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L’(in)action publique face aux squats discrets à Paris et à Madrid: Déni d’agenda et autonomisation de la sécurisation : comment la méconnaissance du territoire bloque les politiques publiques
Abstract
Si les travaux sur les squats en Europe sont abondants, ils portent plus aisément sur les « centres sociaux » et laissent bien souvent de côté les squats « discrets » qui ne correspondent pas nécessairement à des formes de protestation ouverte : ceux qui sont le fait de populations très précaires, pour des périodes courtes, ou de « trafics », et exclusivement dédiés au logement. Nous proposons d’intégrer ces squats discrets aux typologies européennes par une exploration des modes de gouvernance construits autour de ces occupations, dans les régions parisienne et madrilène. Nous montrons que leur discrétion, liée à l’absence de constitution d’un savoir et de bases de données par les acteurs et les chercheurs, empêche l’émergence d’un problème public et l’institutionnalisation de politiques publiques les prenant pour cible. Cet article s’inscrit à la croisée de la littérature sur les squats et de celle sur l’action publique, plus particulièrement celle s’intéressant à la mise sur agenda de problèmes publics.
... Ogget- to di conflitti spesso demagogici, al centro di un flusso continuo di informazioni e di reportage mediatici, evidenzia i problemi del mercato immobiliare e delle politiche edilizie nelle città europee. I Governi locali e nazionali giocano spesso la carta dell'igno- ranza per depoliticizzare questioni nelle quali preferiscono non spendersi (Aguilera 2014). ...
In questo articolo definiamo una baraccopoli co- me l’occupazione, più o meno duratura, di un terreno sul quale sono costruite, di solito in modo informale e precario, abitazioni fatte con materiali di recupero, dotate o meno di un accesso alle infrastrutture di servizio (acqua ed elettricità), e senza accesso alla rete fognaria.
D’altro canto, se la constatazione di una persistenza, o persino di una crescita, del numero di abitanti delle baraccopoli nel mondo è unanime, i pareri divergono sulle cause e sul ruolo svolto dalle politi- che pubbliche. Mentre le organizzazioni internazionali si stupiscono di una supposta inefficienza o del fallimento delle politiche di elimi- nazione delle baraccopoli, noi riteniamo che in Europa proprio tali politiche contribuiscano a creare situazioni di illegalità urbana e di vulnerabilità sociale e residenziale. Nel contesto europeo1 le attuali bidonville sono infatti il prodotto di politiche pubbliche realizzate nel corso del Novecento e negli ultimi anni e non solo il risultato di “in- vasioni migratorie”, come a volte sembrano indicare alcuni intellettua- li e dirigenti politici (Cousin e Vitale 2012). Stati e collettività locali hanno ampiamente contribuito a fare delle baraccopoli una sfida strutturale per le metropoli: talora dimenticate o considerate solo come un problema, sono sempre ben reali per migliaia di cittadini. In maniera ciclica, e secondo i Paesi, l’attenzione accordata, gli strumenti impiegati e le configurazioni dei conflitti sociali mutano, ma logiche politiche analoghe possono essere individuate su scala europea.
1. Migrazioni ed etnicizzazione della povertà
1.1 Manodopera straniera in Francia
1.2 Chabolas e gitanos in Spagna
1.3 Italia: dalle migrazioni interne alle migrazioni rom
2. Un’azione pubblica dai molteplici volti
2.1 Sovrapposizione di forme di azione, alla francese
2.2 La pianificazione selettiva spagnola
2.3 Italia: frammentazione, innovazione e discriminazione
3. La baraccopoli, un oggetto politico depoliticizzato
3.1 Ignorare per non agire
3.2 Depoliticizzare per marginalizzare
Cet article analyse une Icône parisienne de la friche artistique dite « métropolitaine », le 6B. Ce dernier peut être analysé comme le moteur d’un double mouvement d’inclusion de la banlieue dans les imaginaires de la critique artiste, et d’exclusion de ses populations dans ses suites immobilières. Pour le groupe immobilier propriétaire, et la plupart de ses locataires, il s’agit bien de transformer l’espace et sa population, de faire grandir Paris, sans autre revendication politique apparente que celui de constituer une avant-garde artistique et urbanistique. À l’inverse, la Briche se revendique contre-culture, contre-ville, anti-métropole créative ...
This article examines the evolution and the organization of francophone urban studies. Based on a review of the first twenty one issues of Métropoles, the paper examines the construction and development of this scientific field within the French scientific context and in terms of international scientific trends. Four dimensions are proposed in turn: the disciplinary balances, the objects considered, the areas covered and the methodologies followed. The paper reveals the significant place occupied by public policy analysis, which attracts many authors, notably from geography and urbanism. Since its creation, Métropoles has progressively adopted the debates and concepts that mark the English-speaking community. However, this paper reveals a limited interest for theoretical and political reflection. This paper also offers a number of perspectives which might enrich and renew cumulative research.
Since the mid-2000’s, several Anglophone authors have reevaluated the role of cities from the Global South within urban studies and the production of urban theory, seeking to break with the previous normative approach. As a result of this changing epistemological perspective, a network has been created to destabilize Northern theory and to problematize urban theory from the South. The concept of urban informality has become a key notion in this reproblematization of urban studies from the South. Taking into account these epistemological dynamics, our aim is to investigate this north-south divide within urban and planning studies. To what extent can the notion of informality, which was developed to explain southern urban societies, also be useful to understand urban dynamics in the North? Building on a shift from economic informality to political informality, we study the reconfigurations of public policies in cities spanning the north-south divide. We focus on the plurality of public policies and the ways in which they tolerate, or in some cases regulate, informal economic activities. This research is based on a critical theoretical analysis as well as field observations of street vendors and migrants in Genova (Italy) and street car repair in Seine Saint Denis (Paris suburbs).
The history of squatting in Paris is animated by a conflict between the autonomous and the institutionalised wings of the squatting movement, mainly between artists, autonomous and housing activists. This conflict opposes diverse groups of squatters who get unequal resources, who differ on their practical and intellectual conception of squatting, on their internal organisation, on their goals, and their attitudes towards public authorities. This chapter shows how the internal divides of the squatting movement in Paris have fluctuated through different cycles of mobilisation. Aguilera supplements this analysis with a specific focus on the uses of the squatted spaces and the relationships between squatters and authorities.
Squatting in abandoned houses and buildings in Spanish cities has been a continuous occurrence since the early 1980s. CSOAs (Centros Sociales Okupados y Autogestionados/Squatted and Self-Managed Social Centres) acquired greater public importance than buildings squatted only for housing purposes. Nevertheless, both forms of squatting have taken place simultaneously. This article delineates the main characteristics of this movement by taking into consideration: (a) spatial trends, (b) the ideological principles, (c) attempts at coordination and (d) the interrelationship with other social movements. This exercise develops a working definition of the squatters' movement in Spain which allows us to argue that its repertoire of protest and political objectives represents an innovation in the cycle of alter-globalization demonstrations which the squatters' movement has actively joined.
In cities across the globe there is mounting evidence of growing mobilization by members of the so‐called ‘creative class’ in urban social movements, defending particular urban spaces and influencing urban development. This essay discusses the meaning of such developments with reference to the hypothesis made by David Harvey in Spaces of Capital about the increasing mobilization of cultural producers in oppositional movements in an era of wholesale instrumentalization of culture and ‘creativity’ in contemporary processes of capitalist urbanization. After briefly reviewing recent scholarly contributions on the transformations of urban social movements, as well as Harvey's hypothesis about the potential role of cultural producers in mobilizations for the construction of ‘spaces of hope’, the essay describes two specific urban protests that have occurred in Berlin and Hamburg in recent years: the fight for Berlin's waterfront in the Media Spree area, and the conflict centred on the Gängeviertel in Hamburg. In both protests artists, cultural producers and creative milieux have played a prominent role. The essay analyses the composition, agenda, contribution and contradictions of the coalitions behind the protests, discussing whether such movements represent the seeds of new types of coalitions with a wide‐ranging agenda for urban change. The essay finally proposes a future research agenda on the role of artists, cultural producers and the ‘creative class’ in urban social movements across the globe.
Résumé
Dans les villes à travers le monde, on constate une mobilisation croissante des membres de la classe dite ‘créative’ dans des mouvements sociaux urbains afin de défendre certains espaces de la ville ou d'influencer l'urbanisme. La signification de ces évolutions est analysée en référence à l'hypothèse qu'a formulée David Harvey dans Spaces of Capital sur la mobilisation accrue des producteurs culturels dans des mouvements contestataire à l'ère de l'instrumentalisation massive de la culture et de la ‘créativité’ dans les processus contemporains d'urbanisation capitaliste. Après une courte étude des récentes contributions sur les transformations des mouvements sociaux urbains et de l'hypothèse d'Harvey sur le rôle potentiel des producteurs culturels dans les mobilisations en vue d'élaborer des ‘espaces d'espoir’, deux contestations urbaines qui ont eu lieu ces dernières années à Berlin et Hambourg sont présentées: le combat pour les quais de Berlin dans le projet Media Spree et le conflit centré sur le Gängeviertel hambourgeois. Dans les deux cas, artistes, producteurs culturels et milieux créatifs ont joué un rôle déterminant. Cet essai analyse la composition, le programme, la contribution et les contradictions des coalitions qui soutiennent les contestations, tout en cherchant à savoir si ces mouvements sont les germes de nouveaux types de coalitions dont l'agenda se diversifie en faveur du changement urbain. Pour finir, un programme de recherches est proposé sur le rôle des artistes, des producteurs culturels et de la ‘classe créative’ dans les mouvements sociaux urbains à travers le monde.
In this article we analyse the bottom-up response to the lack of social and cultural services in a post-industrial area of Milan (Italy) as a revealing experience of social innovation. Leoncavallo, a self-managed and Leftist social, cultural and political centre established in 1975, represents a peculiar approach to the management of collective services in a participative and informal way, based on the principle of autogestione (self-management). Through an interesting process of `flexible institutionalization', this collective agent has been able to survive the post-1968 era, evolving nowadays into an important political actor in the national and international scenes. From an organizational point of view, the analysis shows how social innovation processes (Moulaert et al., 1990) are strongly related to the social enterprise logic and to the spatial dimension (at different scales): both the management of sense-making processes and the `enactment' of physical spaces (frames) by the activists and by the users of Leoncavallo provide the opportunity to combine the economic, political and social dimensions. This leads in the direction of a `glocal' development, focused on human needs and potentialities as fields for the building of an active citizenship.
Developing an agenda for the social study of ignorance, this paper introduces the sociology of strategic unknowns: the investigation of the multifaceted ways that ignorance can be harnessed as a resource, enabling knowledge to be deflected, obscured, concealed or magnified in a way that increases the scope of what remains unintelligible. In contrast to theoretical preoccupations that underlie the study of knowledge accumulation, a focus on the importance of strategic unknowns resists the tendency to value knowledge over ignorance or to assume that the procurement of more knowledge is linked in an automatic or a linear fashion to the attainment of more social or political power. Refining and challenging the assumption that modern liberal societies inevitably thrive on the accumulation of information about the public personas, private psyches, consumer habits or political proclivities of citizens, the papers in the special issue explore how the cultivation of strategic unknowns remains a resource – perhaps the greatest resource – for those in a position of power and those subject to it.
Squatting as a housing strategy and as a tool of urban social movements accompanies the development of capitalist cities worldwide. We argue that the dynamics of squatter movements are directly connected to strategies of urban renewal in that movement conjunctures occur when urban regimes are in crisis. An analysis of the history of Berlin squatter movements, their political context and their effects on urban policies since the 1970s, clearly shows how massive mobilizations at the beginning of the 1980s and in the early 1990s developed in a context of transition in regimes of urban renewal. The crisis of Fordist city planning at the end of the 1970s provoked a movement of "rehab squatting" ('Instandbesetzung'), which contributed to the institutionalization of "cautious urban renewal" ('behutsame Stadterneuerung') in an important way. The second rupture in Berlin's urban renewal became apparent in 1989 and 1990, when the necessity of restoring whole inner-city districts constituted a new, budget-straining challenge for urban policymaking. Whilst in the 1980s the squatter movement became a central condition for and a political factor of the transition to "cautious urban renewal," in the 1990s large-scale squatting — mainly in the eastern parts of the city — is better understood as an alien element in times of neoliberal urban restructuring.
Arquitectura de las ciudades y seguridad
Los actuales proyectos de «recalificación urbana » de los grandes conjuntos de vivienda social en París exhiben claramente sus objetivos en cuanto a la seguridad. Las exposiciones de motivos se ocupan poco de las particularidades arquitectónicas y urbanas de cada unidad habitacional o de las dificultades sociales de los habitantes. Bajo la égida del modelo anglosajón de las «gated communities », el concepto de sectorización apunta a despejar toda circulación o agrupación indeseables. Los actores asociados a estas operaciones se preguntan sobre la conveniencia y eficacia de medidas de protección espacial que resultan obsoletas en la era de los teléfonos celulares.
This work addresses the issues of security, social control and focuses on the problem of the production of order in urban spaces such as railway stations and shopping centers. Which actors follow which security policies towards which social groups and why? The answer is based on theoretical work and on fieldwork carried out in four sites: two railway stations and two shopping centers in Lyon and Milan. The methods employed include direct observation, more than 90 interviews and archival research. To explain how order is produced, it is necessary to articulate the various levels of analysis in sociology (micro, meso, macro). The thesis is therefore organized around three problems. The first problem is that of the actors of the production of order and the stakes which animate the definition of the security policies that they implement. Private actors and public actors are animated by different logics which depend on the stakes of their auspices. The police have stakes of public order, which lead them to follow specific security policies. Shopping centers and railway companies have commercial stakes, which lead them to follow different policies. Competition within the same space creates tensions which are resolved differently in France and Italy according to the institutional context. The second problem is that of the power relationships one can find at the micro level on each space between the actors of the production of order and the populations considered as potentially threatening. Fieldwork shows that the majority of these populations manage to establish a power relationship that constrains organizations to implement more tolerant security policies. The actual security policies are not just socially defined, they emerge out of the micro-level daily interactions with the deviant populations. The third problem is that of the relationship between the production of order and immigration. In Lyon and Milan, in both shopping centers and both railway stations, the populations considered as threatening by the police and commercial stakeholders are invariably the immigrants in Italy and the children of immigrants in France. This finding raises a problem of interpretation: is the penal focus on immigrants a functional response to over-delinquency or is it over-criminalization of particular social groups? Data show that the question cannot be reduced to the over-delinquency of immigrants, nor it is a by-product of the labor market. In the two countries, interviews reveal "us"/"them" classifications based on immigration. Immigrants incrimination relies therefore not only on rational-action schemes. This work therefore suggests the formulation of a functionalist hypothesis of the incrimination of the immigrants: in European societies facing profound social change, to merge the issues of crime and immigration may enhance the solidarity of the mainstream social group.
In recent years a rich outpouring of case studies on community decision-making has been combined with a noticeable lack of generalizations based on them. One reason for this is a commonplace: we have no general theory, no broad-gauge model in terms of which widely different case studies can be systematically compared and contrasted.
Among the obstacles to the development of such a theory is a good deal of confusion about the nature of power and of the things that differentiate it from the equally important concepts of force, influence, and authority. These terms have different meanings and are of varying relevance; yet in nearly all studies of community decision-making published to date, power and influence are used almost interchangeably, and force and authority are neglected. The researchers thereby handicap themselves. For they utilize concepts which are at once too broadly and too narrowly drawn: too broadly, because important distinctions between power and influence are brushed over; and too narrowly, because other concepts are disregarded—concepts which, had they been brought to bear, might have altered the findings radically.
Many investigators have also mistakenly assumed that power and its correlatives are activated and can be observed only in decisionmaking situations. They have overlooked the equally, if not more important area of what might be called “nondecision-making”, i.e. , the practice of limiting the scope of actual decisionmaking to “safe” issues by manipulating the dominant community values, myths, and political institutions and procedures. To pass over this is to neglect one whole “face” of power.
Le squat est le plus souvent appréhendé par les sciences sociales sous l’angle des mobilisations collectives. L’idée de « droit à la ville » est au cœur de la rhétorique des squatteurs politiques et de leurs répertoires d’action. Les auteurs reviennent, dans cet article, sur cette hypothèse en mobilisant des résultats d’enquêtes réalisées à Paris, à Marseille et à Madrid. Il s’agira alors d’évoquer un tout autre visage du squat, souvent négligé car plus discret : celui des squats de « pauvreté », occupés par les citadins les plus démunis et disqualifiés.
Governing illegalisms
Informal and illegal housing as squats persist in cities despite the fact that the rights of private property are fundamental in France. For a long time legal sociologists have been very interested in the management and the regulation of such “illegalisms” by agents of the state. They show that public laws are differently applied and implemented, depending on the population they target. Nevertheless, in this paper, we address the Paris municipality’s ability to govern “illegalisms” actively – and not merely to come to terms with it –, to implement public policies and develop a strategy of action and planning. Elected representatives can act as mediators between squatters, the state, and owners in order to manage conflicts. Above all, governing the city means orienting behaviors, imposing choices, distributing resources and controlling occupations by building policy instruments and urban planning strategies. Finally, local representatives select and categorize the targets – recipients and victims.
Based on two case studies and a sample survey of 51 cities, this study attempts to explain why some urban political systems treat air pollution as a "non-issue.," demonstrating that it is possible to explain why some political decisions do not occur.
From the governing of cities to urban governance. Patrick Le Galès.
The concept of urban governance is introduced and discussed in order to show the extent to which centre-periphery relations and institutional analysis no longer explain city government changes in Britain and France. Two middle range concepts, urban growth coalitions and urban regimes, are analysed and criticised for being too American. Instead of focusing on a problem-solving approach to urban governance, a more sociological approach is suggested.
Taking as a starting point praxeological sociology that focuses on the « manufacture » of law, this article attempts to describe the categorization work carried out by various government officials engaged in the eviction procedure for squats. It shows initially that the squatters’ social-economic weakness is generally obscured by the stigma of deviance. But within this general repressive framework, a certain number of differentiations can be observed. Te child figure seems more effective in diverting stigma, whereas the fact of being a young, male foreigner is to the squatters’ disadvantage. Tese ad hoc classifications, which determine how procedures are translated into acts, update the dialectic between « true » and « false » poverty, which is the basis for the reversibility of a social policy ready to change itself into repression against the targeted populations.
The news media are frequently accused of portraying politics as a strategic game rather than focusing on political issues. However, the understanding of the prevalence of different news frames in the media coverage of politics is limited in several respects. This article seeks to contribute to remedying this by (1) conducting a longitudinal analysis of the use of different news frames during election periods as well as in everyday politics, (2) adopting an analytical framework including several different types of process focus, and (3) pointing to the importance of including political developments alongside changes in the media system when explaining developments in the news coverage of politics. The empirical analysis of twenty years of public radio news in Denmark confirms a long-term trend toward greater focus on electoral consequences in news stories in election periods; however, the trend is not mirrored in news stories when an election is not imminent. In explaining these findings, situational factors related to the political system and party politics must be included alongside explanations pointing toward an increasing professionalization of political parties as well as long-term changes in the media system and in party competition.
In contemporary debates on risk in modern societies, on reflexive modernity and a general crisis of knowledge, concepts and terms such as ignorance, non-knowledge or negative knowledge are used to denote that there can be knowledge about what is not known. Many of these terms are not only used with different meanings, sometimes antithetic to one another in their implications, but they often propose tree-like taxonomies without broaching the issue of the further connectivity of different types of unknowns between the limbs of the tree. In this article, an attempt is made to simplify and integrate different connotations in sociological usage of concepts that try to grasp the unknown and to outline the dynamic and recursive relations of these types of knowledge and the way they can change over time. This is illustrated with examples from large-scale ecological design projects.
Recent governmental responses to hunger, homelessness, domestic violence, and other social problems have treated these problems as emergencies. Typically, this means that governments will allocate funds to nonprofit community agencies to provide temporary relief. Emergency designation permits quick responses to ameliorate presenting problems, relaxation of concerns over eligibility and equity, and postponing confrontation with more deeply rooted underlying conditions. Emergency responses to social problems can be unstable, however. Their dramatic character may recruit people in need to seek relief, while the newsworthiness of emergencies attracts mass attention to the problem.
As several authors have shown, culture is becoming a key tool of the urban planning kit. It is used by urban decision-makers to create symbolic and economic values, which are often considered as a competitive advantage for cities. Nevertheless, when so many cities are using the same strategies, to what extent does culture-led planning allow a city to distinguish itself?Here, we ask whether alternative cultures can lead to an urban resistance against these sanitised and homogenised cityscapes. Alternative cultures provide both cultural spaces and unique urban experiences, but can also give a place a new type of symbolic value. How can these alternative cultures be used by planners to pioneer urban regeneration projects? How are they influenced by cultural policies? Are they attracting other urbanites, such as the gentrification theories argue, or do they reveal a large diffusion of conditions of works and constraints in everyday life?Based on several examples in Paris, this paper intends to show the shift in the attitude of planners and authorities toward what we call off cultural scenes. Increasingly, these decision-makers are accepting of and entering into discussions with off artists, using them as pioneers in urban developments and copying their approach in new cultural projects. Many of these changes illustrate the willingness of the current mayor of Paris to promote the city as a creative and open place to work, invest, create and live. Later, this paper will analyse these changes with respect to three case studies and address several questions: How does the presence of off artist spaces help to balance an overly sanitised urban project? What is the value of these off spaces to cultural planning? How do off spaces, such as artist squats, inspire new cultural policies? Do off cultural scenes promote or generate gentrification or, rather, reveal a global socio-economic trend which re-valorises inner-city locations? Finally, our work here leads to a reappraisal and serves as a reminder of the importance of serendipity in urban life and, thus, in urban planning.
Politicians are motivated primarily by the desire to avoid blame for unpopular actions rather than by seeking to claim credit for popular ones. This results from voters' ‘negativity bias’: their tendency to be more sensitive to real or potential losses than they are to gains. Incentives to avoid blame lead politicians to adopt a distinctive set of political strategies, including agenda limitation, scapegoating, ‘passing the buck’ and defection (‘jumping on the bandwagon’) that are different than those they would follow if they were primarily interested in pursuing good policy or maximizing credit-claiming opportunities. These strategies in turn lead to important policy effects, including a surrender of discretion even when it offers important credit-claiming opportunities.
The transition from fast spontaneous urbanisation in southern Europe, with popular squatting as a form of civil disobedience, to 'new social movements' (NSMs) for democratic globalisation in cities, is taking place in the context of a broader transition. In the 20th century, there were unstable politics, civil wars and also still dictatorships in the south, which contributed in a north-south divide in Europe, engulfing civil societies, the welfare state, planning and grassroots mobilisations for a 'right to the city'. This paper focuses on social transformation during the 21st century and points to three directions. First, it explores the nature of several NSMs as urban social movements (USMs) organised by loosely networked cosmopolitan collectivities, social centres and flaneur activists demanding a 'right to the city', and interprets this with reference to globalisation, democratisation and the Europeanisation of southern civil societies. Secondly, it unveils innovative forms of'urban' mobilisations in the south, influencing the rest of the Europe: squatting in the past, social centres and the ESF (both starting in Italy) at present. Thirdly, it traces transformations of USMs between two centuries and argues about the deconstruction of the north-south divide in Europe with regard to movements and definitions of the 'right to the city'. Mediterranean USMs have offered new insights and have broadened geographical imaginations in Europe.
Phénomène urbain mondial, les résidences « fermées » ou « sécurisées » ont fait leur apparition sur le marché immobilier français dans les grandes métropoles (Paris, Lyon, Bordeaux) ou encore Nantes, Dijon, Aix-en-Provence... Au sein de l'agglomération de Toulouse précisément, leur succès s'explique, d'après l'auteur, par des enjeux immobiliers que les promoteurs exploitent dans le cadre d'une offre commerciale attractive en matière de sécurité. Toutefois, il conviendrait de relativiser la portée sociale du phénomène de fermeture résidentielle par le cadre historique de l'habitat privé, entériné dans le droit national sous la notion de propriété, infirmant l'interprétation de « privatisation de l'espace public » souvent invoquée.
On any given day, policymakers are required to address a multitude of problems and make decisions about a variety of issues, from the economy and education to health care and defense. This has been true for years, but until now no studies have been conducted on how politicians manage the flood of information from a wide range of sources. How do they interpret and respond to such inundation? Which issues do they pay attention to and why? Bryan D. Jones and Frank R. Baumgartner answer these questions on decision-making processes and prioritization in The Politics of Attention. Analyzing fifty years of data, Jones and Baumgartner's book is the first study of American politics based on a new information-processing perspective. The authors bring together the allocation of attention and the operation of governing institutions into a single model that traces public policies, public and media attention to them, and governmental decisions across multiple institutions. The Politics of Attention offers a groundbreaking approach to American politics based on the responses of policymakers to the flow of information. It asks how the system solves, or fails to solve, problems rather than looking to how individual preferences are realized through political action.
"Everyone knows 'drunk driving' is a 'serious' offense. And yet, everyone knows lots of 'drunk drivers' who don't get involved in accidents, don't get caught by the police, and manage to compensate adequately for their 'drunken disability.' Everyone also knows of 'drunk drivers' who have been arrested and gotten off easy. Gusfield's book dissects the conventional wisdom about 'drinking-driving' and examines the paradox of a 'serious' offense that is usually treated lightly by the judiciary and rarely carries social stigma."âMac Marshall, Social Science and Medicine "A sophisticated and thoughtful critic. . . . Gusfield argues that the 'myth of the killer drunk' is a creation of the 'public culture of law.' . . . Through its dramatic development and condemnation of the anti-social character of the drinking-driver, the public law strengthens the illusion of moral consensus in American society and celebrates the virtues of a sober and orderly world."âJames D. Orcutt, Sociology and Social Research "Joseph Gusfield denies neither the role of alcohol in highway accidents nor the need to do something about it. His point is that the research we conduct on drinking-driving and the laws we make to inhibit it tells us more about our moral order than about the effects of drinking-driving itself. Many will object to this conclusion, but none can ignore it. Indeed, the book will put many scientific and legal experts on the defensive as they face Gusfield's massive erudition, pointed analysis and criticism, and powerful argumentation. In The Culture of Public Problems, Gusfield presents the experts, and us, with a masterpiece of sociological reasoning."âBarry Schwartz, American Journal of Sociology This book is truly an outstanding achievement. . . . It is sociology of science, sociology of law, sociology of deviance, and sociology of knowledge. Sociologists generally should find the book of great theoretical interest, and it should stimulate personal reflection on their assumptions about science and the kind of consciousness it creates. They will also find that the book is a delight to read."âWilliam B. Bankston, Social Forces
Les migrants exclus du logement de droit commun sont aujourd’hui susceptibles de connaître trois types de situation en matière d’hébergement : l’exploitation, la précarité et l’illégalité. Après avoir précisé ce que recouvrent ces termes, cet article s’attache à décrire plus précisément l’expérience de l’illégalité, c’est-à-dire du squat, entendu comme occupation sans droit ni titre d’un logement vacant. La très grande fragilité sociale qu’il indique et qu’il engendre à la fois font du squat un analyseur opérant des mécanismes de production de la misère. Mais son caractère éminemment autonome à l’égard des structures institutionnelles est également révélateur de compétences et de ressources insoupçonnées, tant de la part des migrants en provenance de pays pauvres que de jeunes occidentaux communément désignés comme « marginaux ». Structurellement lié à la mobilité, le squat peut au final être lu comme un lieu de résistance à la pauvreté, ainsi qu’à l’injonction de sédentarisation faite aux pauvres de nos sociétés.
« Agenda Setting and the Denial of Agenda Access: Key Concepts
- R W Cobb
- M H Ross
Okupaciones de viviendas y de centros sociales. Autogestion, contracultura y conflictos urbanos, Virus cronica
- M Martinez
Les politiques du squat, scènes de la vie d'un quartier populaire
- I Coutant
« Berlin : le squat comme outil d'émancipation féministe
- É Gaillard
Social Protest and Policy Change: Ecology, Antinuclear, and Peace Movements in Comparative Perspective
- M Giugni
« Resisting and Challenging Neoliberalism
- P Mudu
« Les squats dans la Région Ile-de-France
- P Quercy
Droit Au Logement, genèse et sociologie d'une mobilisation
- C Pechu
Squatting in Europe: radical spaces, urban struggles, Minor Compositions/ Autonomedia
- Squatting Europe Kollective