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We offer the first systematic quantitative meta-analysis on sex differences in humor production ability. We included studies where participants created humor output that was assessed for funniness by independent raters. Our meta-analysis includes 36 effect sizes from 28 studies published between 1976 and 2018 (N = 5057, 67% women). Twenty of the 36 effect sizes, accounting for 61% of the participants, were not previously published. Results based on random-effects model revealed that men’s humor output was rated as funnier than women’s, with a combined effect size d = 0.321. Results were robust across various moderators and study characteristics, and multiple tests indicated that publication bias is unlikely. Both evolutionary and cultural explanations were considered and discussed.
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Title: Sex differences in humor production ability: A meta-analysis
Gil Greengross (corresponding author), Paul J. Silvia , and Emily C. Nusbaum
1. Department of Psychology, Penbryn 5, Penglais Campus, Aberystwyth University,
Aberystwyth, UK, SY23 3UX. Tel: 01970 622120. Email:
2. Department of Psychology, University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 296 Eberhart
Bldg, PO Box 26170, Greensboro, NC 27402-6170.
3. Department of Psychology, University of North Carolina at Greensboro, PO Box
26170, Greensboro, NC 27402-6170.
We thank the following researchers for providing unpublished data and other information
included in our meta-analysis: Ori Amir, Mathias Benedek, Judit Boda-Ujlaky, Dov
Cohen, Glenn Geher, Varda Inglis, Olivia Jewell, Scott Barry Kaufman, Barry
Kudrowitz, Karl-Heinz Renner, Vassilis Saroglou, and Shoshana Shiloh.
Author contribution: Conception of the study – GG, PS, EN. Searching for studies, data
collection, coding: GG, PS. Data analysis and interpretation: GG, PS, EN. Drafting the
article: GG. Critical revisions and final approval of the article: GG, PS, EN.
1 2
We offer the first systematic quantitative meta-analysis on sex differences in humor
production ability. We included studies where participants created humor output that was
assessed for funniness by independent raters. Our meta-analysis includes 36 effect sizes
from 28 studies published between 1976 and 2018 (N = 5057, 67% women). Twenty of
the 36 effect sizes, accounting for 61% of the participants, were not previously published.
Results based on random-effects model revealed that men’s humor output was rated as
funnier than women’s, with a combined effect size d = 0.321. Results were robust across
various moderators and study characteristics, and multiple tests indicated that publication
bias is unlikely. Both evolutionary and cultural explanations were considered and
Keywords: Humor; humor production ability; sex differences; evolutionary psychology;
Public Significance Statements
This meta-analysis suggests that, on average, men have higher humor production ability
than women, as judged by independent raters assessing the humor produced by both
sexes. This difference is small-to-moderate and may reflect divergent preferences and
experiences of humor for men and women, stemming from evolutionary and
environmental influences.
1. Introduction
There is an ongoing debate about whether men and women differ in their cognitive
abilities, how big the differences are, and how to explain them, if they exist (Halpern,
2011; Halpern et al., 2007; Hyde, 2005, 2014; Lindberg, Hyde, Petersen, & Linn, 2010;
Lippa, Collaer, & Peters, 2010; Spelke, 2005; Voyer, Postma, Brake, & Imperato-
McGinley, 2007; Voyer, Voyer, & Bryden, 1995; Voyer, Voyer, & Saint-Aubin, 2017;
Zell, Krizan, & Teeter, 2015). Humor production ability (HPA)—a cognitive trait defined
as the ability to produce funny remarks, create funny ideas, and make others laugh—is
one such domain (Greengross, 2014; Greengross & Miller, 2011; Hooper, Sharpe, &
Roberts, 2016; Lampert & Ervin-Tripp, 1998; Martin, 2014). Social stereotypes about sex
differences in humor—particularly the stereotype that “women are not funny”—are
culturally pervasive (Hitchens, 2007; Shlesinger, 2017). To date, no systematic review
has evaluated the evidence for whether men and women differ in their humor production
ability. After reviewing different schools of thought that seek to explain the role of
biological sex in humor production, we meta-analytically synthesize the literature that has
accumulated that can inform this question.
1.1. Considering Sex Differences in Humor Production Ability
1.1.1. Evolutionary Explanations
The universality of humor, its early developmental onset, and the fact that humans are not
the only species that smiles and laughs have led researchers to suggest that humor has an
evolutionary basis (Alexander, 1986; Chafe, 1987; Davila-Ross, Owren, & Zimmermann,
2009; Gamble, 2001; Hurley, Dennett, & Adams Jr., 2011; Miller, 2000a; Preuschoft &
Van-Hooff, 1997; Ramachandran, 1998; Viana, 2017; Weisfeld, 1993). The most relevant
evolutionary theory pertaining to the possibility of sex differences in HPA is the mental
fitness indicator theory, an extension of sexual selection theory (Darwin, 1871;
Greengross & Miller, 2011; Howrigan & MacDonald, 2008; Miller, 2000a, 2000b).
According to sexual selection theory, males’ and females’ distinct behaviors and
preferences are shaped due to asymmetrical parental investment (Trivers, 1972). In
sexually reproducing species, the sex that bears the higher costs of reproduction is the
choosier one, in most cases the females. Miller (2000a, 2000b) proposed that various
cognitive capacities, such as language, arts, sports, and humor, evolved through mutual
mate choice to advertise mate quality. These hard-to-fake mental fitness indicators serve
to promulgate one’s cognitive prowess, and are honest signals of intelligence that
underline an individual’s genetic quality. Humor is hypothesized to be one such fitness
indicator, and HPA is positively correlated with various intelligence measures, most
strongly with verbal aptitude (Christensen, Silvia, Nusbaum, & Beaty, 2018; Greengross
& Miller, 2011; Howrigan & MacDonald, 2008; Kellner & Benedek, 2017). The mental
fitness indicator theory proposed by Miller (2000a, 2000b) predicts that since women are
choosier than men, men will be more motivated to advertise HPA in an effort to attract
women, while women will put more effort in selecting mates based on men’s ability to
produce and showcase high levels of HPA. Why should this lead to higher levels of HPA
among men? The answer lies in selection pressures involving a stronger male-male
competition (intra-sexual selection), which drives men to ever improve their HPA in an
effort to be funnier than their rivals in an attempt to attract women. Thus, we expect men
to have a better HPA than women, as there is weaker evolutionary pressure for women to
use humor to attract mates (Miller, 2000b).
Several studies support the various predictions stemming from the evolutionary
explanation for viewing HPA as a sexually selected trait. Across cultures, sense of humor
is found to be a more desirable trait in a mate for women choosing a mate, than for men
(Buss, 1988; Feingold, 1992; Goodwin, 1990; Lippa, 2007; Sprecher & Regan, 2002;
Todosijević, Ljubinković, & Arančić, 2003; Toro-Morn & Sprecher, 2003). However,
one study found no difference (McGee & Shevlin, 2009), and another found the opposite
trend (i.e., that men view women as more attractive and more suitable as mates, when the
women portrayed a great sense of humor, but not the opposite) (Antonovici & Turliuc,
2017). The apparent contradictory results could be explained by the lack of clarity in the
meaning of the term ‘sense of humor’. Saying that someone has a great sense of humor
could mean that the person exhibits a high level of HPA, or that he or she enjoys humor
or laughs often and easily. The lack of distinction leaves participants to have their own
interpretation of the term and to mixed results. To resolve the issue, Bressler et al. (2006)
specifically tested whether women prefer men who display high HPA, and men prefer
women who appreciate their humor. The study found that although both men and women
valued a good sense of humor in their respective partners, women showed a preference
for a man with great HPA over a man that appreciated their humor production, while men
preferred a woman that would appreciate their humor over a woman that would make
them laugh. These results support the notion that when men and women talk about
wanting a partner with a great sense of humor, they mean vastly different things. Men
want a humor appreciator, while women want a humor producer.
Other studies from more ecologically valid situations, such as personal ads in newspapers
and online dating sites, where people have low incentive to lie about their true
preferences, show that women seek a mate who portrays humor ability twice as much as
men do, and that men are more likely to declare how funny they are, or attempt humor,
compared to women (Smith, Waldorf, & Trembath, 1990; Wilbur & Campbell, 2011).
Women, on the other hand, express a desire for mates that will make them laugh, much
more than men do, corroborating the prediction that men try to advertise their humor
ability, and women are the appreciators of humor. Lastly, research shows a direct link
between HPA and mating success. Adding humor to personal ads made men more
attractive to women, but had little effect on women’s attractiveness (Wilbur & Campbell,
2011). In another study, individuals who were rated high for HPA reported higher mating
success as measured by number of sexual partners, age of first intercourse, and more
sexual encounters, compared to individuals with low HPA (results were true for both
sexes) (Greengross & Miller, 2011). However, women who have humorous partners did
report having more and stronger vaginal orgasms, compared to women who have less
funny partners, while men’s sexual satisfaction was not related to women’s HPA (Gallup,
Ampel, Wedberg, & Pogosjan, 2014). These results highlight the significance of partner’s
high HPA on women, something that may contribute to higher reproductive success.
1.1.2. Social Factors and Humor Production Ability
Many social and cultural factors influence the way men and women create humor and
how it is perceived. The notion that men are funnier than women is a widely-held
stereotype and a cultural trope (e.g., Hitchens, 2007; Shlesinger, 2017). For example,
when asked to describe an individual with a great sense of humor, or to name which sex
is funnier, both men and women are much more likely to describe or choose a man
(Crawford & Gressley, 1991; Nevo, Nevo, & Yin, 2001). In one study, 94% of the men
and 89% of the women agreed to the stereotype that men are funnier than women
(Mickes, Walker, Parris, Mankoff, & Christenfeld, 2012). In another study with both
sexes surveyed, 62% of the participants believed that men have a greater HPA than
women, 34% thought that men and women are equally funny, and only 4% viewed
women as the funnier sex (Hooper et al., 2016). In addition, both men and women are
more likely to attribute funny captions to male writers, and non-funny cartoons to
women, even where the identity of the humor producer is concealed (Mickes et al., 2012).
Such a stereotype may suppress women’s willingness, and hinder their ability to create
humor, ultimately putting them at a disadvantage compared to men.
Social role theory may be the best cultural framework in which observed sex differences
are understood, and offers an alternative to the evolutionary explanation (Archer, 1996).
According to the theory, sex differences emerge as part of the historical demarcation of
men’s and women’s roles within a society, which place them in unequal positions. In
many societies, men have higher status and hold more power than women, while
controlling the majority of the resources (Eagly & Wood, 1999). This power asymmetry
leads the more powerful men to more masculine and dominant behaviors, while less
powerful women exhibit behaviors that are subordinate and passive. Societal expectations
to fit into sex-specific roles put pressure on both men and women to acquire the skills and
adopt behaviors that will conform to their role requirements. If the stereotype that men
have higher HPA than women is pervasive, cultural practices will work to sustain such a
notion, and both men and women might try to fit into that expectation. Such practices
were common throughout history and may still persist today. For example, for many
years women tended to be the objects of jokes, often disparaging and sexist in nature, but
rarely the subject producing the humor (Kotthoff, 2006). Specifically, women were
prevented from using humor in the public sphere, not allowed to tell jokes and perform
comedy routines, and confined to tell jokes only in private, while men were free to
exhibit their humor in any form and platform they wished. These expectations, especially
if indoctrinated from early ages, may contribute to observed sex differences in HPA.
The mechanisms in which such expectations transfer into behavior are often referred to as
cultural scripts (Goddard & Wierzbicka, 2004). Cultural scripts include norms, values
and practices that serve as collective guides to people on how to behave. Cultural scripts
are highly influenced by gender stereotypes and could apply to various uses of humor. A
specific script, the traditional courtship script, may come into play when using humor to
attract mates. In the traditional courtship script, men are expected to be more active and
take the initiative, while women are assumed to have a more passive role, being the
recipients of men’s romantic invitations (Eaton & Rose, 2011). In relation to humor,
research suggests that men use humor to attract women, while women serve as
appreciators by evaluating men’s humor, thus fulfilling traditional gender role
expectations (Wilbur & Campbell, 2011). How men and women view HPA in the
traditional courtship script may be connected to traditional views of masculinity and
femininity, with HPA being a masculine trait and humor appreciation viewed as
feminine. Ross and Hall (in press) found that for both sexes, producing high quality
humor in a courtship setting was associated with trait masculinity, with high masculine
participants reporting using humor more to attract mates, compared to less masculine
people of the same sex. In addition, these men also believed their HPA was better than
same sex peers. Moreover, women adhering to traditional courtship behaviors, such as
not making the first move when initiating a relationship, were less likely to use humor to
attract men. Thus, the use of humor in courtship conforms to traditional gender roles of
men as the pursuer and women the appreciator, with HPA to attract mates perceived as a
masculine trait. The study illustrates the possible influences of sexual courtship scripts on
how HPA is perceived, regardless of its real quality, and more generally, how cultural
norms may affect how both men and women use humor.
1.2. Assessing Humor Production Ability
Understanding the empirical literature on sex or gender, and humor production requires
understanding how HPA is commonly assessed. As illustrated in Figure 1, the
measurement of humor creation ability typically consists of four steps, two for the
creation of the humor, and two for the evaluation of the humor. First, a participant
attempts to produce a humorous response to a non-funny stimulus or prompt provided by
the researchers. Second, judges rate the participants’ responses, and their ratings for each
participant are summarized to create the individual HPA score.
Humor Creation Humor Evaluation
Figure 1. Measuring humor production ability. Participants are asked to generate humor
in response to a non-funny stimulus. The responses are later evaluated by independent
judges, and an overall score of humor production ability is calculated.
Creating humor which will be later judged for funniness involves two steps: first,
introducing a stimuli, and second, creating a funny response relevant to the stimuli
presented. In the most common variation, researchers present participants with a picture
or a cartoon with no caption and ask them to write a funny caption (Babad, 1974;
Brodzinsky & Rubien, 1976; Eysenck, 1943; Feingold & Mazzella, 1991, 1993; Kohler
& Ruch, 1996; Koppel & Sechrest, 1970; Treadwell, 1970; Turner, 1980; Ziller,
Behringer, & Goodchilds, 1962). Other tasks seek a verbal response from a verbal
stimulus. For example, McGhee (1974) presented children with absurd riddles such as
“Why did the old man and his wife drive to the North Pole?” and asked them to provide
funny answers that were later judged for funniness. Similarly, Shiloh (1982) asked
participants to answer unusual questions in a funny way, such as “What would have
happened if the oceans were full of orange juice?”. Another example is to ask participants
to provide a funny definition to a nonexistent term, such as Yoga Bank and Fruit Jar, or
to write a funny ending to a social scenario that sets up funny responses (Christensen et
al., 2018; Nusbaum, Silvia, & Beaty, 2017). Only a few studies have sought visual
output. For example, Howrigan and MacDonald (2008) asked participants to draw a
Non-funny stimuli Humor response Ratings of stimuli Humor score
picture of four animals (e.g., a giraffe), and four people with a specific profession (e.g., a
Regardless of the type of stimuli and response employed, task administration methods are
wide ranging. First, there is no standard time frame for how long each task requires to
complete, ranging from as little as 30 seconds to write a funny caption for a captionless
cartoon (e.g., Moran, Rain, Page-Gould, & Mar, 2014) to unlimited time (e.g., Feingold
& Mazzella, 1993; Ziv, 1981b, 1983), and anything in between. Second, the number of
stimuli introduced to participants, and the number of responses allowed for each stimulus,
vary substantially. For example, some researchers may ask for only one response per
stimuli (e.g., Babad, 1974; Saroglou, 2002; Saroglou & Jaspard, 2001) while others will
not restrict the number of captions the participant can produce (e.g., Greengross & Miller,
2011; Kohler & Ruch, 1996).
Evaluating individual differences in funniness also requires two steps. The first step is to
ask judges to assess the level of funniness for each of the responses created by the
participant. There is no consensus on how to evaluate and score individual humor
production. With a few exceptions (e.g., Freiheit, Overholser, & Lehnert, 1998; Kozbelt
& Nishioka, 2010), most judges of the humor stimuli are college students (both
undergraduate and graduate) and professors (e.g., Nusbaum et al., 2017). The number of
judges also differ, from 2 to as many as 81 (Amir & Biederman, 2016; Mickes et al.,
2012). Most often judges are asked to rate the stimuli for “funniness”, but in some case
judges are tasked with rating the “humorousness” (e.g., Saroglou, 2002; Saroglou &
Jaspard, 2001,) or “wittiness” (e.g., Kohler & Ruch, 1996) of the caption or joke. How
much each judge rates varies as well. In some cases, every judge evaluates the humor for
all humor outputs, but sometimes, judges assess only a portion of the overall humor
produced, mostly because there are too many stimuli for one person to reasonably handle.
The rating scales themselves also vary, from merely a dichotomous distinction of whether
the stimulus was funny or not (Saroglou, 2002; Saroglou & Jaspard, 2001; Ziv, 1983), to
ratings ranging from 1-10 (Ruch, Beermann, & Proyer, 2009), and anything in between.
In sum, there is much variability in the identity of judges, how many stimuli they rate
from the overall sample, and what they are asked to do, when evaluating humor
The second part in evaluating humor is to create an overall score for HPA. As with other
aspects of measuring humor ability, researchers use many methods to get an overall
rating of funniness. For starters, some researchers use the raw scores of judges’ ratings as
the basis for their analyses (e.g., Moran et al., 2014), and others standardize the scores
(e.g., Greengross & Miller, 2011). Furthermore, when more than one humor output is
measured, and there are multiple judges rating the humor, there is a need to summarize all
the scores to one statistic. Some researchers average all the responses across raters (e.g.,
Brodzinsky & Rubien, 1976), others take the highest score from each judge and average
them (e.g., Greengross & Miller, 2011), and still others use many-facet Rasch models to
distill the faceted design to a single score (e.g., Nusbaum et al., 2017).
In summary, there is no standardized procedure for assessing HPA. Nonetheless, while
there is much variation in the tasks, the premises and procedures tend to follow the same
mechanism. Overall, different measures of humor following the four-step process
described in Figure 1 are strongly correlated with each other (Christensen et al., 2018;
Howrigan & MacDonald, 2008; Nusbaum et al., 2017).
1.3. The Current Research
It is clear that there is a pervasive stereotype that men have higher humor production
abilities than women. Regardless of the reasons for such a belief, or why men and women
might differ in their HPA, the veracity of sex differences in humor ability has not been
systematically evaluated to date. Our goal is to create the first meta-analytic review on
this topic. While a few qualitative reviews on sex differences in HPA exist, their
conclusions were inconsistent with each other, and the scope of the reviews is limited
(Greengross, 2014; Kotthoff, 2006; Martin, 2014). Thus, we had three main goals for our
meta-analysis. First, we aimed to gather all available data on sex differences in HPA, and
create the largest database on the topic to date. Second, we planned to estimate
quantitatively the magnitudes of sex differences in HPA based on weighed effect sizes,
from all available data. Third, we tested the possible influence of various moderators on
sex differences in HPA (see below).
2. Method
2.1. Literature Search
A key feature of the literature on humor ability is that relatively few studies have looked
at and reported information about sex differences in HPA. Many publications that
evaluated humor ability directly do not consider sex as an important factor of interest, and
often do not report sex-specific data on HPA beyond the number of men and women
participants. Other times, analyses of sex or gender differences are included, but the
information is too limited to extract an effect size (e.g., Martin & Lefcourt, 1983). In
either case, data on men’s and women’s humor ability might still exist and could be
recovered, as sex is a common variable recorded in most studies. Thus, to avoid missing
potentially relevant data, we searched for any study that had a measure of HPA,
regardless of whether the information on sex differences was provided in the publication
or not. If the researchers did not include data on men’s and women’s humor ability, or
there was no information or analyses that could be reverse engineered to extract an effect
size, we contacted the authors to attempt to retrieve the relevant data.
We employed multiple strategies to locate all relevant studies and data. First, we used a
backward search (Card, 2015, p. 49-50) and examined the reference lists of key review
publications that covered either sex or gender differences in humor or humor production
in general. These reviews included Greengross (2014); Kaufman et al. (2008); Lampert
and Ervin-Tripp (1998); Martin (2014); Nusbaum (2015); O'Quin and Derks (1997); and
Ruch (2008). Second, we used forward search (Card, 2015, p. 50-51) to look for studies
that cited key articles on humor production, or ones that introduced new measures of
HPA. These articles are: Babad (1974); Brodzinsky and Rubien (1976); Feingold and
Mazzella (1991); Kohler and Ruch (1996); Koppel and Sechrest (1970); Masten (1986);
Treadwell (1970); and Turner (1980). Third, we emailed the listserv of the International
Society for Humor Research (ISHS) asking for any unpublished data. Fourth, we
searched the conference proceeding of the American Psychological Association,
Association for Psychological Science, and ISHS, for any humor paper or poster
presented since 2000, where data were available. Fifth, we searched the following
databases: PsycINFO, PsycARTICLES, Web of Science, PubMed, ProQuest Dissertation
& Theses Global, National Library of Israel, and Google Scholar. For searches in the
databases we included the following phrases and their combinations: humor ability,
humor creat*, humor product*, and cartoon caption*. All of the above searches were
also performed using the non-American spelling, humour. Sixth, we contacted prominent
researchers in the field of humor studies that come from non-English speaking countries,
and asked if they knew about any publications in their field. In total, our literature
searches included the following languages: Chinese, English, French, German, Hebrew,
Hungarian, and Japanese. Publications in Hebrew were translated by the first author, and
an author of a Hungarian paper translated all the relevant data we requested. Seventh, all
authors of the current paper had unpublished data that was relevant to the meta-analysis,
and knew about other researchers with additional unpublished data that we were able to
obtain. We read the abstract, the full text, or both to determine if they contained relevant
data for our meta-analysis. We concluded our search in August 2018.
2.2. Inclusion and Exclusion Criteria
Our approach was to include studies of humor production tasks that comprise of the two
elements that we believe are the most essential for assessing true individual differences in
humor ability with minimum biases: one, the creation of a new humor output (i.e., not a
completion of a known joke or a joke recall), and two, the evaluation of the humor
produced by independent judges who do not know the identity or any characteristics of
the humor producer. Thus, to be included in the meta-analysis, studies had to include the
following criteria:
1. The study must have included a sample of men and women.
2. The humor production task must have included creation of verbal humor.
3. Participants must have generated spontaneous new or innovative humor as part of
the humor production task. Studies that were based on self-reports, or scales such
as the Multidimensional Sense of Humor Scale (MSHS) (Thorson & Powell,
1993), or studies where participants had to complete a joke from multiple possible
responses, given the setup, were excluded.
4. Judges had to be blind to any characteristic of the humor producers. This excludes
studies in which judges observed participants in the lab or on video (e.g., Inglis,
Zach, & Kaniel, 2014).
5. Judges rated the humor for funniness. Studies in which there were no judges, and
the ratings of HPA were solely based on counting the number of responses or
humor attempts, rather than actual ratings of the humor produced, were excluded
(e.g., Hall, 2015). One study where judges were instructed to rate responses based
on consensual sense of humor, i.e., if the answers could be seen as funny in
principle by most people, regardless of the judges’ own appraisal (essentially
evaluating humor attempts rather than actual humor), was excluded (Hull, Tosun,
& Vaid, 2017).
A couple of exclusion criteria were also applied. Studies on children (preadolescence)
were excluded (e.g., Masten, 1986). In addition, studies that were conducted on
participants with brain damage were not considered, though no such study met all the
other inclusion criteria.
In cases where a study met all the inclusion criteria, but lacked sufficient information for
a calculation of an effect size, we contacted the authors to obtain the information. A total
of 22 authors were contacted, and eight of them provided data that could be included in
our meta-analysis. In a few cases, the paper was too old and the data were lost, and one
author refused to share the data. Additionally, the authors of the present paper had three
unpublished datasets and knew of one more unpublished dataset that met our criteria. All
these data were procured and included in the meta-analysis (see Figure 2 for the PRISMA
schematic screening of the studies) (Moher, Liberati, Tetzlaff, & Altman, 2009).
Any disagreements about what studies should be included were discussed and resolved
among the authors. Altogether, 28 studies met our inclusion criteria, with 36 independent
samples, and a total sample of 5057 participants (1677 men, 3380 women, 67% women).
Figure 2. PRISMA flow chart of screening process of studies selected for the meta-
Records identified through
database searching
(n =
Additional records identified
through other sources
(n =
Records after duplicates removed
(n = 4,237)
Records screened
(n = 4,237)
Records excluded
(n = 4,188)
Full-text articles assessed
for eligibility
(n = 49)
Full text articles (n =
excluded due
Inadequate humor creation
measure (n = 8)
Data insufficient or unavailable
even after contacting authors (n
= 11)
Data on children (n = 2)
Studies included
in meta
(n = 28)
2.3. Coding Procedure
All studies were coded by two independent coders, one of whom was the first author. All
disagreements were discussed and resolved between the coders. For each of our samples,
we estimated the effect sizes based on standardized mean differences (Cohen’s d)
(Cohen, 1988). Most calculations were based on means, SD’s and samples sizes, but
when they were not available, we employed inferential statistics to calculate the effect
size (see Card, 2015). These procedures included the use of F-statistics, t-statistics, and p-
values. We elected to use Cohen’s d as our estimate for the standardized mean difference
over Hedges' g as most samples were at least modest in size, and results based on Hedges'
g were nearly identical to those based on Cohen’s d (Card, 2015, p. 90-91). A positive
sign of Cohen’s d denotes a higher humor ability for men.
Several studies included more than one measure of HPA per sample. In such cases, we
averaged the effect sizes to produce one d effect size for each sample. In total, we
calculated average effect size for 12 out of the 36 samples with multiple outcomes. One
exception was Mollica (1983), where we chose one effect size from the two reported. We
believe this is justifiable as the effect size was based on the averages across all captions
produced, and the one excluded was computed based on the average of the first caption
only. Both measures are highly correlated with each other, and the overall average score
embodies within it the average for the first caption.
Note that the procedures used to produce the overall HPA scores for each study vary, as
there is no consensus on the best way to calculate a humor score. As discussed earlier,
researchers employ various protocols to calculate a humor score, which are partially
dependent on the tasks employed, and whether one or more stimuli are used to generate
humorous responses. For example, when multiple stimuli are used, researchers may
average all responses across raters (Brodzinsky & Rubien, 1976), or only average the best
outputs across raters (Greengross & Miller, 2011). For single tasks, there is no need to
average responses, but they might be combined with other humor production tasks to
create one overall score (e.g., Nusbaum et al., 2017). Still, despite the variability in the
scoring of HPA, evidence suggests that different methods and scoring procedures yield
similar results (Christensen et al., 2018; Mollica, 1983; Nusbaum et al., 2017).
2.4. Coding of Potential Moderators
We identified several variables that could potentially moderate sex differences in humor
ability. The aim of the moderators was twofold. First, we wanted to test possible biases in
the studies or the data collected. Some of these potential biases are associated with
research on sex differences, such as the sex of the researcher, while other possible biases
may relate to study characteristics, such as the type and nature of the samples or the
country in which data were collected. Publication bias was also a concern, and we
included several variables that specifically address this possibility (see below). Second,
we included moderators that could illuminate or provide new insights into the source of
sex differences in HPA, if it exists. These moderators pertain mostly to the measures,
procedures, and evaluations associated with the humor ability task. It is possible that
some moderators may serve both functions and both help detect biases and also elucidate
the nature of sex differences in HPA. For example, publication year can both illustrate
how sex differences in HPA has varied over the years, but also indicate changes in
measurements of HPA across time.
We coded for 26 variables that were intended to be used as moderators, but not all were
included in the moderator analyses, either due to little variability in the outcome, or
because very few studies reported the relevant information. The list of the six excluded
moderators and the justification for their exclusion appear in Table 1. In total, 20
variables served as moderators.
Publication year.
Publication year could help identify possible changes and trends of
sex differences in HPA over time.
Affiliation of first author.
The country in which the first author’s affiliation appears
on the manuscript, or in the case of unpublished data, where the researcher resides. This
categorical variable includes the following countries/regions: North America (US &
Canada), Europe (Austria, Belgium, Germany, Hungary, United Kingdom), and Israel.
We grouped together the European countries as there were too few studies for each
country to be included as a separate category. This variable may roughly represent the
country in which the data were collected (i.e., where participants came from), but not in
all cases (see the sample country variable). This moderator allows us to test whether the
results are consistent cross-culturally.
Sex of first author.
We dichotomously coded whether the first author was a man or a
woman. This moderator aims to test for possible sex bias by the researcher conducting the
Single-sex team.
This is a complementary, dichotomous variable to the sex of first
author with yes/no coding, also intended to gauge a possible bias in publications with
authors consisting of only one sex.
No. of authors.
A larger number of authors may be less susceptible to biases.
Publication status.
This is a dichotomous variable with peer-reviewed/not peer-
reviewed coding. Note that for the peer-reviewed publications, the actual data on sex
difference in HPA may not have been reported (e.g., was not paramount to the study), but
there was still sufficient information to conclude that such data exist, and could be
obtained. This moderator is one of the most common methods to assess publication bias.
Data availability in the peer-reviewed publication.
This moderator aims to examine
possible biases within peer-reviewed publications using yes/no coding that denotes
whether sufficient data to calculate an effect size was included in a peer-reviewed
publication (when applicable). In several cases, the peer-reviewed study did not contain
the relevant data, though such data existed. The relevant information was obtained by
contacting the authors directly.
Overall data publication status.
This dichotomous moderator codes whether sufficient
data on sex differences was included in a peer-reviewed publication, compared to all
other manuscripts. Coding of ‘yes’ marks that data were published in a peer-reviewed
paper and available for analysis. Coding of ‘no’ means that the data were either not
included in a peer-reviewed publication but could still be accessed, or that it was not
peer-reviewed (thesis, dissertation or unpublished data). This moderator could be viewed
as a more precise estimate of publication bias, as it distinguishes between data that were
fully reported in a peer-reviewed publication and all other data.
Sample group.
This is a dichotomous variable with college students/non-college
categories. We grouped the non-student samples under one category as they included
many different groups (high school students, professional and amateur stand-up
comedians and comedy writers, candidates for a tour guiding course abroad, online
participants, and adolescent inpatients). Two studies that included a mix of students with
other participants were excluded from the sample group moderator analysis.
Sample country.
Similar to the affiliation of first author moderator, this categorical
variable included the following countries/regions: North America (US & Canada),
Europe (Austria, Belgium, Germany, Hungary, United Kingdom), Israel, and Worldwide.
These comparisons will allow to test if there are country specific effects.
Mean sample age.
This quantitative variable aimed at testing whether effects are
consistent across different age means. For studies reporting a range of the participants’
ages, the middle point was used to denote their mean age.
Sample size.
The total number of participants is used to estimate publication bias.
When publication bias is present, smaller sample sizes are associated with larger effect
Humor creation task.
Most humor creation tasks employ the cartoon/picture caption
paradigm, with no other task being common enough to comprise a category of its own.
Therefore, ‘new caption’ denotes studies where participants were introduced with a
captionless cartoon or picture, and were instructed to produce funny captions, and ‘other’
indicates studies with all other humor creativity tasks. The ‘other’ category included tasks
based on verbal stimuli, in which participants were asked to complete a joke or a sentence
in a funny way, write a funny story, write a funny resume or profile, write a funny
definition for an absurd term, narrate a film in a funny way, or a composite score based
on various non-caption stimuli. In a few cases, participants were asked to produce new
captions in addition to other tasks and thus were coded as ‘both’. This moderator can
shed light on whether the type of the production humor task has any effect on sex
differences in HPA.
No. of humor creation tasks.
This is a quantitative variable denoting the number of
humor creation items that served as a stimuli. More items may allow for more flexibility
in the responses, and to express higher quality of humor.
No. of responses per task.
This dichotomous variable coded ‘one’ vs. ‘multiple’
compares humor creation tasks that require the participants to produce only one funny
outcome per each stimuli vs. studies which ask to produce multiple outcomes (usually
unlimited number). The moderator allows us to compare humor tasks that limit
participants to their best possible funny output, to those which give participants the
freedom to try various attempts at being funny.
No. of levels in funniness scale.
Most researchers use a numeric scale (e.g., 1-7), but
for the studies using a dichotomous variable (e.g. funny vs. non-funny) the variable was
coded as two. This moderator could illuminate whether effect sizes are more or less
pronounced depending on the number of levels in the scale.
Time limited.
This dichotomous variable with yes/no categories indicates whether
participants had a limited time to produce the humorous output, or were given unlimited
time to do so. Time restriction may reduce the quality of the humor, as there is less time
to think, and more pressure to produce. On the other hand, giving participants unlimited
time to write funny responses may induce fatigue or boredom. These time effects may
differ by sex, so we will use it as a moderator.
Average task time.
This moderator complements the time limited variable and is more
accurate in evaluating the effect of time on participant’s performance by measuring in
minutes the average time participants were allocated to complete the humor production
task (only for time-limited tasks). The moderator was calculated by dividing the total task
time by the number of tasks participants had to complete. Sex differences in HPA may be
more or less pronounced as a function of the amount of time allocated for each task.
No. of judges.
A higher number of judges are likely to create a more precise
evaluation of the humor produced.
Male to female judge ratio.
This is a quantitative variable representing the ratio of
male to female judges. Values above 1 mean that there were more male raters than
females. This moderator can help explain if sex differences in HPA are due to
disproportional number of male or female judges.
We used Comprehensive Meta-Analysis software to analyze the data (Borenstein,
Hedges, J., & Rothstein, 2005), and our figures were produced with the JASP software
(JASP Team, 2018). We first describe our overall analytic approach, overview the studies
and their effect sizes, and compute the combined effect. We then address the possibility
of publication bias, and report results for all moderators’ analyses.
We analyzed the data based on both fixed- and random-effects models and the results
were comparable to each other, with similar conclusions. Thus, we only report the
random-effects results, which allow a more generalized inference about the mean of a
distribution of effect sizes, and not just a single effect size (Card, 2015, p. 230-256).
Random-effects models also require fewer assumptions about the statistical model and
yield more conservative estimates, and thus are usually preferred over fixed-models
(Borenstein, Hedges, Higgins, & Rothstein, 2009, p. 61-86).
3. Results
Tables 2 and 3 present an overview of the studies included in the meta-analysis, along
with the estimated effect sizes and moderators’ codings. We estimated the overall effect
size of sex difference in HPA across 36 independent samples (N = 5057). Results from
the random-effects model analysis show a mean estimated d = 0.321, 95% CI [.237,
.405], Z = 7.46, p < .0001, see Figure 3. Put in a different way, using the standard normal
cumulative distribution function, the combined effect size of d = 0.321 indicates that 63%
of men score above the mean HPA of women (Card, 2015, p. 124). Homogeneity test was
significant, Q(34) = 56.14, p < .02, with I
= 37.66. This result indicates that effect sizes
have a small to moderate amount of heterogeneity, i.e., not estimates of a single
population value, thus adding further justification for the use of random-effects models.
Figure 3 presents a forest plot of all independent effect sizes and the overall combined
effect size, along with their respective 95% confidence intervals (CI), and each sample’s
relative weights. Effect size ranged from -.13 to 1.13, with four negative effect sizes and
32 positive ones.
Figure 3. Forest plot displaying effect sizes with 95% confidence intervals and relative
weights, as well as the combined effect. All estimates are based on a random-effect
3.1. Assessing Publication Bias
We took several steps to reduce the risk of publication bias and to test for its existence.
We first addressed the issue in the initial stages of the meta-analysis, during the literature
search, in an attempt to minimize publication bias. Additionally, we report analyses that
tested whether such bias exists after the data were collected.
3.1.1. Publication status
In an attempt to reach as many studies as possible and minimize publication bias, we did
not explicitly search for sex or gender differences, and did not include the words ‘sex’ or
‘gender’ in our searches. It is possible that studies focusing on sex differences (and
hence, include ‘sex’ or ‘gender’ as key words), are more likely to report that such
differences exist. By using broader search terms, we were able to minimize this bias and
still access many studies that contained relevant data on sex differences in HPA. These
data were either ancillary to the main findings or were not reported at all. In total, 12 of
the 29 peer-reviewed papers used in the meta-analysis did not include sufficient data on
sex differences, but the data were later obtained from the authors. Overall, 20 of the 36
effect sizes in the current meta-analysis (61% of the participants) were not previously
published, either coming from unpublished manuscripts (e.g. theses), or retrieved from
authors of published papers that did not report the data. Additionally, from all 16 effect
sizes published in peer-review publications, seven showed significant sex differences
results and nine did not. Thus, whether sex differences in HPA existed did not seem to be
a major factor determining the publication of the paper, minimizing the file drawer
problem (Rosenthal, 1979).
3.1.2. Funnel plot
One of the most common ways to evaluate publication bias is by graphically displaying
effect sizes against their standard errors through a funnel plot (Card, 2015, p. 263-266).
Visual inspection of the funnel plot in Figure 4 reveals a roughly symmetric distribution,
with no obvious outliers. The figure shows lower variability in effect sizes for larger
samples, as one would expect if no publication bias exists. In addition to visually
inspecting the funnel plot, we conducted two tests for the asymmetry of the funnel plot.
The Begg and Mazumdar rank correlation test for funnel plot asymmetry tests the
correlation between effect sizes and standard errors using Kendall’s rank correlation
coefficient (Begg & Mazumdar, 1994). Results show no evidence for asymmetry (Tau =
.117, Z = 1.01, p = .31). The second test for the funnel plot asymmetry was Egger’s
regression test (Egger, Smith, Schneider, & Minder, 1997). As with the previous test,
there was no indication for publication bias (b intercept = -.028, 95% CI [-1.187, 1.129]),
t(34) = .050, p = .96. Overall, these tests and the graphs reveal no evidence of publication
bias due to small sample sizes having large effects.
Figure 4.
Funnel plot of effect sizes against their standard errors. The solid line indicates
the combined effect size. White area represents 95% of CI
3.1.3. Trim and fill analysis
The trim and fill method is a procedure to correct the estimate of the combined effect size
by imputing potentially missing effect sizes to make the funnel plot symmetric (Duval &
Tweedie, 2000). A new combined estimate is produced by adding the effect sizes that
would fall left of the mean. This method identifies how many studies are missing and
what their effect sizes are. However, our analysis revealed that no missing studies were
identified and needed to be added, resulting in the same adjusted point estimate and
confidence interval as the main results (d = 0.321, 95% CI [.237, .405]). Thus, this
analysis showed no evidence of publication bias.
3.1.4. Normal Q-Q plot
Another graphic examination for publication bias is the normal quantile plot. In this plot,
observed quantiles are plotted against the normal distribution quantiles. If the observed
data are normally distributed, we would expect the points on the plot to fall roughly on a
straight line (Wang & Bushman, 1998). Figure 5 displays the Normal Q-Q plot. As can
be seen from the graph, the points are roughly on a straight line, and all effects fall within
95% of the normal line. These results show no evidence of the data deviating from a
normal distribution, or of publication bias.
Figure 5.
Normal quantile plot. The diagonal line represents normal distribution of the
dots close to the diagonal line indicate normal distribution of effect sizes. Dashed lines
mark 95% CI.
3.2. Quantitative Moderator Analyses
Moderator analyses attempt to explain the heterogeneity of the effect sizes and identify
variables contributing to a lower or higher combined effect size (Card, 2015, p. 198-228).
To assess the impact of moderators on the combined effect size, we first ran a series of
univariate meta-regressions for each of the nine quantitative moderator variables. In these
tests, we predict the combined effect size from every moderator variable. All models
included an intercept and test whether the coefficient is equal to zero. Table 4 reports the
range of the results, the median, the coefficient b, 95% CI, Z scores, Q values, and p-
values. As can be seen from the table, none of the moderators was significant (all tests are
for p-value of .05). Most notably, the variable sample size is a commonly used moderator
for testing publication bias. If publication bias exists, and the combined effect size is
positive, we would expect to find a negative association between sample size and effect
size, meaning that a small sample size produces large effect sizes (Card, 2015, p. 266).
Results showed no association between sample size and effect size, thus there is no
evidence for publication bias.
Though none of the moderator analyses was significant, we further visually inspected the
distribution of every moderator against the effect sizes to see if any trends emerged.
Three moderators had unusual range. The first, number of humor creation tasks, ranged
from 1-34, with a quarter of studies administering more than 16 tasks. However, the
moderator had no discernible correlation with effect size. Second, there were four studies
with 30 or more judges, but their effect size ranged from -0.07 to 0.68, showing no
particular trend. Third, funniness scales ranged from 2-10. As with the previous two
moderators, there was no apparent association between scale’s range and effect sizes.
3.3. Categorical Moderation Analyses
Using mixed-effects categorical moderator analysis (Borenstein et al., 2009), we
calculated effect sizes and 95% CI for each level of all 11 categorical moderators. Results
are displayed in Table 5, along with all between group heterogeneity tests. Of all 11
variables tested, only one moderator, number of responses per task, was significant with
p = .012. As three samples included in this variable had no available data, a further
analysis directly comparing the 15 studies that used one response per task to the 18
studies that included multiple responses per task, was performed. Results were still
significant (Q = 5.213, p = .022), meaning that studies that included humor creation tasks
which required only one response per stimuli showed a larger sex difference in HPA (d =
0.425), compared to studies that allowed for multiple responses per humor creation task
(d = 0.220), with both effect sizes still significant (p < .0001). Additionally, the
moderator time limited, had a p-value of .056. Since it included one study that was both
time limited and not (with two different tasks), and six studies where data were unknown,
we decided to compare No and Yes levels directly. Analysis revealed no differences
between these two groups (Q = 3.323, p = .068).
Following Borenstein et al. (2009) we planned to perform a multiple regression analysis
only on the moderators that were found significant in the moderator analysis. However,
as only one moderator was significant (number of responses per task), there was no need
for further analysis. However, as the only significant result was found in one moderator
out of 20 moderator tests, it is possible that such a result is reached by chance because of
the multiple tests (Type I error). Thus, we need to interpret the results of this moderator
with caution.
4. Discussion
The present meta-analysis provides the first comprehensive quantitative evaluation of sex
differences in humor production ability. We sought to collect all available studies
assessing new humor outputs (mostly verbal) rated for funniness by independent judges
blind to any characteristic of the producer. We believe that these types of humor
production tasks and the method by which they are evaluated reflect the most objective
measure of true humor abilities. Results reveal a small to moderate effect, with men
scoring higher than women.
We took several steps to address and minimize the possibility of publication and other
potential biases. First, we used random-effects models and weighted means to estimate
the combined effect size, a more conservative approach for analyzing the data
(Borenstein et al., 2009; Card, 2015). Second, our statistical analyses and tests, together
with visual inspections of funnel and Normal Q-Q plots, showed no indication of
publication bias. Overall, more than 60% of the data (20 out of 36 samples) were
unpublished, either from unpublished datasets, theses and dissertations, or based on peer-
reviewed publications where the data did not appear in the paper. The latter consists of 12
samples (44% of the published data), and included studies that did not focus on sex
differences in HPA. Thus, it is unlikely that the presence or absence of sex differences in
HPA played any role in the decision to publish the study. In fact, the combined effect size
for peer-reviewed publications was almost identical to that of not peer-reviewed studies
(.333 and .280 respectively). Moreover, given the debate surrounding sex differences in
HPA, it is unclear what type of bias might have existed. Results suggesting that men and
women do not differ in their HPA are as important and informative as data indicating that
sex differences in HPA do exist. Indeed, roughly half of the peer-reviewed publications
revealed no significant sex differences, while the other half showed men having higher
HPA. Thus, it is unlikely that the reason an unpublished manuscript was not published
had anything to do with the presence or absence of sex differences in HPA. In sum, all
indications are that there is little evidence for publication bias, and our view is that such
bias is unlikely.
Third, to address the possibility of additional biases, we included in our meta-analysis a
large number of moderators that could potentially influence the results. One aim was to
test whether there is any bias
stemming from the authors’ or judges’ sex. We found no
evidence for such biases. The sex of the first author, and whether a single or mixed sex
team conducted the study, had no influence on the results. In addition, despite variation in
the male to female judge ratio across studies, the overall number of male and female
judges was nearly identical, 171 and 169 respectively (based on all studies that reported
the figure, 26 out of 36 samples). A moderator test revealed no effect for this variable on
the combined effect; thus, it seems unlikely that judges’ sex had any impact on the
Only one of the variables yielded a significant effect on the estimated combined effect
size. This moderator, number of responses per task suggests that asking participants to
produce one humorous output may result in higher sex differences in HPA for men,
compared with tasks that allow for multiple humour outputs. This finding may indicate
that men might have a further advantage when asked to produce their best humor once,
while women may be funnier when given the chance to create multiple responses. Still, it
is important to remember that in either scenario, men still scored significantly higher than
Though our moderator analyses did not reveal other statistically significant moderators’
effects, some results may still illuminate important trends in the sources of sex
differences in HPA. In particular, an important aspect of all humor creation tasks is
whether the participants produced humor under time constraints or not. The results
showed that having unlimited time to complete the task was associated with larger sex
differences in HPA, compared to tasks restricted in time. Having unlimited time to create
humor may have reduce the stress involved in creating humor, and allow participants
more time to think about the task, something that benefited men more than women.
However, it is also important to note that for all studies where participants were limited in
the amount of time to produce humor, more time was not associated with larger sex
differences. In other words, just knowing that the time is limited seemed to have some
effect on the magnitude of sex differences.
It was also interesting to find some null moderator effects. For example, sex differences
remained similar in more than 40 years of research, though there are relatively few
studies prior to 2000 for which the data were available. Similarly, the results were
surprisingly similar across cultures and samples, with college students and non-college
students showing almost identical sex differences. Nonetheless, these results are
provisional, as researchers may find different results in samples that are more diverse in
the future.
4.1. Explaining Sex Differences in Higher Humor Production Ability
Sex differences in HPA found in this study may reflect evolved sex differences in mating
preferences and strategies that were shaped by sexual selection theory (Darwin, 1871).
Women’s higher parental investment and larger reproduction costs than men make them
choosier when selecting a mate, and more attentive to traits that could result in higher
fitness (Buss, 2016; Trivers, 1972). HPA could be one such trait, as people vary in their
ability to produce humor, and it is a reliable, hard to fake signal of intelligence, a highly
desirable trait that increases fitness and serves as a mental fitness indicator to attract
mates (Christensen et al., 2018; Greengross & Miller, 2011; Howrigan & MacDonald,
2008; Kaufman, DeYoung, Reis, & Gray, 2011; Miller, 2000a, 2000c). As women are
choosier than men, we would expect women to be more sensitive and attuned to men’s
display of high HPA. As a consequence, a stronger intra-sexual competition among men
ensues, resulting in an overall higher average HPA for men (Bressler & Balshine, 2006;
Bressler et al., 2006; Miller, 2000a, 2000b). Based on this logic, when selecting a mate,
men should use humor more often and more creatively to attract women and signal their
mate value, while women should be more sensitive to men producing high quality humor.
Various research supports this theory, and the view that HPA is valued differently and
divulges disparate information for men and women. Compared to men, choosier women
value humor as a more important trait when selecting a mate, while men make more
effort to impress women and advertise their humor ability, including in real ecological
settings, such as dyadic conversations and on dating sites (Lippa, 2007; Provine, 1993;
Sprecher & Regan, 2002; Todosijević et al., 2003; Wilbur & Campbell, 2011). Women
also prefer a man with higher HPA, while men are more attracted to a woman that laughs
at their humor, rather than a woman with high HPA, as smiles and laughter signal the
woman may have a romantic interest in them (Bressler & Balshine, 2006; Bressler et al.,
2006; Hone, Hurwitz, & Lieberman, 2015). Viewing HPA as a mental fitness indicator
relies on the connection between HPA and intelligence (Miller, 2000a, 2000c), and
numerous studies have shown positive correlations between the two attributes
(Christensen et al., 2018; Greengross & Miller, 2011; Howrigan & MacDonald, 2008;
Kellner & Benedek, 2017).
Nevertheless, while a universal phenomenon, humor varies across cultures and reflects
societal norms (T. Jiang, Li, & Hou, 2019). Little is known about sex differences in any
facet of humor among non-Western populations, thus, the universality of sex differences
in HPA found in our meta-analysis should be taken with caution. Most of our data come
from WEIRD (Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic) countries,
which may delineate only a fraction of all human populations (Henrich, Heine, &
Norenzayan, 2010b). Often, findings that are true for WEIRD samples do not replicate in
non-WEIRD populations (Gurven, Von Rueden, Massenkoff, Kaplan, & Lero Vie, 2013;
Henrich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010a; Henrich et al., 2010b). It is possible that non-
WEIRD countries use and experience humor differently, which could influence the
direction and magnitude of sex differences in HPA. If we want to draw conclusions that
will be applicable to all humans, as the evolutionary explanation suggests, we need
information about more diverse populations. For example, research suggests that East
Asian people, such as from China and Taiwan, laugh less, and view themselves as less
funny, compared to Western cultures such the United States and Canada (F. Jiang, Yue,
& Lu, 2011). Western countries generally tend to value humor more, perceive humor as a
more socially desirable trait, and view humorous people more positively, compared to
Eastern countries (Yue, Jiang, Lu, & Hiranandani, 2016).
It is possible that the observed difference between men’s and women’s HPA is an artifact
of the fact that certain types of humor, the ones that are considered of high quality, are
more freely expressed by men than by women. For example, men may feel no restrictions
in telling sexual and aggressive jokes, while women may be more inhibited in the use of
these types of humor. However, some research suggests that while women are less likely
than men to tell jokes in general, when they do, women are just as likely as men to use
sexual and aggressive themes (Johnson, 1991). Mickes et al. (2012) compared the themes
that men and women used when producing humor using the cartoon captioning task.
Their results showed that when generating the humorous captions, men produced
significantly more sexual humor and used more profanity than women, though the overall
usage of such humor was low (4.30% for men, 1.95% for women). More importantly, the
use of sexual humor and profanity did not give men any advantage and did not contribute
to their total higher HPA ratings compared to those of women. Also, neither men nor
women judges rated these types of humor as funnier. The authors concluded that the
higher humor ability of men could not be attributed to the use of sexual humor and
profanity, but to other factors.
It is also important to note that despite the belief held by many that women enjoy sexual
and aggressive humor less than men, reviews of the literature show mixed support to such
claims (Lampert & Ervin-Tripp, 1998; Martin, 2014). Earlier research found women to
enjoy sexual and aggressive humor less than men (Lampert & Ervin-Tripp, 1998; Martin,
2014), however, many of the jokes and cartoons used in these studies portray women as
the target of the jokes, and the jokes tended to be sexist. When the targets of the jokes are
men, or the jokes are not sexist or have neutral themes, women and men express similar
levels of appreciation to the humor (Lampert & Ervin-Tripp, 1998). In our analysis there
is little evidence to suggest that men and women judges evaluated the humor produced by
either sex differently. Five studies in our meta-analysis tested for sex differences between
judges’ ratings, and only one found a significant difference (Mickes et al., 2012). Mickes
et al. (2012) reported that both male and female raters judged men’s HPA as higher than
women’s, but male raters gave male participants slightly higher ratings than female
raters. In contrast, four other studies that tested for sex differences in judges’ rating did
not find any significant differences (Brodzinsky & Rubien, 1976; Greengross, Jones, &
Sanoudaki, 2017; Greengross, Martin, & Miller, 2012; Greengross & Miller, 2011).
Given the small number of studies to date, the role of judges clearly deserves more
attention in future research.
There is some evidence that sexual and aggressive stimuli used to elicit the humor
production may have an effect on the overall magnitude of sex differences in HPA.
Brodzinsky and Rubien (1976) asked participants to produce spontaneous new humor in
response to captionless cartoons that contained either sexual, aggressive, or neutral
themes. Sex differences in HPA were found for sexual and aggressive themes, but not for
the neutral cartoons. With the exception of Brodzinsky and Rubien (1976), no other study
in our analysis reported whether the stimuli were sexual or aggressive in nature.
Another possible explanation for the observed difference lies in the nature of the task
itself. The typical HPA task requires a crisp, focused response. Some research suggests
that men are more likely to tell jokes, while women prefer telling funny stories and
anecdotes (Crawford & Gressley, 1991). Although most tasks included in the meta-
analysis do not exactly imitate a traditional canned joke structure, they are fairly
constrained and do not afford longer, narrative-oriented responses. In addition, joke-
telling is relatively a small fraction of everyday use of humor, where most humor arises
during spontaneous social interactions (Martin & Kuiper, 1999; Provine, 2000). Varying
the types of contexts of HPA tasks seems like a particularly promising direction for future
4.2. Limitations and Suggestions for Future Research
As with any meta-analysis, there is always a possibility that more data exists. In fact, we
know with certainty about several studies that matched our inclusion criteria, but for
which the data could not be retrieved. Many researchers included measures of HPA in
their study but did not report the relevant information, mostly because they did not focus
on studying sex differences in humor. Most of these data come from older studies, and
the raw data are now lost. Nonetheless, as our analysis on publication bias revealed,
adding more data is unlikely to change the overall results. Still, we welcome any new
studies on this topic, perhaps with new methodologies for measuring HPA.
Our meta-analysis included studies that used verbal humor as their main measure of
HPA. It is possible that by focusing on non-verbal humor, the results would have been
different. Another limitation is that the measures of HPA included in our meta-analysis
are somewhat artificial, and do not represent everyday production of humor. Requesting
people to produce humor on demand is challenging, and perhaps disadvantaged women
more than men. It also ignores the social context in which most humor is produced
(Provine, 2000), context that if taken into account may benefit women more than men.
Perhaps sex differences in HPA vary depending on the environment in which it is
produced. For example, women may have equal HPA scores as men when interacting
with other women. Thus, studying various dyadic interactions of men and women in more
ecologically valid situations, such as natural conversations, is crucial for fully
understanding when and how sex differences in HPA emerge. Relatively few researchers
conduct these types of studies (Hall, 2015; Provine, 1993, 2000). Still, humor is largely a
social phenomenon and most humor is created in a social context while interacting with
other people. Studying humorous interactions in the lab (Hall, 2015), or observing them
in natural settings (Provine, 1993, 2000) should be a fruitful endeavor that requires more
of our effort.
Another limitation are the ages of participants included in our meta-analysis. The samples
contained somewhat restricted ages, ranging from 15-35, with a median age of 21.7 (see
Table 4.). Clearly, such samples are not representative of the whole population, but they
do represent individuals at peak reproductive age. At these ages, following sexual
maturity, people are at peak fertility. This is the period when the competition over mates
is the strongest (Buss, 2016). As a result, and due to women’s choosiness, it might
represent the time when men try to impress women with their humor the most, thus
resulting in higher HPA than women, as our meta-analysis found. Hence, results might be
different for younger or older populations, with different theoretical implications.
4.3. Conclusion
The research presented here focused on one specific aspect of humor that is largely
under-investigated in humor research, humor production ability. Despite finding men to
have higher humor creation abilities than women on verbal humor, this difference should
not be seen as representative of other types of humor, including non-verbal humor
production ability. In fact, for most aspects of humor, men and women seem to exhibit
many similarities, with relatively few differences (Martin, 2014). In regard to humor
production abilities, the topic of sex differences is often reduced to blunt assertions such
as that “Women are not funny” (e.g.,Hitchens, 2007). We hope that our meta-analysis
will help advance a more nuanced discussion on the topic based on a systematic
evaluation of the available scientific data. Examination of such data suggest that
regardless of the underlying source of variability, men exhibit higher humor ability than
women on the kinds of verbal tasks included in our sample of studies. It is important to
remember that though robust, these differences are small to medium in size, and are
based on averages. They do not reflect individual abilities, as both men and women vary
largely in their abilities to produce humor. We tried to illuminate possible sources for the
differences in HPA, what they might mean, theoretical implications, considerations for
future research, and limitations. Humor is an important experience for most people, one
that is largely unique to humans. We hope that our results will further foster the study of
humor, advance theories pertaining to understanding and explaining sex differences in
humor and other cognitive abilities, as well as foster research on humor ability.
The study was not preregistered. Data will be shared in a public repository before
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication
of this article.
The authors declare no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research,
authorship, and/or publication of this article.
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Table 1
Excluded Moderators from the Meta-Analysis
Moderator Reason for exclusion
Department of first author Lack of variability: 78% of samples were from a psychology department
Language of publication Lack of variability: 92% of samples were in English
Judges’ identity Lack of variability: 89% of humor was rated by students and professors
Humor fluency Limited data: only 28% of studies reported this variable
Reliability of judges’ ratings
Lack of variability: 80% of the samples with Cronbach’s α reported a
reliability of .7 or higher
Sex differences in judges’ ratings Limited data: only 14% of studies reported this variable
Note. Humor fluency measures men’s and women’s number of responses for studies
where participants were allowed to produce an unlimited number of humor outputs. For
the reliability variable, various reliability measures were calculated, with 43% of the
samples reporting Cronbach’s α, and 31% of samples using other reliability measures
Table 2
Overview of Studies, Effect Sizes, and Moderators Included in the Meta-Analysis
Sample size
of First
Sex of
No. of
in the PR
Amir & Biederman (2016)
Comedians 17 3 0.68 0.64 0.42 NAM Male Yes 2 PR No No
Controls 10 7 0.05 0.49 0.69 NAM Male Yes 2 PR No No
Brodzinsky & Rubien (1976) 40 44 0.48 0.22 2.59 NAM Male No 2 PR Yes Yes
Christensen et al. (2016) 38 232 0.08 0.18 3.52 NAM Male No 4 PR No No
Christensen & Silvia (2016) 42 139 0.66 0.18 3.41 NAM Male No 3 NPR N/A No
Edwards & Martin (2010) 92 123 0.23 0.14 4.53 NAM Female No 2 PR Yes Yes
Freiheit et al. (1998)
Adolescent inpatients 23 32 1.13 0.29 1.69 NAM Female No 3 PR Yes Yes
High school students 43 42 0.19 0.22 2.66 NAM Female No 3 PR Yes Yes
Geher et al. (2017) 26 65 0.27 0.23 2.41 NAM Male No 3 PR No No
Greengross & Miller (2011) 200 200 0.37 0.10 5.84 NAM Male Yes 2 PR Yes Yes
Greengross et al. (2017) 38 79 0.43 0.20 2.99 Europe Male No 3 NPR N/A No
Greengross et al. (2012) 42 8 0.15 0.39 1.07 NAM Male Yes 3 PR No No
Howrigan & MacDonald (2008) 70 150 0.40 0.15 4.29 NAM Male Yes 2 PR Yes Yes
Kaufman (2016) 103 642 0.41 0.11 5.62 NAM Male
Kellner & Benedek (2017) 41 110 -0.09 0.18 3.33 Europe Female No 2 PR No No
Kim et al. (2013) 34 62 0.41 0.22 2.69 NAM Female No 3 PR No No
Kudrowitz (2010) 52 32 0.18 0.22 NAM Male Yes 1 NPR N/A No
Lehman et al. (2001) 21 39 0.36 0.27 1.90 NAM Female No 5 PR Yes Yes
Mickes et al. (2012) 16 16 0.24 0.35 1.23 NAM Female No 5 PR Yes Yes
Mollica (1983)
21 49 0.29 0.26 2.02 NAM Male Yes 1 NPR N/A No
Table 2 (continued)
Sample size
of First
Sex of
No. of
in the PR
Moran et al. (2014) 66 93 0.29 0.16 3.85 NAM Male No 4 PR Yes Yes
Nusbaum et al. (2017)
Study 1
Study 2 44 116 0.33 0.18 3.44 NAM Female No 3 PR No No
Study 3 45 93 0.37 0.18 3.33 NAM Female No 3 PR No No
Renner & Man
they (2018)
Saroglou & Jaspard (2001)
Humorous video 12 15 0.93 0.41 0.97 Europe Male No 2 PR Yes Yes
No video/control
Religious video 12 17 0.54 0.38 1.08 Europe Male No 2 PR Yes Yes
Saroglou (2002) 18 54 0.89 0.28 1.80 Europe Male Yes 1 PR No No
Séra et al. (2015)
Shiloh (1982)
Study 1 36 57 -0.07 0.21 2.73 Israel Female Yes 1 NPR N/A No
Study 2
Townsend (1982) 47 63 -0.13 0.19 3.12 NAM Male Yes 1 NPR N/A No
Ziv (1981b)
162 182 0.69 0.11 5.45 Israel Male Yes 1 PR Yes Yes
Ziv (1983)
28 30 0.17 0.26 2.01 Israel Male Yes 1 PR Yes Yes
Experiment 30 32 0.51 0.26 2.07 Israel Male Yes 1 PR Yes Yes
Note. Positive d denotes higher humor ability for men. Rel. weight = relative weight for the random model; NAM = North America;
N/A = not applicable; PR = peer-reviewed; NPR = Non-peer-reviewed.
Table 3
Moderators Included in the Meta-Analysis
Sample age
No. of
No. of
per task
task time
No. of
Male to
Amir & Biederman (2016)
Comedians NCS NAM 32.05 Caption Variable Multiple 7 Yes 0.25 81 1.45
NAM 24.90 Caption Variable Multiple 7 Yes 0.25 81 1.45
Brodzinsky & Rubien (1976)
Christensen et al. (2016) CS NAM 19.08 Both 3 One 5 No N/A 3 2.00
Christensen & Silvia (2016) CS NAM 19.10 Other 9 3 No N/A 8 0.60
Edwards & Martin (2010)
Freiheit et al. (1998)
Adolescent inpatients NCS NAM 15.44 Caption 8 One 5 Yes 1.88 6 1.00
High school students
Geher et al. (2017) NCS World 26.32 Caption 2 One 5 No N/A 3 0.50
Greengross & Miller (2011) CS NAM 20.60 Caption 3 Multiple 7 Yes 3.33 6 0.50
Greengross et al. (2017)
Greengross et al. (2012) NCS NAM 35.46 Caption 3 Multiple 7 Yes 3.33 6 0.50
Howrigan & MacDonald (2008) CS NAM 22.00 Other 11 Multiple 7 No N/A 4
Kaufman (2016)
Kellner & Benedek (2017) CS Europe 23.10 Caption 6 Multiple 4 Yes 2.5 10
Kim et al. (2013) CS NAM Caption 5 Multiple Yes 1.2 6
Kudrowitz (2010)
Lehman et al. (2001) CS NAM Other 1 5 2
Mickes et al. (2012) CS NAM Caption 20 One 6 Yes 2.25 81 0.72
Mollica (1983)
Table 3 (continued)
Sample age
No. of
No. of
per task
task time
No. of
Male to
Nusbaum et al. (2017)
Study 1
NAM 19.00 Both 3 One 5 Yes N/A 4 1.00
tudy 2
Study 3
NAM 18.70 Both 3 One 5 No N/A 2 1.00
Renner & Manthey (2018)
Europe 33.17 Caption 6 Multiple 10 Yes 0.42 3 0.00
Saroglou & Jaspard (2001)
Humorous video
Europe Caption 24 One 2 2 1.00
No video/control
Europe Caption 24 One 2 2 1.00
Religious video
Saroglou (2002)
Europe 23.42 Caption 24 One 2 2 1.00
Séra et al. (2015)
Europe 29.50 Caption 6 Multiple 9 Yes 2.5 14
Shiloh (1982)
Study 1
Israel 17.50 Other 4 Multiple 2 Yes 1.00 30
Study 2
Israel 34.53 Other 1 Multiple 2 Yes 4.00
Townsend (1982)
Ziv (1981b)
Israel 15.50
Caption 10 One 6 No N/A 3
Ziv (1983)
Israel 15.50
Caption 20 Multiple 2 No N/A
Note. Blank indicates no available data; NCS = non-college students; CS = college students; NAM = North America; World =
worldwide; Caption = new caption; Other = Verbal stimuli; Both = new caption and verbal stimuli; N/A = not applicable.
Table 4
Univariate Meta-Regressions for Quantitative Moderator Analysis
Moderator K Range Median b 95% CI Z Q(1) p
Sample size 36 17-745 94.5 0.0001 [-0.0004, 0.0006] 0.42 0.18 0.672
Publication year 36 1976-2018 2010.5 -0.0026 [-0.0086, 0.0033] -0.87 0.75 0.386
No. of authors 35 1-5 2 -0.0111 [-0.0966, 0.0743] -0.26 0.07 0.799
Sample age mean 28 15.13-35.46 21.7 -0.0098 [-0.0264, 0.0069] -1.15 1.32 0.250
No. of humor creation tasks 34 1-34 6 0.0089 [-0.0018, 0.0197] 1.63 2.64 0.104
No. of levels in funniness scale 34 2-10 5 -0.0261 [-0.0700, 0.0177] -1.17 1.36 0.243
Average Task Time 21 15 sec-5 min 2 min 0.0566 [-0.0298, 0.1429] 1.28 1.65 0.199
No. of judges 32 2-81 5.5 -0.0032 [-0.0101, 0.0037] -0.91 0.82 0.365
Male to female judge ratio 25 0-2 1 0.0293 [-0.1435, 0.2021] 0.33 0.11 0.739
Table 5
Mixed-Effects Categorical Moderator Analysis
Moderator/ Group k Men Women d 95% CI Q p
Main effect 36 1677 3380 0.321 [0.237, 0.405]
Affiliation of first author 0.067 0.967
North America 23 1130 2375 0.326 [0.247, 0.405]
Europe 8 255 640 0.302 [0.053, 0.551]
Israel 5 292 365 0.354 [0.049, 0.659]
Sex of first author 0.823 0.364
Female 12 469 879 0.266 [0.122, 0.410]
Male 24 1208 2501 0.348 [0.245, 0.451]
Single sex team 0.813 0.666
No 21 805 1807 0.298 [0.193, 0.404]
Yes 14 769 931 0.331 [0.175, 0.488]
Unknown 1 103 642 0.405 [0.196, 0.614]
Publication status 0.253 0.615
Not peer-reviewed 8 375 1125 0.280 [0.097, 0.463]
Peer-reviewed 28 1302 2255 0.333 [0.236, 0.430]
Availability in PR publication 2.816 0.093
No 12 436 1129 0.238 [0.114, 0.362]
Yes 16 866 1126 0.392 [0.261, 0.523]
Overall data publication status 2.201 0.138
No 20 811 2251 0.265 [0.160, 0.370]
Yes 16 866 1126 0.392 [0.261, 0.523]
Sample group 4.917 0.086
College students 21 1016 2580 0.337 [0.256, 0.418]
Non-college students 13 608 703 0.316 [0.125, 0.506]
Mixed 2 53 97 -0.059 [-0.399, 0.281]
Sample country 0.175 0.981
North America 21 1038 2217 0.329 [0.240, 0.417]
Europe 8 255 640 0.302 [0.053, 0.551]
Israel 5 292 365 0.354 [0.049, 0.659]
Worldwide 2 92 158 0.282 [0.022, 0.543]
Humor creation task 1.321 0.517
New caption 26 1215 2242 0.337 [0.225, 0.449]
Other 5 205 449 0.353 [0.125, 0.581]
Both 5 257 689 0.235 [0.087, 0.384]
No. of responses per task 8.792 0.012
One 15 591 1147 0.425 [0.277, 0.573]
Multiple 18 920 1413 0.221 [0.128, 0.314]
Unknown 3 166 820 0.460 [0.289, 0.630]
Table 5 (continued)
Moderator k Men Women d 95% CI Q p
Time limited? 7.542 0.056
No 8 441 923 0.422 [0.253, 0.591]
Yes 21 1024 1544 0.239 [0.137, 0.340]
Both 1 38 125 0.190 [-0.175, 0.555]
Unknown 6 174 788 0.475 [0.305, 0.646]
Note. PR = peer-reviewed; Other = Verbal stimuli; Both = new caption and verbal stimuli.
For North American countries (NAM), all are from the US except Edwards & Martin (2010).
Humor production was based on recall of captions that were generated under a fMRI scan.
Following the scan, participants were asked to write down the same captions they thought about while
in the machine.
The dissertation included two effect sizes, but we calculated the effect size based on only the
averages across all captions. The effect size based on the average of the first caption was excluded
(see also coding procedures).
The sd of 7.54 reported in Ziv (1981b) is probably wrong, as it is incongruent with women’s sd of
17.28. Ziv (1981a) reports a sd of 17.54, which we used here.
The study included non-significant results, therefore we used a conservative p-value of .51 to
calculate the effect size.
Sample group moderator data were excluded as it included a mix of college and graduate students, as
well as faculty members.
The original paper mistakenly reported that there were four men and two women judges, where in
fact there were four women and two men judges.
Majority of participants were college students.
Total number of judges was higher, but this was the number that judged each task.
Majority of participants were non-college students.
Sample group moderator data were excluded as half the participants were students and half not.
Middle point was used for a range of ages.
... Many anecdotes and assumptions about the role of humor in first encounters exist, and many of them are gender related or biased, like humor appreciation (e.g., smiling) being a part of expectations from women (Weisfeld et al., 2011). Studies over decades consistently show a significantly higher humor production ability for men as compared to women; in a recent meta-analysis of 28 studies, Greengross et al. (2020) found men's humor output (i.e., creation of verbal humor) was rated as significantly funnier than that of women (independently from 20 moderators like culture or publication year). This sex difference in humor production is in line with empirical evidence about sex differences in mating preferences. ...
... However, sexist jokes produced by men affect women's romantic attraction negatively (Betz & DiDonato, 2020). That said, comprehensive reviews of the role of humor in initiating (DiDonato & Jakubiak, 2016) or maintaining relationships (Greengross et al., 2020;Hall, 2019) tend to be heteronormative. ...
... As a supplemental mechanism, men prefer receptive women, that is, women with humor appreciation as a signal of romantic interest (Greengross et al., 2020;Hall, 2015). In line with the assumptions of evolutionary theory, a significant relationship between general intelligence and humor production was demonstrated (e.g., Christensen et al., 2018). ...
... For instance, in comedy women use their creativity more in assessing Frontiers in Psychology 15 humor, while men use theirs more in producing humor (Greengross et al., 2020). Similarly, one study mentioned the presence of more women (69%) than men in the front rows of music concerts (Sluming and Manning, 2000). ...
... Everyday displays of creativity also seem to impact attractiveness. For instance, women are attracted by men who can employ metaphors, make them laugh at jokes, and have significant verbal prowess Gao et al., 2017;Greengross et al., 2020). Summing up, ornamental signs of creativity seem to be mainly linked to male attractiveness, though some suggest they also increase the attractiveness of creative women (Kaufman et al., 2016). ...
... Evidence related to sex differences supports that both sexes have developed fitness indicators (Miller, 2013; see Table 1). Overall, no evidence was found of average differences in creative ability or achievement between adult men and women (Baer and Kaufman, 2008), but sexual dimorphism shows up when specific creative domains are evaluated (Ellis et al., 2008;Varella et al., 2010;Savage et al., 2015;Greengross et al., 2020;Hora et al., 2021;Nakano et al., 2021). Other evidence suggests greater creativity among women (Varella et al., 2017;Nakano et al., 2021). ...
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Cultural innovations, such as tools and other technical articles useful for survival, imply that creativity is an outcome of evolution. However, the existence of purely ornamental items obfuscates the functional value of creativity. What is the functional or adaptive value of aesthetic and intellectual ornaments? Recent evidence shows a connection between ornamental creativity, an individual’s attractiveness, and their reproductive success. However, this association is not sufficient for establishing that creativity in humans evolved by sexual selection. In this critical review, we synthesize findings from many disciplines about the mechanisms, ontogeny, phylogeny, and the function of creativity in sexual selection. Existing research indicates that creativity has the characteristics expected of a trait evolved by sexual selection: genetic basis, sexual dimorphism, wider variety in males, influence of sex hormones, dysfunctional expressions, an advantage in mating in humans and other animals, and psychological modules adapted to mating contexts. Future studies should investigate mixed findings in the existing literature, such as creativity not being found particularly attractive in a non-WEIRD society. Moreover, we identified remaining knowledge gaps and recommend that further research should be undertaken in the following areas: sexual and reproductive correlates of creativity in non-WEIRD societies, relationship between androgens, development, and creative expression, as well as the impact of ornamental, technical and everyday creativity on attractiveness. Evolutionary research should analyze whether being an evolved signal of genetic quality is the only way in which creativity becomes sexually selected and therefore passed on from generation to generation. This review has gone a long way toward integrating and enhancing our understanding of ornamental creativity as a possible sexual selected psychological trait.
... A consequence of women's judiciousness toward humor production could be especially funny men on the mating market. Recent meta-analyses corroborate this possibility by suggesting that men produce more humor compared to women that tends to be funnier (Greengross et al., 2020). These asymmetries may reflect the necessity of humor production in women, whereas women's humor production is less important in men's decisions. ...
... Descriptions of each man's humor style were counterbalanced on a between-participants basis to reduce stimulus effects despite participants evaluating each of the four humor styles based on the vignettes. Our decision to focus exclusively on male targets was based on the fact that men's overt humor use is more prevalent in broader social contexts than women's (Greengross et al., 2020). ...
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... The view that women are not, and cannot, be funny, or that men are funnier than women, persists in some academic, media and public debates (e.g. Greengross et al., 2020;Hitchens, 2007). Gray (1994) argues that numerous myths ensure these views are perpetuated over time. ...
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Stand-up comedy has recently become a primary site where representations of pregnancy are increasingly prevalent. Yet little academic work focuses on pregnant stand-up comedians and their performances. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, this article examines the cultural work of pregnant stand-up comedy. Thematic analysis of pregnant stand-up comedy by Amy Schumer, Ellie Taylor and Ali Wong identifies three significant features characterising the performances: (1) Comedic Corporeality, Vulgarity and Ambiguity; (2) Breaking Silences through the ‘Unruly Expectant Mother’; and (3) Critiquing Maternity Inequality through Pregnant Stand-Up? We examine how pregnant stand-up comedy interacts with and disrupts dominant cultural pregnancy representations, illustrating how pregnancy functions simultaneously as comic content and critique in the performances. Such comic content and critique are characterised by complexity as ambivalence is central to pregnant stand-up comedy. We argue it is precisely such ambivalence that provides productive means to understand the cultural and theoretical significances of pregnant stand-up comedy.
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... Gizonek txiste gehiago kontatzen badituzte ere, emakumeek barre gehiago egiten dute(Provine eta Yong, 1991). Beste ikerlari batzuek saiatu dira umorearen ekoizpenean gizonek eta emakumek dituzten aldeen faktore soziokulturalak aztertzen(Greengross, Silvia eta Nusbaum, 2020).Gizarte askotan gizonezkoak emakumeak baino bromazaleago moduan agertzen dira. Hiru urtez geroztik mutilek umorezko portaera gehiago erakusten dute neskek baino. ...
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Bere ingurunean aldaketak gertatzen direnean eta erronka berriei aurre egin behar dienean, jokaera berri batzuk eskatzen zaizkio organismoari, baina jokaera horiek sarritan zailak izaten dira eta energia asko eskatzen dute. Ingurunean gertatzen diren aldaketak ustekabekoak eta kontrolagaitzak direnean, informazio konplexua azkar prozesatzea eskatzen duten erronkei aurre egin behar die subjektuak; erantzun egokia azkar eman beharrean gertatzen da, baina ez du erantzun bizkor horrek eskatzen duen baliabiderik.
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This article presents a schema describing the ‘humor transaction,’ that is, the processes by which what is generally called humor is created, communicated, experienced, responded to and used. It describes in three stages the rich creative process shared between a humorist and an audience. This starts with the perception and/or formation of an amusing stimulus by a humorist and passes in a second stage to its communication by the humorist to others and their processing of the stimulus. The third stage captures the range of experiences and responses by the recipient/s, including personal consequences and possible re-use of the humor (which creates further functions and consequences). Although experiencing and using humor are both holistic processes, dependent on synchronization of social behaviors by humorist and recipient, the schema simplifies in order to summarize the general outline of a typical shared humorous ‘transaction’ while allowing for complex detail within each stage. It offers a framework within which scholars and practitioners can locate their different foci of research and application. It aims to assist in developing a shared vocabulary of concepts and terminology to foster exchange across the many disciplines involved in humor research. It provides a linked glossary of relevant terms designed to facilitate interdisciplinary exchange in studying humor.
Our own past work has shown that, surprisingly, the perceived gender of a robotic comedian does not influence human ratings of the robot’s humorousness, warmth, competence, comfort, or social closeness. This result differed from previous work on gendered robots in other historically gendered roles (e.g., healthcare and security), but the work was also conducted with university student participants, a population known to be relatively progressive. The present paper is a follow-up study in which we sought a more diverse (and possibly biased toward gender role congruence) participant group using Amazon Mechanical Turk (MTurk). Participants (N = 148) observed a clip of a robotic comedian with either a male or a female voice, after which we measured self-reported ratings of robot attributes. Results replicated the gender-related findings from our previous work, as well as provided insights as to how the previous and current participant populations differed in their opinions of robotic comedians. These findings confirm that gender stereotypes have less influence than expected on robot comedy performance, an insight on which designers of playful robots can build.
Politicians are tasked with both holding expertise and being relatable to the general population they are representing. Accordingly, politicians strategize their communication style to achieve both aims. One strategy they implement is using humor in their communication to constituents. But is this an effective strategy across humor styles? Does political affiliation or gender of the politician impact these effects? We examine these questions in an online experiment with Chilean subjects ( N = 799) using tweets from fictitious politicians, finding evidence that both serious and humorous aggressive communication had negative outcomes on social perception of the politician compared to affiliative and self-deprecating communication. Both serious and humorous affiliative communication has a positive outcome on social perceptions compared to aggressive and most self-deprecating communications. Also, self-deprecating humor was a moderately effective communication strategy, and political affiliation did not have an effect on perceptions of likability when affiliative humor was used. Finally, we did not find evidence of differences in social perceptions based on the gender of the politician.
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Humor is a universal phenomenon but is also culturally tinted. In this article, we reviewed the existing research that investigates how culture impacts individuals’ humor perception and usage as well as humor’s implications for psychological well-being. Previous research has substantiated evidence that Easterners do not hold as positive an attitude toward humor as their Western counterparts do. This perception makes Easterners less likely to use humor as a coping strategy in comparison with Westerners. Despite this difference, Westerners and Easterners have similar patterns in the relationship between their humor and psychological well-being index, though the strength of the relationship varies across cultures. Implications and potential future research avenues discussed.
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Previous research has shown that humor and self-presentation are linked in several ways. With regard to individual differences, it turned out that gelotophilia (the joy of being laughed at) and katagelasticism (the joy of laughing at others) are substantially associated with the histrionic self-presentation style that is characterized by performing explicit As-If-behaviors (e.g., irony, parodying others) in everyday interactions. By contrast, gelotophobia (the fear of being laughed at) shows a negative correlation with histrionic self-presentation. In order to further contribute to the nomological network, we have explored whether the three dispositions toward ridicule and laughter as well as histrionic self-presentation are related to humor creation abilities. In doing so, we have assessed the four constructs in a study with 337 participants that also completed the Cartoon Punch line Production Test (CPPT, Köhler and Ruch, 1993, unpublished). In the CPPT, subjects were asked to generate as many funny punch lines as possible for six caption-removed cartoons. The created punch lines were then analyzed with regard to quantitative (e.g., number of punch lines) and qualitative (e.g., wittiness of the punch lines and overall wittiness of the person as evaluated by three independent raters) humor creation abilities. Results show that both gelotophilia and histrionic self-presentation were positively correlated with quantitative and qualitative humor creation abilities. By contrast, gelotophobia showed slightly negative and katagelasticism no associations with the assessed humor creation abilities. These findings especially apply to the subgroup of participants that created punch lines for each of the six cartoons and partly replicate and extend the results of a previous study by Ruch et al. (2009). Altogether, the results of our study show that individual differences in humor-related traits are associated with the quantity and quality of humorous punch lines. It is argued that behavior-related or performative humor creation tasks should be considered in addition to the CPPT in order to open up new avenues that can cross-fertilize research on individual differences in humor and self-presentation.
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Introduction: So far, as we are aware, there has been little investigation into partner's preferences when analyzing the Romanian samples. Objective: This study intends to examine whether different levels of sense of humour would have a significant impact on attractivity and suitability when it comes to considering a Romanian potential partner. We considered that people perceived as having a good sense of humour are considered significantly more attractive and suitable as a long-term partner compared to those perceived as not having a good sense of humour or those in the control group. Likewise, we expected that people perceived as lacking a sense of humour are considered significantly less attractive and less suitable as a long-term partner compared to those in the control group. Finally, we verified if there are significant gender differences in terms of attractiveness and suitability with a long-term partner when considering humour. Methods: We constructed vignettes to describe a hypothetical partner-with humour as an independent variable and level of attractiveness and suitability as a long-term partner as dependent variables. The sample included a total of 150 Romanian students. Results: The results showed that subjects with a good sense of humour were considered more attractive and suitable as a long-term partner compared to subjects who lack a sense of humour. However, no significant differences were found when comparing subjects with a good sense of humour and subjects from the control group. Additionally, the male participants rated the female subjects with high levels of sense of humour as more attractive and suitable as a long-term partner, unlike the female participants. Conclusions: These findings suggest that possessing a good sense of humour affects interpersonal attraction and mate selection. This is a minor step in understanding the Romanian peoples' preferences when it comes to humour and mate selection.
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This paper argues in favour of considering humour and laughter as embodied signs of the ancient, sympathetic, figurative mode of the human mind, still working with us in dance, music, singing and literary activity. Starting from steady evolutionary provisos, both the continuity and the departing lines between nonhuman vocalisations and human laughter are considered. Along the Duchenne and non-Duchenne expression types, we analyse the developmental extension of laughter, both social and cognitive, probably under complex imitative forms through millennia until the emergence of articulated languages. Then, we try to explain the particular attachment of humour and laughter to evolutionary achievements in the symbolic domain. Thus, from a cognitive and semiotic framework, here it is argued that the old signal of play and joy might have evolved on a par with full connectivity and unbounded associations promoted by symbolic activity, clinging to new meanings and abilities, but still governed by the conjoined social work of sanction and solidarity, a pattern that humour shows all over around. As a particular reflex of ancient multimodality, laughter (with humour) seems akin to participative, mythical modes of thinking that were in full force and effect at the beginning of human societies, rooted in metaphors and figurativeness. Since both humour and laughter still find their way in the contemporary contexts of free associations, human projections and extended agentivity, they could be properly considered as the embodied, old counterpart of the imaginative dimension of symbolic activity.
To account for sex differences in the production, receptivity, and preference for humor in potential mates during courtship, past research has often adopted an evolutionary approach. The present manuscript will attempt to integrate evolutionary explanations with proximal social and cultural influences using the traditional sexual script and ambivalent sexism theory. The results of both Study 1 ( N =227) and Study 2 ( N =424) suggest that trait masculinity is positively associated with humor production in courtship, while trait femininity is associated with humor receptivity. Study 1 indicated that the traditional flirting style was associated with less humor production by women, and Study 2 indicated that hostile sexism was related to a lower preference for a humor-producing potential partner by men. A sex difference in humor production in potential partners in Study 2 was no longer detectable once trait gender and hostile sexism was accounted for. Taken together, gender roles, over and above biological sex, influence one’s own humor use in courtship and preference for humor in potential partners.
Empathic accuracy, or the ability to accurately know the emotional states of others, is a basic aspect of emotional intelligence. The current study explored the relationship between a standard measure of emotion-detection ability, the reading the mind in the eyes test, along with spontaneous measures of creativity (as well as the Big Five personality traits). To measure spontaneous creativity, participants were asked to come up with brief captions for two New Yorker cartoons. Three independent judges rated all captions along 10 continuous creativity dimensions. Participants also completed Gosling’s brief measure of the Big Five. In a sample of 265 adults from around the world, the reading the mind in the eyes emerged as significantly and positively predictive of 9 of the 10 creativity indices. Regression analyses demonstrated that these relationships existed after controlling for gender and age of participant. Further, of the Big Five traits, conscientiousness emerged as negatively related to several indices of creativity. Implications for the relationship between social-perceptual processes (e.g., empathic accuracy) and social-productive processes (e.g., spontaneous creativity) are discussed.