey the productive intersection between the two. Building on this reading of female point of view, this paper explores the context of A Guerra da Beatriz's production and its address to the audience. Central to this address is not only the emphasis on female experience, but the way this is rendered against the backdrop of actual past events.
Legal pluralism has vast policy and governance implications. In developing countries, for instance, non-state justice systems often handle most disputes and retain substantial autonomy and authority. Legal pluralism's importance, however, is rarely recognized and dramatically under theorized. This article advances scholarly understanding of legal pluralism both theoretically and empirically. It proposes a new typological framework for conceptualizing legal pluralism through four distinct archetypes – combative, competitive, cooperative, and complementary – to help clarify the range of relationships between state and non-state actors. It posits five main strategies used by domestic and international actors in attempts to influence the relationship between state and non-state justice systems: bridging, harmonization, incorporation, subsidization, and repression. As post-conflict situations are fluid and can feature a wide range of relationships between state and non-state actors, they are particularly instructive for showing how legal pluralism archetypes can be shifted over time. Case studies from Timor-Leste and Afghanistan highlight that selecting an appropriate policy is vital for achieving sustainable positive outcomes. Strategies that rely on large scale spending or even the use of substantial military force in isolation are unlikely to be successful. The most promising approaches are culturally intelligible and constructively engage non-state justice networks of authority and legitimacy to collectively advance the judicial state-building process. While the case studies focus on post-conflict states, the theory presented can help understand and improve efforts to promote the rule of law as well as good governance and development more broadly in all legally pluralist settings.
Although the Genocide Convention was already adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1945, it was only in the late 1990s that groups of activists emerged calling for military interventions to halt mass atrocities. The question of who these anti-genocide activists are and what motivates them to call for the use of violence to end violence is undoubtedly worthy of exploration. Based on extensive field research, Anti-genocide Activists and the Responsibility to Protect analyses the ideological convictions that motivate two groups of anti-genocide activists: East Timor solidarity activists and Responsibility to Protect (R2P)-advocates. The book argues that there is an existential undercurrent to the call for mass atrocity interventions; that mass atrocities shock the activists’ belief in a humanity that they hold to be sacred. The book argues that the ensuing rise of anti-genocide activism signals a shift in humanitarian sensibilities to human suffering and violence which may have substantial implications for moral judgements on human lives at peril in the humanitarian and human rights community. This book provides a fascinating insight into the worldviews of activists which will be of interest to practitioners and researchers of human rights activism, humanitarian advocacy and peace building.
O projeto Timor perseguiu como principal finalidade avaliar o impacto da implementação da
recente reestruturação do Ensino Secundário Geral em Timor-Leste, concretizada numa lógica de
cooperação internacional envolvendo Portugal.
Para a sua consecução e na confluência das teorias relativas a Evidence based policy, Teoria da
mudança e Monitorização e Avaliação, optou-se por um estudo predominantemente qualitativo.
No âmbito das duas fases do trabalho empírico, participaram entidades dirigentes, formadores
portugueses e formadores, professores e alunos timorenses de 20 escolas dos distritos de Díli, Liquiçá
e Ermera.
Relativamente à recolha de dados, privilegiaram-se as técnicas de análise documental, inquirição
e observação direta.
Os resultados apresentados no âmbito deste artigo permitiram concluir que este país enfrenta
enormes desafios, designadamente ao nível i) da organização, funcionamento e condições das
escolas; ii) da formação inicial, pós-graduada e contínua dos professores, ao nível científico,
linguístico, didático e curricular e iii) das próprias conceções e práticas de ensino e de aprendizagem
para poderem levar a cabo, com sucesso e qualidade, tão exigente mas valorizada reforma.
Surveys are a valuable complement to field research and quantitative objective data. A small survey of the perception of security in Timor-Leste following the departure of UN peacekeepers shows most reporting that security has continued to improve. More vulnerable respondents are however more likely to regret the UN exit. Retrospectively the evaluation of the UN is largely positively, but few regret that the mission has completed.
When do religious organizations develop human rights platforms during violent internal conflicts? This article offers the first comparative study to address this question and focuses on religious organizations in El Salvador, Peru, Turkey, and Indonesia. It identifies two causal factors to explain variation in religious human rights activism in these four countries: (1) transnational religious ideas and linkages, and (2) the nature of the state-religion relationship. First, Vatican II and Liberation theology significantly contributed to the rise of religious human rights activism in El Salvador and Peru. Similar transitional linkages were absent in Turkey and Indonesia. Next, the more conflictual nature of the state-religion relationship in El Salvador explains why the Salvadorian Church pursued a more determined human rights agenda than its Peruvian counterpart. A similarly conflictual state-religion relationship contributed to the presence of Islamic human rights activism in Turkey, and a less conflictual relationship prevented its emergence in Indonesia.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.