Article

The Sovereign Right to Kill: A Critical Appraisal of Israel’s Shoot-to-Kill Policy in Gaza

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Abstract

In the Gaza Strip, Israel’s military used lethal force against civilian protestors engaged in the ‘Great Return March’ of 2018. In its late May 2018 ruling, the Israeli Supreme Court held this use of force as legitimate self-defense. This article challenges Israel’s security response to these protests in an attempt to both unsettle a warfare discourse and to urge for a distinct ontological approach. The article argues that an ongoing settler-colonial project has racialised the Palestinian body as a security threat, and historicises Israel’s shoot-to-kill policy as merely one contemporary mode of dispossessing the native body. This includes a novel framework of armed conflict that has diminished the category of the civilian and expanded the scope of legitimate targets permitting the killing of greater numbers of Palestinians in the language of law; the article calls this legal technology the ‘shrinking civilian’.

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... A felsoroltakból vezethető le a telepesek, illetve a zsidó felsőbbrendűséget hirdető szervezetek megerősödése (Lentin, 2018), valamint az állam részéről a palesztinok jogi, katonai és egyéb eszközökkel történő elkülönítése, továbbá kollektív büntetésének a gyakorlata (Feldman, 2019). Ez utóbbi békés demonstrációk során is jellemző, mivel Izrael sokszor egyszerűen biztonsági fenyegetéssé redukálja, illetve legitim célpontként kezeli a palesztinok testét, mintegy tagadva a politikai jogaikért való kiállás jogosságát (Erakat, 2019). ...
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E két részből álló tanulmány célja mindazon belső és külső tényezők áttekintése, amelyek az izraeli–palesztin konfliktust rendezni kívánó kétállamos megoldást hátráltatják, illetve perifériára szorították az utóbbi években. A vizsgált okok nem elkülöníthető magyarázatok, hanem egymással is szorosan összefüggnek, és mind Izrael 1949/1967-es határain belül, mind Palesztina vonatkozásában hatást gyakoroltak a zsidó–palesztin kapcsolatokra. A tanulmány az aktuális tények és események ismertetését, illetve a politikai folyamatok elemzését tűzte ki célul. A végkövetkeztetése szerint miután a „térképnek” tekinthető kétállamos megoldást nemcsak a helyi közvélemény többsége tekinti megvalósíthatatlannak, de az a „tájjal” sincs köszönőviszonyban, annak a diplomáciai támogatása egyrészt hamis reményeket táplál, másrészt tovább mélyíti a zsidó és a palesztin lakosság közötti árkokat.
Article
This paper develops an agenda for political geographical work on violence, war, and trauma. Drawing from an analysis of the Great March of Return, a series of mass‐demonstrations in the Gaza Strip in 2018 and 2019, it argues that political geography and related fields could be enriched by the concepts of enduring violence and wounding. Enduring violence is offered as a supplement to existing geographical work on slow violence and cognate concepts such ‘everyday’, banal’, and ‘chronic’ violence, offering fresh ways of understanding the long‐lasting effects of violence and their specific material origins. Wounding is offered as a supplement to political geographical work on necropolitics and the ‘right to kill’, emphasising how a concomitant ‘right to maim’ troubles contemporary theorisations of biopower and necropolitics, and extending geographical work on trauma to include physical bodily trauma. Taken together, the argument is not only that acute (or epidemic) forms of violence can have chronic (or endemic) consequences but also that some forms of harm, like wounding, are characterised by material configurations that are calibrated or otherwise capacitated with the power to impart future harms even in the absence of future ‘blows’. Taking inspiration from geopolitical forensics, enduring violence places new emphasis on the ongoing and lasting harms that inhere in specific geo‐materialities of wounding. The paper concludes with a reflection on the relation between enduring violence and wounding and their implications for geographical work on violence, war, and trauma.
Article
This article critically examines thanato-geographies of Palestine-Israel and Palestinians and the crucial question of the possibility of politics in the context of sovereign exception. The main argument of the article is that bare life as referent for Palestinians’ lives overstates the subject-making capacities of the sovereign and understates the possibilities of political agency. As a response, the discussion turns to two prominent examples of exception – Israeli checkpoints and the Gaza borderlands – with the aim to keep in sharp focus both the thanatopolitical and that which – whether as complement or counter – exceeds it. Two important correctives arise from such an approach: thanatopolitical formations are i) dependent on broader thanato-geographies of capitalism; and ii) countered by the political agency of those figured as bare life.
Thesis
Full-text available
After examining an extensive collection of primary and secondary Israeli, Palestinian and international sources from organisations and institutions such as Al-Mezan, B’Tselem, the United Nations and the International Criminal Court, this paper propagates the notion that throughout the Great March of Return, the Israeli military had indiscriminately killed innocent Palestinian men, women, paramedics, journalists and children with intent. Thus, this study argues that the excessive force specifically exerted by the highly-skilled Israeli snipers stationed by the separation fence near Gaza, constitutes as an act of democide.
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