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Certainty in numerical judgments develops independently of the approximate number system

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Abstract

Recent work has shown that the precision with which children reason about their ANS certainty improves with age: when making simple number discrimination decisions, like deciding whether there are more blue or yellow dots on the screen, older children are better able to differentiate trials that they answered correctly vs. incorrectly. Here, in two experiments, we examine whether the age-related improvement in ANS certainty is accounted for by children’s: (1) increasing ability to properly “calibrate” their certainty judgements (i.e., a reduction in over-confidence with age); (2) improving precision of the ANS representations themselves; and/or (3) the improvement of children’s ability to represent and reason about certainty in general. By testing children in a child-friendly “relative” certainty task, we find that 3–7 year-olds’ (N=161) certainty in their ANS decisions develops independently of both ANS acuity and calibration abilities. These results hold even when non-numeric perceptual features, such as the density and cumulative area, are controlled for. We discuss these results in a broader context of children’s general ability to reason about certainty and confidence.
Running Head: CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 1
This paper is now published in Cognitive Development:
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cogdev.2019.100817
Certainty in Numerical Judgments Develops Independently of the
Approximate Number System
Carolyn Baer, University of British Columbia
Darko Odic, University of British Columbia
Contact Info:
Carolyn Baer
Department of Psychology
University of British Columbia
2136 West Mall
Vancouver, British Columbia V6T 1Z4
Email: cebaer@psych.ubc.ca
Acknowledgements: This work was supported by an Insight Development Grant from the Social
Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) to DO, and a SSHRC Joseph-
Armand Bombardier Canada Graduate Scholarship to CB. Thanks to members of the Centre for
Cognitive Development (Andy Park, Kim Go, Mimi Zhang, Natasha Au, Stephanie Lee,
Inderpreet Gill, Puja Malik) for their help with recruitment and data collection, and to the
schools and families who participated.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 2
Abstract
Recent work has shown that the precision with which children reason about their ANS
certainty improves with age: when making simple number discrimination decisions, like deciding
whether there are more blue or yellow dots on the screen, older children are better able to
differentiate trials that they answered correctly vs. incorrectly. Here, in two experiments, we
examine whether the age-related improvement in ANS certainty is accounted for by children’s:
(1) increasing ability to properly “calibrate” their certainty judgements (i.e., a reduction in over-
confidence with age); (2) improving precision of the ANS representations themselves; and/or (3)
the improvement of children’s ability to represent and reason about certainty in general. By
testing children in a child-friendly “relative” certainty task, we find that 3-7 year-olds’ (N = 161)
certainty in their ANS decisions develops independently of both ANS acuity and calibration
abilities. These results hold even when non-numeric perceptual features, such as the density and
cumulative area, are controlled for. We discuss these results in a broader context of children’s
general ability to reason about certainty and confidence.
Keywords: certainty, confidence, approximate number system, discrimination
Highlights
In two experiments, children aged 3-7 completed two versions of a relative certainty
monitoring task, choosing the more certain of two numerical discrimination questions.
Tasks such as these measure children’s certainty sensitivity independently of both their
certainty calibration and underlying perceptual noise.
By age 5, children consistently selected the option with higher certainty, and this
performance improved with age.
The tendency to choose the high-certainty option was related to, but not completely
explained by, precision in the Approximate Number System (ANS).
Results suggest that children’s certainty in their ANS judgments may reflect a developing
certainty system beyond the ANS itself.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 3
Imagine coming back from a concert and being asked how many people you think
attended the show. Even though you (hopefully) did not spend time counting each individual
person there, research over the past twenty years has shown that you could, without difficulty,
roughly estimate the number of people you saw by using your Approximate Number System
(ANS; Dehaene, 2011; Halberda, Ly, Wilmer, Naiman, & Germine, 2012; Odic & Starr, 2018;
c.f. Gebuis & Reynvoet, 2012; Szűcs, Nobes, Devine, Gabriel, & Gebuis, 2013). The ANS is the
theorized evolutionarily-adapted system for representing numerical information that guides our
earliest intuitions about number. It is present in newborn infants (Izard, Sann, Spelke, & Streri,
2009), preschoolers (Halberda & Feigenson, 2008), and many non-human animals (for review,
see Vallortigara, 2017). The key signature of the ANS is that it represents number imprecisely,
following Weber’s law that discriminability is linked to the ratio between numbers (Weber,
1978). That is, given a large ratio between two numbers (e.g., groups of 10 vs. 20 dots on a
screen), we can easily tell their difference; but, given a smaller ratio (e.g., 10 vs. 11 dots), the
underlying noise of the ANS representations is too high to reliably tell which group has more
dots. Over the course of development, the internal precision of the ANS slowly improves –
peaking sometime between late adolescence and adulthood (Halberda et al., 2012; Odic, 2018) –
allowing us to make increasingly accurate intuitive number judgments, even in the absence of
counting or language.
Recent theoretical and empirical work has shown that the ANS provides us with both an
approximate sense of number and a sense of our certainty in that estimate. For example, if you
were asked to estimate the number of words on this page, your ANS would provide you with
both the most likely number but also a sense of how confident you should be in that value
(Halberda & Odic, 2014; Vo, Li, Kornell, Pouget, & Cantlon, 2014). Young children can also
reason about their certainty in simple ANS decisions: after completing a number discrimination
trial (deciding whether there are more dots on the left or right side in Figure 1) 5-8 year-old
children can also indicate whether they believe that they answered the trial correctly or
incorrectly by choosing a value on a 2-point scale (Vo et al., 2014; see also Baer, Gill, & Odic,
2018). This work is consistent with broader work demonstrating that young children and toddlers
can monitor and use or report their uncertainty in a variety of cognitive and perceptual tasks,
including when identifying objects (Lyons & Ghetti, 2011), remembering novel names
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 4
(Lipowski, Merriman, & Dunlosky, 2013), or deciding whether they are confident enough to
walk down a narrow ramp (Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2008).
But, while children have an early ability to reason about certainty in their ANS decisions,
they are far from perfect at it. For example, children are not always well “calibrated” in their
certainty ratings and are often over-confident in their estimates of their knowledge or their
accuracy on numerical and non-numerical tasks (Lipowski et al., 2013; van Loon, de Bruin,
Leppink, & Roebers, 2017; Vo et al., 2014). Furthermore, children’s “sensitivity” to certainty –
their ability to tell apart increasingly similar states of certainty (e.g., both the difference between
“sure” vs. “unsure”, as well as the more nuanced difference between “sure” vs. “somewhat
sure”), sometimes called “resolution” – also develops and becomes finer tuned with age for both
their ANS and other domains where certainty has been tested (Vo et al., 2014, though see Salles
et al., 2016). As a result, while older children are generally quite good at differentiating between
the trials that they answered correctly vs. incorrectly, reflecting good sensitivity to certainty,
younger children are significantly poorer.
If children are becoming more sensitive to their certainty in ANS decisions, which factors
predict this developmental trajectory? In other words, why does children’s sensitivity to ANS
certainty improve with age? As we explain in detail below, we consider and test three possible
explanations for this developmental change: (1) that children’s sensitivity to certainty in their
ANS decisions only appears to improve because of improvements in calibration (e.g., a
reduction in being over-confident; Salles et al., 2016); (2) that children’s improving sense of
certainty is accounted for by the improvements in the ANS representations themselves – i.e., the
reduction in the perceptual noise from which certainty may be extracted (e.g., Maniscalco & Lau,
2012, 2014); and (3) that children’s improving sense of certainty in their ANS decisions is
accounted for by more general improvement in reasoning and representing certainty independent
of the ANS itself (e.g., Baer et al., 2018).
Under the first hypothesis, children’s sensitivity to certainty may reach adult-like levels at
a very young age, but this early competency may be overshadowed by children’s poor calibration
abilities. In typical paradigms measuring certainty abilities (e.g., Lyons & Ghetti, 2011; Salles et
al., 2016; Vo et al., 2014), children are first asked to make a simple decision, such as guessing
whether there are more blue or yellow dots (as in Figure 1), followed by a second question
asking them to rank their certainty on a scale (e.g., “sure” vs. “not sure”). While tasks such as
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 5
these are intuitively and methodologically straightforward, decades of research in the study of
certainty more broadly have shown that they tap into both individual differences in certainty
sensitivity and individual differences in where participants set their internal criterion for what
counts as high vs. low certainty (Barthelmé & Mamassian, 2009; Butterfield, Nelson, & Peck,
1988; Lipowski et al., 2013; Nelson, 1984; Salles et al., 2016). As a result, children’s improving
performance on these tasks could either be evidence of improving ability to differentiate correct
from incorrect trials (i.e., sensitivity), or of better and less overly optimistic criterion-setting (i.e.,
calibration). Consistent with this, Salles and colleagues (2016) show that when signal-detection
approaches are used to disentangle sensitivity (i.e., d’) from criterion-setting, children show
adult-like certainty sensitivity by age 6 in surface area discrimination tasks, but continue
developing their criterion-setting well beyond this age. Under this hypothesis, what appears to be
the development of sensitivity may actually be an improvement in calibration, and we should,
therefore, find little-to-no development of sensitivity in ANS certainty when controlling for
young children’s poor certainty calibration.
Under the second hypothesis, children’s developing sensitivity in ANS certainty may
simply be a by-product of the improving ANS representations themselves. By analogy, consider
a task in which you must choose the darker of two shades of grey and then subsequently report
your certainty in that decision. In other words, you must make two decisions: the underlying
perceptual decision of selecting the darker shade (sometimes termed a “Type 1 decision”), and a
certainty report (sometimes termed a “Type 2 decision”; Galvin, Podd, Drga, & Whitmore, 2003;
Maniscalco & Lau, 2012, 2014). Crucially, these decisions necessarily interact: if your
perceptual system for seeing brightness is very imprecise (e.g., you see all greys as either black
or white), your Type 1 decision will always be either impossible (as all nearby shades of gray
will seem identical) or trivially easy (e.g., when the two shades are extremely different). Thus,
with a highly noisy perceptual system, your Type 2 certainty decision would also appear
imprecise because it also only has two states: impossible or trivially easy. Developing perceptual
abilities themselves might, therefore, be partially or completely responsible for improving
sensitivity to certainty (Maniscalco & Lau, 2012, 2014; Pouget, Drugowitsch, & Kepecs, 2016).
For example, cumulative area and ANS representations (like those used by O’Leary & Sloutsky,
2017; Salles et al., 2016; Vo et al., 2014) heavily develop and become increasingly precise
between birth and early adolescence (Halberda & Feigenson, 2008; Halberda et al., 2012; Odic,
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 6
2018; Piazza, De Feo, Panzeri, & Dehaene, 2018), opening the possibility that children’s
improving certainty sensitivity in these dimensions could itself be entirely due to the reduction of
noise in these underlying perceptual representations. Therefore, under this hypothesis, we should
find little-to-no unique development in sensitivity to certainty when controlling for individual
and developmental differences in children’s underlying perceptual representations.
Finally, under the third hypothesis, children’s sensitivity to ANS certainty might improve
through more general mechanisms that actively extract, represent, and use certainty information
and themselves improve over time. Two recent lines of work suggest that representations of
certainty may tap into more general factors that go beyond the Type 1 decision observers are
making. First, work with adult participants has shown that certainty decisions can be easily
compared across otherwise independent perceptual tasks, including across independent
modalities such as vision and audition (De Gardelle, Le Corre, & Mamassian, 2016; De Gardelle
& Mamassian, 2014), suggesting that certainty may use or even be represented on a domain-
general scale. Recently, this work has been extended developmentally, finding that while number,
area, and emotion perception are representationally independent (i.e., how well a child
discriminates number does not predict how well they discriminate emotional expressions), their
certainty judgements are tightly correlated and constitute a single factor across these three
dimensions (Baer et al., 2018). Therefore, children’s increasing sensitivity in their certainty
decisions may be the by-product of a developing domain-general certainty scale, and not
specifically tied to the developing ANS itself. Additionally, recent computational models of
certainty in adults have suggested that certainty may in part depend on the momentary noise in
perceptual information, but also on a host of other performance factors that observers combine to
determine how sure they are of a momentary decision, such as their general confidence in the
task at hand, their prior history of trials, how much attention they believe they were dedicating to
the current trial, etc. (Martí, Mollica, Piantadosi, & Kidd, 2018; Pouget et al., 2016). Children
may, therefore, become more sensitive at judging their ANS certainty because they are better
able to combine a variety of relevant cues when deciding whether they answered a particular trial
correctly or incorrectly. Under either of these views, we should find that children’s sensitivity to
certainty should continue to develop even when controlling for individual and developmental
differences in calibration and the underlying noise in the ANS, as children’s certainty decisions
themselves should be a product of factors that are at least partly independent of the ANS itself.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 7
To tease these possibilities apart, we need a method that both controls for children’s
criterion-setting and that can allow us to measure the precision of the ANS independently from
certainty decisions. To accomplish this, we elected to use a “relative” certainty task, also
sometimes termed a Forced-Choice Certainty task (Barthelmé & Mamassian, 2009; Mamassian,
2016), which is popular in the adult literature on certainty perception as it directly measures
certainty sensitivity independently of potential response biases. In relative certainty tasks,
participants are asked to first answer two Type-1 questions (e.g., two perceptual discrimination
trials, such as deciding whether there are more blue or yellow dots in Figure 1, from which we
can measure ANS precision itself), and are then asked to report which question they are more
certain of getting correct (Barthelmé & Mamassian, 2009; Butterfield et al., 1988; Lipowski et
al., 2013). Following the principles of Signal Detection Theory (SDT; Green & Swets, 1966),
relative tasks such as these allow researchers to measure sensitivity to certainty independent of
criterion-setting. Because the observer simply compares two internal states and decides which
one they are more sure of, they are not forced to set a criterion value for what counts as low vs.
high certainty at all, allowing us to measure certainty sensitivity directly and independently of
criterion-setting. Thus, if children’s sensitivity to ANS certainty peaks independent of poor
criterion-setting, we should find that children do not show improvements in the relative certainty
task past preschool (Salles et al., 2016). In contrast, if we find continued development in
sensitivity in the relative certainty task, we would have evidence that poor criterion-setting is not
solely responsible for these changes.
Experiment 1
Methods
Participants. We opportunistically tested a total of 100 children (M = 5; 11, range = 3; 2
– 8; 0 [years; months], 56 girls), an arbitrary sample size chosen a priori (see Table 1 for
distributions by age). All children were tested in a quiet space in their schools or daycares in
[location blinded for review]. No additional demographic information was collected, though
most children were middle- to upper-middle class and largely from [ethnicity blinded for review]
backgrounds.
Materials and Procedures. Tasks were presented on an 11.3” Apple Air laptop computer
using Psychtoolbox-3 (Brainard, 1997). Children could respond by verbally indicating their
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 8
choice, or by pointing to a side of the screen. The experimenter pushed all buttons to reduce the
influence of memory and motor development on the results.
Stimuli throughout the experiment consisted of trials from a number discrimination task
used widely in the literature on the ANS (Halberda, Mazzocco, & Feigenson, 2008; Odic, 2018;
Odic & Starr, 2018). In each trial, there are two spatially separated groups of dots that differ in
number, and children are asked to determine (without counting) whether there are more blue or
yellow dots on the screen (see Figure 1). The size of the dots within each screenshot and across
screenshots was varied to control for the cumulative area of the dots. Children who attempted to
count the dots were reminded of the no counting rule, and the experimenter covered the dots with
her hand if the child continued. We manipulated children’s probability of getting a trial correct by
adjusting the ratio between the two sets of dots (see Halberda & Feigenson, 2008; O’Leary &
Sloutsky, 2017; Vo et al., 2014). For instance, the last image in Figure 1a depicts a ratio of 4.2
(42 yellow dots and 10 blue dots), which elicits a high degree of certainty, and which most
children in this age range would get correct (Odic, 2018). In contrast, the first image in Figure 1a
depicts a ratio of 1.07, which elicits a much lower degree of certainty, and which very few
children in this age range get correct above chance. Each trial varied continuously in ratio from
1.05 to 5.0, binned into 6 groups: 1.07, 1.10, 1.23, 1.44, 1.92, and 4.17.
Before starting the study, children completed 9 practice number discrimination trials
presented on flashcards to teach them how to complete the number discrimination task. Practice
trial ratios ranged from 1.33 to 3, and children were told whether their answers were correct or
not. Then, children were told they would play the game ‘for real’ on the computer, and they
needed to get a lot of questions right to win.
To assess children’s certainty sensitivity, we designed two versions of the relative
certainty task (described in detail below). In one version, modelled directly off the Forced
Choice tasks used with adults (e.g., Barthelmé & Mamassian, 2009; De Gardelle & Mamassian,
2014), children first answered two number discrimination questions, then indicated which
answer had higher certainty. In the second version, children were shown two trials
simultaneously and then selected the one they were most certain of to answer (for a similar
approach, see Barthelmé & Mamassian, 2009, Study 1; Baer et al., 2018). We will refer to the
first version as the “Post-Choice” Certainty task because the certainty judgment is made after the
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 9
perceptual decisions, and the second version as the “Pre-Choice” Certainty task because the
certainty judgment is made before the perceptual decision.
Each version of the relative certainty task has its own strengths and limitations. The Post-
Choice task allows us to simultaneously collect certainty and perceptual judgments for all trials,
while the Pre-Choice task does not, because children only answer the one question they indicate
as high certainty. However, the Post-Choice version potentially places additional cognitive and
motivational demands on children that the Pre-Choice version does not. Completing the Post-
Choice task requires that children hold in memory their two states of certainty from the
preceding perceptual decisions, overcome cognitive fatigue to report on their certainty after
answering both perceptual decisions, and stay motivated through the task without evaluative
feedback (feedback about the accuracy of their perceptual judgments would eliminate the need
for children to consult their certainty - they could simply choose the question they received
positive feedback on). Despite these differences, we hypothesized that both tasks would measure
the same underlying abilities. We therefore ran both versions on all children, counterbalancing
order across participants. All but 3 children completed both versions: children who only
completed one version were retained for analyses of that task, but were removed for comparisons
between the two versions. Children were permitted to take a short stretching break in between
tasks to reduce boredom.
Post-Choice Certainty Task. In this task, children were shown two gray occluders – one
on the left side of the screen and one on the right (Figure 1b). When the child was ready, the
experimenter pushed a button to reveal a picture of blue and yellow dots behind the left occluder
and the child was asked whether there are more blue or yellow dots. Children could either point
or verbally indicate which set had more dots, after which point the experimenter would push a
button and the trial would get re-covered by the occluder. Children were given as long as they
needed to answer which color had more dots, but they were told not to count and were prevented
from counting if they ignored this rule. After the child answered the first trial, the experimenter
would push a button to reveal the second picture of blue and yellow dots, and the child would
again answer which side had more. No feedback was given about the accuracy of the answer, as
this could have changed children’s certainty judgments. Instead, the experimenter occasionally
gave neutral encouraging affirmations (“Okay!”, “Alright!”) to keep children engaged, ensuring
to always provide equivalent feedback for both left and right answers.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 10
After answering both questions, the experimenter asked the child “Which one do you
want to keep for the computer to check? Which one are you more sure of?”. Variations of these
questions have been successfully used to elicit certainty judgments in children as young as 3
years (Hembacher & Ghetti, 2014; Vo et al., 2014). As in Barthelmé & Mamassian (2009),
children were not able to see the questions during this phase (though they could still see the
occluders) and had to rely on the memory of their certainty. The experimenter did not provide
any feedback about whether their selected question was correct or not, as this feedback might
also have been interpreted as indicating that their certainty choice was correct or not (see Smith,
Beran, Couchman, & Coutinho, 2008).
Critically, the trials were paired such that one always displayed a larger (i.e., higher
certainty) ratio than the other. We expected, based on other work with this paradigm, that
children would choose the answer they felt was more certain (Baer et al., 2018). To assess
individual differences in sensitivity to certainty, we varied the relative difference between the
ratios of the two presented trials, which we quantified with a “metaratio”: the larger ratio divided
by the smaller one (e.g., metaratio 4.0 could be made with ratio 4.2 and ratio 1.05). On each trial,
children were presented with one of five metaratios: 4.0, 3.0, 1.5, 1.25, or 1.1. Each metaratio
was presented 6 times, yielding a total of 30 trials. All 60 number discrimination trials used to
make the certainty trials were unique. Note that rather than using a division of ratios, we could
have instead calculated the difference of ratios; both ratio and difference approaches have
previously been used in the literature (e.g., De Gardelle et al., 2016), and our choice of using
division does not impact any of our results and was chosen to remain consistent with previous
reports (Baer et al., 2018).
Our two primary dependent variables of interest in this task were each child’s accuracy in
identifying which set had more dots on each of the 60 trials (i.e., number discrimination
accuracy) and the child’s choice of which trial to keep on the certainty questions – i.e., which
trial they were more certain of.
This task took, on average, 5.6 minutes for children to complete.
Pre-Choice Certainty Task. The stimuli for this version were identical to the Post-Choice
version: the identical 60 number discrimination trials were used in exactly the same pairings as
in the Post-Choice version to limit the differences between the tasks. However, in the Pre-Choice
version, both number discrimination trials were visible side-by-side on the screen at the
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 11
beginning of each trial (Figure 1c). Rather than answering each question and then retrospectively
evaluating their certainty, children were instead asked “Which one do you want to do?” (this
prompt has successfully elicited certainty judgements from children in previous work as children
seek to maximize their success; Baer et al., 2018). Their selected question would then expand to
fit the whole screen, hiding the non-chosen option, and they indicated the side with more dots. In
other words, children evaluated their certainty prospectively and chose a trial to complete based
on their perceived higher certainty. Children were given as long as they needed to answer both
the certainty and number discrimination questions, though they were discouraged from counting
in the same way as in the Post-Choice version. To maintain engagement, children were given
feedback on whether they got the answer correct in the zoomed-in number discrimination (e.g.,
“That’s right!” or “Oh, that’s not right!”), as there was no way for this feedback to be
misinterpreted as feedback about their certainty choice.
The primary dependent variable in this task was the trial that children choose to attempt –
i.e., the one they were more certain in. This task took, on average, 3.6 minutes for children to
complete.
Results
We found no effects of gender in our analyses, so all results reported hereafter collapse
across gender. Children were generally more accurate on the Pre-Choice Certainty Task if they
completed it first, likely because the longer Post-Choice task was more fatiguing, F(1, 92) =
4.73, p = .032, p2 = .05. We report the remainder of the results combined across orders, as no
results change if we include it. All ANOVAs are Greenhouse-Geisser corrected if sphericity is
violated.
Number Discrimination. Children’s average accuracy on the number discrimination
trials within the Post-Choice task was 80% (SD = 11%), which was significantly higher than
chance, t(97) = 26.99, p < .001, d = 2.73. This level of performance is consistent with previously
reported ANS performance in this age range (Odic, 2018). Consistent with the classic ratio-
dependent signature of the ANS, children were more accurate, F(3.33, 322.61) = 83.87, p < .001,
p2 = .46; see Figure 2, and faster, F(3.91, 379.21) = 12.38, p < .001, p2 = .11, on larger ratios
compared to smaller ones. Finally, there was a significant correlation between age and number
discrimination accuracy, r(96) = .68, p < .001. Together, these patterns replicate previous work
on children’s number perception and demonstrate that children attended to and successfully
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 12
understood the task. Additionally, they confirm that our manipulation of numeric ratio should
also manipulate children’s sense of certainty.
Post-Choice Certainty Task. Because each trial consisted of a smaller and a larger ratio,
we expected that children who attended to and compared two states of certainty would choose
the larger (i.e., more certain) ratio more often than the smaller one. Consistent with this, 5, 6, and
7-year-olds showed this pattern and chose the more certain ratio more than 50% of the time (see
Table 1 for means and tests against chance)1. We find these effects irrespective of the order in
which children completed the tasks, making it unlikely that children relied on their memory of
positive feedback from the Pre-Choice task to determine which question to answer. As a further
examination of whether children chose trials based on their certainty, we examined whether
children’s choices actually reflected the trials that they answered correctly vs. incorrectly.
Overall, children’s accuracy was higher on the number discrimination trials that they kept during
the certainty trials (M = 84%, SD = 14%), than on those they discarded (M = 75%, SD = 11%),
t(97) = 7.28, p < .001, d = 0.74. This confirms that, for the majority of children in our sample,
their choices in the task reflected a judicious strategy of choosing trials with the higher
probability of success – i.e., trials with higher certainty.
Next, we turn to the central question of interest: which factors predict the development of
children’s ANS certainty? We found a strong correlation between children’s choices on the Post-
Choice Certainty Task and age, r(96) = .40; p < .001. Since the relative confidence task
eliminates the need for criterion-setting, this result suggests that children’s ANS certainty
sensitivity develops independently of their criterion-setting abilities. We found this same result
when examining the correlation between age and the ANS accuracy on chosen vs. unchosen
trials, F(4, 93) = 6.44, p < .001; p2 = .22.
But, could this age-related improvement simply be due to children’s improving ANS
precision? We found a trending correlation between children’s ANS discrimination accuracy and
their choice on the certainty task, r(96) = .19, p = .066, suggesting that the ANS contributes some
variance to children’s performance on the certainty task. However, adding ANS discrimination
ability to a linear regression between certainty and age did not improve the model predicting
certainty choice over age alone, R2Change= .01, F(1, 95) = 1.37, p = .245, βAge = .50, t(97) = 3.90, p
1 A small number of children (n = 12) adopted the opposite strategy, in which they consistently chose the smaller of
the two ratios, often saying that they wished to challenge themselves. We report additional exploratory analyses on
these children at the end of the Results section.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 13
< .001, βANS = -.15, t(97) = -1.17, p = .245, VIF = 1.84 (see Figure 3), suggesting that there are
age-related improvements in certainty sensitivity independent of the underlying improvements in
ANS representations themselves. But, do we observe identical results in the Pre-Choice Certainty
task, in which children have to evaluate their certainty prospectively rather than retrospectively?
Pre-Choice Certainty Task. As in the Post-Choice Certainty task, we found that children
ages 5, 6, and 7 in the Pre-Choice Certainty Task chose the more certain ratio more than 50% of
the time (see Table 1 for means and tests against chance)2, and age correlated with the Pre-
Choice accuracy, r(97) = .47, p < .001, suggesting that criterion-setting is not the only factor
responsible for the development of ANS certainty. We also found a small age-related difference
between the two Certainty tasks: as can be seen in Figure 2, even 4-year-olds were able to select
the more certain trials on the two largest (i.e., most disparate) metaratios, M = 62.50, SD = 19.54,
t(13) = 2.39, p = .033, d = 0.64, despite not showing performance different from chance with all
trials combined (see Table 1). Therefore, it is possible that young children’s ANS certainty is so
noisy and imprecise that they cannot reliably tell apart the metaratios we presented, but that they
might succeed if given easier metaratios.
Replicating the Post-Choice results again, children’s ANS discrimination performance
and their choice of the more certain ratio also correlated, r(95) = .40, p < .001. However, adding
number discrimination accuracy to a linear regression on choice of the more certain ratio did not
explain any additional variability compared to age alone, R2Change = .01, F(1, 94) = 1.47, p = .228,
βAge = .36, t(96) = 2.94, p = .004, βANS = .15, t(96) = 1.21, p = .228, VIF = 1.86, see Figure 3,
suggesting that the development of sensitivity to certainty is not entirely driven by improvements
in the underlying perceptual representations themselves, even in a prospective task with reduced
cognitive demands.
Correlations between the Tasks. Because the Pre- and Post-Choice Certainty versions
differed in several ways, we performed two additional comparisons between tasks to confirm that
both versions were measuring the same underlying ability. First, certainty accuracy on the two
tasks (i.e., choosing the larger ratio) correlated even when controlling for age and number
discrimination accuracy, r(93) = .32, p = .002. Second, children’s accuracy on the ANS trials
they expressed higher certainty in (trials they chose to answer in the Pre-Choice version, and
trials they chose to keep in the Post-Choice version) were nearly identical (Pre-Choice: M =
2 As in the Post-Choice task, we found that a sample of children (n = 11) consistently chose the harder of the two
trials. We report an exploratory analysis of these children at the end of the Results section.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 14
85%, SD = 11%, Post-Choice: M = 84%, SD = 14%), t(96) = 0.29, p = .771. In fact, these two
accuracies correlated even when controlling for age, r(94) = .37, p < .001, suggesting that
children were trying to choose questions in both versions that maximized their chance of success.
Together, these results show that the Pre- and Post-Choice tasks both tapped into
children’s ANS certainty and that, furthermore, the development of children’s ANS certainty
sensitivity occurs independently of criterion-setting and individual and developmental
differences in ANS acuity itself.
Metaratio Effects. Because we presented children with 5 different metaratios – ratios
between the two presented numerical ratios – we also examined whether children’s choice of the
more certain ratio changed as a function of the metaratio. Specifically, we predicted that certainty
itself might be noisy and continuous and therefore subject to Weber’s law (Weber, 1978), which
would mean that children should be best at differentiating two states of certainty that are far apart
(i.e. larger metaratios) than close together (Barthelmé & Mamassian, 2009).
Consistent with this, we find that children’s accuracy and speed improved as the
metaratio grew in both the Post-Choice task (Accuracy: F(4, 388) = 25.55, p < .001, p2 = .21;
Speed: F(4, 388) = 4.17, p = .003, p2 = .04; see Figure 2) and the Pre-Choice task (Accuracy:
F(4, 376) = 28.41, p < .001, p2 = .23; Speed: F(2.67, 261.24) = 4.01, p = .011, p2 = .04; Figure
2). Children’s age (as a covariate) interacted with accuracy by metaratio in the Post-Choice task,
F(16, 372) = 3.01, p < .001, p2 = .12, consistent with the findings reported earlier that 3 and 4-
year-olds did not choose the more certain ratio more than chance in this task. However, we do
not find an interaction between metaratio and age as a covariate on children’s choices in the Pre-
Choice task, F(16, 376) = 1.39, p = .145, p2 = .06, as even the youngest children in our sample
chose the larger ratio above chance in this task given a large enough metaratio. These results
remain qualitatively identical if we define metaratios in terms of the difference (rather than ratio)
between the two ratios, and broadly suggest that children’s representations of certainty are
themselves subject to internal noise and are consistent with Weber’s law (Weber, 1978).
Exploratory analysis of the “Opposite Strategy”. As noted above, we found that a
small subset of children in both the Pre- and Post-Choice tasks consistently chose the trial they
were less certain of (n = 12 in the Post-Choice Certainty task and n = 11 in the Pre-Choice
Certainty task). These children are easily identified because their performance shows a reversed
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 15
metaratio effect: the higher the difference between the two ratios, the more likely they were to
choose the lower ratio trial (see also (see also Baer et al., 2018; Odic, Pietroski, Hunter, Lidz, &
Halberda, 2013 for a mathematical model that tests which children show reverse ratio
performance). Interestingly, we find that the probability of a child adopting such a strategy is not
consistent across the two tasks, with only two children in the sample demonstrating this behavior
in both the tasks.
In the analyses reported above, we left all of the children’s data as-is. But, children who
use this opposite strategy introduce statistical heterogeneity into the data, as their significantly
below-chance performance leads to bimodality and higher variability, despite the fact that, in
principle, their behavior is clearly indicating an ability to differentiate their two states of
certainty. Thus, we performed two additional exploratory analyses: one with these children
removed from the sample, and one with their performance mathematically transformed as a
difference from 50%, in order to verify whether any of our results could be attributed to this
subsample of children.
When removing these children from the sample, we still found a significant correlation
between age and accuracy in the Post-Choice task, r(85) = .52; p < .001, and the Pre-Choice task,
r(87) = .53; p < .001. Both of these remained significant even when controlling for individual
differences in Number Discrimination accuracy, Post-Choice: r(84) = .46, p < .001; Pre-Choice:
r(84) = .43, p < .001. We also analyzed our data when we mathematically transformed these
children’s data by taking the absolute difference in accuracy from 50% (this equates the
performance of children who performed above and below 50% to the same degree, e.g., 75% and
25%, as they could both discriminate the two trials equally well, but reported their lower
confidence choice). We once again found a significant correlation between age and accuracy on
the Post-Choice task, r(96) = .49; p < .001, and Pre-Choice task, r(97) = .50; p < .001), even
when controlling for Number Discrimination accuracy (Post-Choice: r(94) = .41, p < .001; Pre-
Choice: r(94) = .41; p < .001). Together, both of these analyses support the conclusion that
certainty sensitivity develops independently of criterion-setting and the ANS, even when the
opposite strategy children are excluded or have their data transformed.
Discussion
In Experiment 1, we found that children’s sensitivity to ANS certainty improves from age
3 to age 7, and that this is not fully explained by improving ANS precision or criterion-setting
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 16
abilities. We also found that both of the versions of the certainty task – the Post-Choice Certainty
task which asked children to evaluate their certainty retrospectively and the Pre-Choice Certainty
task which asked them to evaluate their certainty prospectively – strongly correlated and both
showed development independent of criterion-setting or ANS precision. Finally, and consistent
with previous reports, we found evidence in both tasks that certainty decisions are metaratio-
dependent: the larger the difference in certainty between the two trials, the more likely children
were to identify the more certain trial.
At the same time, however, Experiment 1 has two limitations. First, in order to keep
children motivated in the Pre-Choice task, we provided them with explicit feedback on their dot
discrimination performance (though we gave them no feedback on the certainty portion of the
task); but, in order to have children evaluate their certainty retrospectively, the Post-Choice task
could not give children any feedback at all. One possibility, therefore, might be that children
were trained to attend to their certainty signal throughout the course of the Pre-Choice task and
could not attend to their certainty spontaneously without feedback.
The second limitation of Experiment 1 concerns our stimuli: while our ANS displays
controlled for the cumulative surface area of the dots, they did not control for other non-numeric
visual features that have sometimes been shown to influence children’s performance. For
example, Gebuis & Reynvoet (2012; see also Clayton, Gilmore, & Inglis, 2015; Szűcs et al.,
2013) show that adult observers frequently select the side that has the higher convex hull (i.e.,
the largest contour drawn around the dots) rather than the side that is more numerous. One
possible explanation for the continued development of certainty when controlling for the ANS,
therefore, might be that children used distinct dimensions on the certainty and dot discrimination
parts of the tasks (e.g., choosing certainty based on convex hull, but dot discrimination based on
number, or cumulative area, etc.).
To rule out these two possibilities, in Experiment 2 we once again tested 3 – 7 year-old
children on a Pre- and Post-Choice Certainty tasks with two major changes: neither task featured
feedback, and the dot stimuli were created using the Gebuis and Reynvoet (2011) algorithm that
controls for five different non-numeric features (cumulative area, convex hull, density,
cumulative circumference, and cumulative diameter/additive area). If any of these factors is
responsible for the positive results we found in Experiment 1, we should find that children’s
performance in Experiment 2 should be no different from chance.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 17
Experiment 2
Method
Participants. Using the correlation between age and children’s certainty judgments in
Experiment 1 (r = .40, from the Post-Choice Task), we conducted a power analysis and
determined that 61 participants would be required to replicate this effect with 90% power at α = .
05. We recruited and tested 61 children aged 3-7 years (M = 5;6, range = 3;2-8;0, 32 girls) from
the same area and in the same manner as Experiment 1. One child completed the Post-Choice
version only, so his data was retained for analysis of the Post-Choice task and removed for all
other analyses.
Materials and Procedures. We used new number discrimination stimuli in this
experiment that controlled for five non-numeric visual features: cumulative area, density, convex
hull, cumulative diameter, and cumulative circumference. Stimuli were generated using a
program designed by Gebuis and Reynvoet (2011), which overall balances the number of trials in
which any of these dimensions correlate with the same answer as number. In other words, if
children use any of these cues consistently, their number discrimination performance should be at
chance. Note that for the very easiest ratios, the software cannot generate trials that have
cumulative diameter and circumference in the opposite direction from number. To prevent these
cues from being usable in children’s certainty judgments, we matched each of the easiest ratio
trials with a very difficult trial that had the cues correlated in the same direction (e.g., if
cumulative circumference was a possible cue on a ratio 5.5, it was also a cue on the matched trial
of 1.1), preventing children from using these cues to decide which trial they were more certain
of. Each trial varied continuously in ratio from 1.04 to 5.5, binned into 7 groups: 1.05, 1.10, 1.35,
1.64, 2.05, 3.75, and 5.15. Using these new stimuli, we developed certainty pairs in the same
way as Experiment 1, with metaratios of 1.25, 1.5, 3.0, 4.0, and 5.0. All other aspects of the
materials were identical to Experiment 1.
The procedures were the same as in Experiment 1 with one change: children were not
given feedback about their number discrimination performance by the computer in the Pre-
Choice condition. Instead, to equate the use of feedback between the two versions, children were
only given periodic neutral affirmations (e.g., “Okay!”, “Alright”, “Let’s do another one!”)
equally in both the Pre-Choice and Post-Choice Certainty tasks, and only during the time
between trials so that they could not interpret it as giving them any corrective feedback.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 18
With these changes, children took 5.2 minutes on average to complete the Post-Choice
task and 3.1 minutes on average to complete the Pre-Choice task.
Results
We found no effects of gender or order on children’s performance, and so collapse across
these variables for all analyses.
Number Discrimination. Replicating Experiment 1 and previous work, children
correctly answered 74% (SD = 8.16) of number discrimination questions, t(60) = 23.36, p < .001,
d = 2.99. We also found ratio effect, with children performing more accurately, F(4.23, 253.63) =
99.74, p < .001, p2 = .62, and faster, F(4.64, 278.11) = 3.91, p = .003, p2 = .06, on the higher
ratios (see Figure 4). Children’s accuracy also strongly correlated with age, r(59) = .66, p < .001.
Thus, even when controlling for the five non-numeric visual features, children’s performance
was above chance and indicates that they relied on number.
Post-Choice Certainty Task. Children aged 6 and 7 consistently chose the trials with
larger ratios above chance rates (see Table 2 for means and t tests). As in Experiment 1, we found
that children were more accurate on trials for which they indicated high certainty (M = 79.13, SD
= 12.92), than trials they chose to discard (M = 69.67, SD = 8.77), t(60) = 4.96, p < .001, d =
0.86. And, as before, we found that a subset of children (n = 12) chose the opposite strategy of
consistently choosing the lower certainty trial.
Children’s certainty choice correlated with both age, r(59) = .56, p < .001, and ANS
accuracy, r(59) = .42, p = .001, suggesting that their performance on the certainty portion was
also not based on any of the five non-numeric visual features. And, once again, adding ANS
discrimination ability to a linear regression between certainty and age did not improve the model
predicting certainty choice over age alone, R2Change= .00, F(1, 58) = 0.28, p = .599, βAge = .51,
t(57) = 3.57, p = .001, βANS = .08, t(57) = 0.53, p = .599, VIF = 1.77 (see Figure 5). The
correlation between age and Post-Choice Certainty accuracy when controlling for Number
Discrimination accuracy held if the 12 children using the opposite strategy were either removed
r(47) = .59; p < .001, or had their performance mathematically transformed, r(59) = .54; p < .
001.
Pre-Choice Certainty Task. Replicating the Post-Choice results above, children aged 6
and 7 chose to answer trials with larger numerical ratios above chance rates (see Table 2 for
means and t tests), indicating sensitivity to their certainty. And, as in the Post-Choice task, we
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 19
found that a subsample of children (n = 10) consistently chose the lower certainty trial; only 4
children who went with this opposite strategy on both tasks.
Certainty choice on the Pre-Choice task correlated with age, r(58) = .35, p = .007, and
ANS accuracy, r(58) = .37, p = .003. Adding ANS accuracy to the linear model predicting
certainty choice did not improve the model over one with age alone, R2Change= .04, F(1, 57) =
2.63, p = .111, though we do note that it removed the effect of age when included, βAge = 0.18,
t(56) = 1.14, p = .258, βANS = .26, t(56) = 1.62, p = .111, VIF = 1.71 (see Figure 5). Nevertheless,
we found that age and certainty significantly correlated when controlling for ANS precision if the
opposite strategy children were excluded, r(48) = .44, p < .001, or mathematically transformed as
a difference from 50%, r(58) = .42, p = .001, consistent with the results of Experiment 1.
Correlations between the tasks. As in Experiment 1, children’s performance on the Pre-
Choice and Post-Choice versions correlated, r(56) = .44, p = .001, even when controlling for age
and ANS precision. Moreover, children’s accuracy on ANS trials they expressed higher certainty
in were nearly identical (Pre-Choice: M = 81%, SD = 10%, Post-Choice: M = 79%, SD = 13%),
t(59) = 1.03, p = .307, and were correlated even when controlling for age, r(57) = .44, p = .001..
Metaratio Effects. As in Experiment 1, children were more likely to indicate high
certainty in the larger of the two presented ratios when the metaratio between them was large,
Pre-Choice: F(3.31, 195.52) = 13.10, p < .001, p2 = .18, Post-Choice: F(4, 60) == 4.61, p = .
001, p2 = .07. There were trending interactions between age (as a covariate) and metaratio
predicting children’s certainty choice in both versions, Pre-Choice: F(3.34, 196.60) = 2.18, p = .
083, p2 = .04, Post-Choice: F(4, 236) = 2.11, p = .080, p2 = .04, where older children showed
metaratio effects while younger children did not (see Figure 4). We did not see any effect of
metaratio for children’s reaction times, Pre-Choice: F(3.09, 182.03) = 1.32, p = .268, p2 = .02,
Post-Choice: F(3.33, 200.13) = 1.33, p = .263, p2 = .02.
General Discussion
Young children’s ANS representations provide them not only with an approximate sense
of number, but also with a sense of certainty that improves with age: children become
increasingly able to differentiate number discrimination trials that they believe they answered or
could answer correctly vs. incorrectly. In two experiments, we tested whether this improving
sensitivity in ANS certainty is accounted for by developmental improvements in calibration
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 20
abilities, by the improving precision of children’s ANS representations, or by improvements in
children’s more general ability to reason about their certainty. By testing 3-7-year-old children on
two versions of the relative certainty task that directly measures sensitivity independent of
criterion-setting, and by controlling for developmental improvements in children’s ANS
precision, we find that sensitivity in ANS certainty continues to develop until at least age 8.
Importantly, these results hold even when feedback is entirely removed from the tasks,
suggesting that children can access their certainty representations spontaneously, and when five
non-numeric visual features, including density and convex hull, are controlled for. Our findings
broadly replicate claims made in the literature that children improve at monitoring their certainty
with age, and extend them by experimentally removing the influence of overconfidence bias and
statistically removing the influence of underlying ANS noise. They also contrast to previous
reports that have argued that children’s certainty develops primarily because of changes in
criterion-setting (i.e., calibration; Salles et al., 2016).
What, then, are the additional factors contributing to the development of certainty
sensitivity beyond calibration and ANS precision? Our results are consistent with the hypothesis
that the improvement in children’s certainty in ANS decisions is driven not by improvements in
calibration or the ANS itself, but by improvements in the ability to reason about and represent
perceptual certainty more generally. As one example, discussed in the Introduction, recent work
has shown that certainty might act as a domain-general currency that bridges otherwise disparate
and independent perceptual representations: children’s certainty sensitivity in number, area, and
emotion decisions is tightly linked, even though children’s discrimination abilities in these three
tasks are independent of each other (Baer et al., 2018). Similarly, adult observers are able to
compare states of certainty across otherwise independent perceptual boundaries, such as visual
vs. auditory trials or contrast vs. orientation. Moreover, we find here that children’s ability to
reason about their certainty is ratio-dependent, providing some empirical evidence that certainty
is a continuous property that itself obeys Weber’s law (Weber, 1978). Together, these findings are
all consistent with the possibility that certainty is a type of domain-general magnitude itself,
represented on a scale with noisy tuning curves akin to the representational format of the ANS
(Halberda & Odic, 2014; Piazza, Izard, Pinel, Le Bihan, & Dehaene, 2004). We see this as a
fruitful avenue for future research.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 21
Crucially, our claim is not that criterion-setting and underlying ANS precision do not
contribute at all to children’s development of certainty, but rather that these factors are not
sufficient to explain certainty development by themselves. Some models suggest that certainty
should be entirely a product of the low-level perceptual noise, and are not easily reconciled with
our data (e.g., Maniscalco & Lau, 2012, 2014), while other models instead suggest that the
certainty signal is aggregated from a variety of sources (e.g., Pleskac & Busemeyer, 2010 and
Pouget et al., 2016). These sources are proposed to include the low-level perceptual noise (to
some degree), but also the history of trials that the participant saw, their general belief about their
ability, their estimate of how much attention they were paying on an individual trial, the strategy
they are applying to the task, etc. (e.g., Koriat, 1993; Martí, Mollica, Piantadosi, & Kidd, 2018;
Pleskac & Busemeyer, 2010; Pouget et al., 2016). Our data is most consistent with these
aggregate models, though further work is required to understand precisely which sources of noise
children draw upon when making certainty decisions in perceptual tasks.
A key open question is the extent to which perceptual confidence, as studied here, can be
further generalized to even more global metacognitive abilities, such as children’s ability to
monitor their performance, understand appropriate strategies for specific tasks, know when to
ask for help, etc. (e.g., Bellon, Fias, & De Smedt, 2019; Goupil et al., 2016). For example, recent
work has differentiated between broad metacognitive abilities like understanding how to apply
strategies to tasks and math-specific numerical metacognitive abilities like assessing one’s
accuracy on addition problems, finding that numerical metacognition predicts math abilities in
children, while broader metacognition does not (Bellon et al., 2019). Accordingly, an interesting
extension of our work may be to examine how broadly the certainty we measure in a perceptual
numerical task applies: whether to perceptual certainty tasks in general (e.g., emotion perception
certainty), to number-relevant tasks in general (e.g., math performance), or perhaps even beyond
(e.g., metamemory, or global strategies). We hope that the methodology established in the
reported two experiments can be a launching platform for a deeper discussion about the
relationship between perceptual confidence, mathematical metacognition, and metacognition
more broadly.
Our study follows a tradition in the certainty monitoring literature of manipulating
difficulty as a proxy for certainty because more difficult tasks intuitively should elicit less
certainty. It may, therefore, be possible that children could be reasoning about the relative
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 22
difficulty of the two trials (i.e., the objective probability of success, as indexed by the ratios of
each trial; Nicholls, 1980; Nicholls & Miller, 1983), rather than their relative certainty in the
tasks. However, we suspect that this is not the case for two reasons. First, consistent with the
adult literature (e.g., Barthelmé & Mamassian, 2009; De Gardelle & Mamassian, 2014),
children’s choices tracked with their accuracy in the Post-Choice task: children were more likely
to have correctly answered the trials they selected as higher in certainty than those they did not.
Second, if children were making their decisions based solely on the ratios of the two presented
trials without reasoning about their subjective certainty, we would expect that individual
differences in ANS precision – which have previously been shown to correlate with and be
instantiated in identical neural regions as ratio perception (Jacob & Nieder, 2009; Jacob,
Vallentin, & Nieder, 2012; Matthews, Lewis, & Hubbard, 2016) – would account for any
developmental improvements. Contrary to this, we found evidence for continuing development
of certainty sensitivity when controlling for ANS precision in both the Pre- and Post-Choice
tasks, suggesting that the ability to reason about ratios is not the only contributing factor to
children’s certainty task performance.
We set out to track age-related change in ANS certainty sensitivity in the preschool and
early school years, but, in both Experiments, we did not find strong evidence that the youngest
children in our sample were sensitive to certainty. This is in stark contrast to a growing body of
work in toddlers and preschoolers which shows that children under age 5 are sensitive to
certainty(e.g., Balcomb & Gerken, 2008; Call & Carpenter, 2001; Goupil & Kouider, 2016;
Goupil et al., 2016; Lyons & Ghetti, 2011) and that certainty sensitivity develops and peaks by
age 6 (Salles et al., 2016), prompting a question about why preschoolers in our sample did not
show such sensitivity. One possibility is that the number discrimination task, which to our
knowledge has only been used to elicit certainty in children aged 5 and older, does not elicit any
sense of certainty in these younger children. However, we found that 4-year-olds showed above-
chance performance on the two largest metaratios in Experiment 1, which might suggest that
these younger children are capable of reasoning about certainty in this task but that the contrasts
we used in our relative task were simply too close for young children to tell apart (much like
infants can only discriminate large differences in number; Izard et al., 2009; Xu & Spelke, 2000).
Therefore, consistent with the interpretation that certainty is represented on a continuous and
noisy domain-general scale, perhaps young children can only discriminate large differences in
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 23
certainty – larger than we presented in these tasks. At the same time, however, we failed to
observe above-chance performance on the easiest ratios in Experiment 2 (thought this could be
due to the lack of feedback), leaving the factors that lead to the youngest children’s success on
relative certainty tasks an open question. Future work using this task with young children could
make use of even larger metaratios or use different stimuli like area discrimination that children
can discriminate more precisely (e.g., Odic, 2018) to test this interpretation.
Finally, it is important to note that although we have discussed our work in the context of
developmental changes, our methodology was cross-sectional. While our experiments are
primarily focused on how developmental differences in certainty sensitivity are not accounted for
by ANS precision or criterion-setting, future work utilizing longitudinal designs would be better
situated to understand the role of maturity vs. experience in accounting for the changes in
sensitivity that we observed, as well as identifying whether or not development proceeds linearly.
In sum, children can reason about their certainty in a relative task, showing development
in their precision with age. Age-related differences are not explained by children’s numerical
precision, suggesting an independent maturation process for certainty monitoring. We believe
that this method of measuring individual differences opens up possibilities for deepening our
understanding of certainty both in childhood and across many different populations.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 24
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Figure 1. Sample stimuli used in the study. Section a depicts sample number discrimination trials
in which children have to indicate which color has more dots. Section b depicts the Post-Choice
Certainty Task, in which children first answer the question on the left, then the question on the
right, then are asked to select the answer they were most confident in. Section c depicts the Pre-
Choice Certainty Task, in which children first answer the certainty question by selecting the trial
they most expect to get correct, then answer only that question.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 30
Figure 2. Accuracy at each ratio on the number discrimination trials, and at each metaratio
certainty trials in the Post-Choice and Pre-Choice Certainty Tasks in Experiment 1. Error bars
represent 1 SE, and curves are estimated using a standard psychophysical model (see Odic,
2018).
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 31
Figure 3. Partial correlations between certainty accuracy and age, controlling for number
discrimination (ANS) accuracy in Experiment 1.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 32
Figure 4. Accuracy at each ratio on the number discrimination trials, and at each metaratio
certainty trials in the Post-Choice and Pre-Choice Certainty Tasks in Experiment 2. Error bars
represent 1 SE, and curves are estimated using a standard psychophysical model (see Odic,
2018).
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 33
Figure 5. Partial correlations between certainty accuracy and age, controlling for number
discrimination (ANS) accuracy in Experiment 2.
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 34
Table 1
Sample sizes, means, tests against chance, and model fit estimates for the Number task, the Post-
Choice version, and the Pre-Choice version in Experiment 1.
Age N% Correct (SD)t p d
Number Discrimination Task
Overall 98 79.52 (10.83) 26.99 < .001 2.73
3 13 68.72 (9.26) 7.29 < .001 2.02
4 15 68.44 (13.41) 5.33 < .001 1.38
5 20 79.67 (7.90) 16.79 < .001 3.75
6 22 83.86 (5.45) 29.14 < .001 6.21
7 28 86.96 (5.05) 38.71 < .001 7.31
Post-Choice Certainty Task
Overall 98 60.48 (16.18) 6.41 < .001 0.65
3 13 51.54 (9.87) 0.56 .585 0.15
4 15 53.33 (10.69) 1.21 .247 0.31
5 20 58.33 (15.20) 2.45 .024 0.55
6 22 63.18 (18.50) 3.34 .003 0.71
7 28 67.86 (16.64) 5.68 < .001 1.07
Pre-Choice Certainty Task
Overall 99 60.74 (16.10) 6.64 < .001 0.67
3 13 49.49 (10.79) -0.17 .867 -0.05
4 14 50.24 (11.58) 0.08 .940 0.02
5 20 60.17 (13.00) 3.50 .002 0.78
6 22 63.03 (12.64) 4.84 < .001 1.03
7 30 69.22 (18.77) 5.61 < .001 1.02
CHILDREN’S CERTAINTY DEVELOPMENT 35
Table 2
Sample sizes, means, tests against chance, and model fit estimates for the Number task, the Post-
Choice version, and the Pre-Choice version in Experiment 2.
Age N% Correct (SD)t p d
Number Discrimination Task
Overall 61 74.34 (8.16) 23.36 < .001 2.99
3 13 65.64 (8.54) 6.60 < .001 1.83
4 12 72.64 (6.72) 11.67 < .001 3.37
5 12 75.28 (4.81) 18.20 < .001 5.26
6 12 79.58 (4.56) 22.49 < .001 6.49
7 12 79.58 (6.40) 16.01 < .001 4.62
Post-Choice Certainty Task
Overall 61 56.72 (13.59) 3.86 < .001 0.49
3 13 50.00 (9.23) 0.00 1.00 0.00
4 12 50.56 (5.83) 0.33 .748 0.09
5 12 51.67 (9.59) 0.60 .559 0.17
6 12 59.17 (12.88) 2.47 .031 0.71
7 12 72.78 (12.55) 5.42 < .001 1.82
Pre-Choice Certainty Task
Overall 60 55.33 (10.24) 4.04 < .001 0.52
3 12 53.89 (7.63) 1.77 .105 0.51
4 12 51.11 (9.36) 0.41 .689 0.12
5 12 52.22 (8.91) 0.86 .406 0.25
6 12 59.17 (10.26) 3.09 .010 0.89
7 12 60.28 (12.51) 2.85 .016 0.82
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Two experiments investigated the development of metacognitive monitoring and control, and conditions under which children engage these processes. In Experiment 1, 5-year-olds (N = 30) and 7-year-olds (N = 30), unlike adults (N = 30), showed little evidence of either monitoring or control. In Experiment 2, 5-year-olds (N = 90) were given performance feedback (aimed at improving monitoring), instruction to follow a particular strategy (aimed at improving control), or both. Across conditions, feedback improved children's monitoring, and instruction improved both monitoring and control. Thus, children's poor metacognitive performance likely reflects a difficulty engaging the component processes spontaneously rather than a lack of metacognitive ability. These findings also suggest that the component processes are distinct, with both undergoing protracted development.
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With age and education, children become increasingly accurate in processing numerosity. This developmental trend is often interpreted as a progressive refinement of the mental representation of number. Here we provide empirical and theoretical support for an alternative possibility, the filtering hypothesis, which proposes that development primarily affects the ability to focus on the relevant dimension of number and to avoid interference from irrelevant but often co-varying quantitative dimensions. Data from the same numerical comparison task in adults and children of various levels of numeracy, including Mundurucú Indians and western dyscalculics, show that, as predicted by the filtering hypothesis, age and education primarily increase the ability to focus on number and filter out potentially interfering information on the non-numerical dimensions. These findings can be captured by a minimal computational model where learning consists in the training of a multivariate classifier whose discrimination boundaries get progressively aligned to the task-relevant dimension of number. This view of development has important consequences for education.
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Young children can quickly and intuitively represent the number of objects in a visual scene through the Approximate Number System (ANS). The precision of the ANS - indexed as the most difficult ratio of two numbers that children can reliably discriminate - is well known to improve with development: whereas infants require relatively large ratios to discriminate number, children can discriminate finer and finer changes in number between toddlerhood and early adulthood. Which factors drive the developmental improvements in ANS precision? Here, we investigate the influence of four non-numeric dimensions - area, density, line length, and time - on ANS development, exploring the degree to which the ANS develops independently from these other dimensions, from inhibitory control, and from domain-general factors such as attention and working memory that are shared between these tasks. A sample of 185 children between the ages of 2 and 12 years completed five discrimination tasks: approximate number, area, density, length, and time. We report three main findings. First, logistic growth models applied to both accuracy and Weber fractions (w; an index of ANS precision) across age reveal distinct developmental trajectories across the five dimensions: while area and length develop by adolescence, time and density do not develop fully until early adulthood, with ANS precision developing at an intermediate rate. Second, we find that ANS precision develops independently of the other four dimensions, which in turn develop independently of the ANS. Third, we find that ANS precision also develops independently from individual differences in inhibitory control (indexed as the difference in accuracy and w between Congruent and Incongruent ANS trials). Together, these results are the first to provide evidence for domain-specific improvements in ANS precision, and place children's maturing perception of number, space, and time into a broader developmental context.
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Children are often overconfident when monitoring their learning, which is harmful for effective control and learning. The current study investigated children’s (N = 167, age range 7–12 years) judgments of learning (JOLs) when studying difficult concepts. The main aims were (a) to investigate how JOL accuracy is affected by accessibility cues and (b) to investigate developmental changes in implementing accessibility cues in JOLs. After studying different concepts, children were asked to generate novel sentences and then to make JOLs, select concepts for restudy, and take a final test. Overconfidence for incorrect and incomplete test responses was reduced for older children in comparison with younger children. For older age groups, generating a sentence led to greater overconfidence compared with not being able to generate a sentence, which indicates that older children relied more on accessibility cues when making JOLs. This pattern differed in the youngest age group; younger children were generally overconfident regardless of whether they had generated sentences or not. Overconfidence was disadvantageous for effective control of learning for all age groups. These findings imply that instructions to encourage children to avoid metacognitive illusions need to be adapted to children’s developmental stage.