Singing to Emmanuel: The Wall Paintings of Sant Miquel in Terrassa and the 6th Century Artistic Reception of Byzantium in the Western Mediterranean

Abstract

Since the late 19th century the wall paintings of Sant Miquel in Terrassa have drawn attention due to their singularity. From the early studies of Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1867–1956) to the present, both the iconographic program and the chronology of the paintings have fueled controversy among scholars. In particular, chronological estimates range from the time of Early Christian Art to the Carolingian period. However, a recent technical study of the paintings seems to confirm an early date around the 6th century. This new data allows us to reassess the question in other terms and explore a new possible context for the paintings. First, it is very likely that the choice of iconographic topics was related to the debates on the Arian heresy that took place in Visigothic Spain during the 5th and 6th centuries. Secondly, the paintings of Sant Miquel should be reconsidered as a possible reception of a larger 6th-century pictorial tradition linked to the Eastern Mediterranean, which is used in a very particular way. However, thus far we ignore which were the means for this artistic transmission as well as the reasons which led the “doers” of Terrassa to select such a peculiar and unique repertoire of topics, motifs, and inscriptions. My paper addresses all these questions in order to propose a new Mediterranean framework for the making of this singular set of paintings.

Full text

arts
Article
Singing to Emmanuel: The Wall Paintings of Sant
Miquel in Terrassa and the 6th Century Artistic
Reception of Byzantium in the
Western Mediterranean
Carles Sánchez Márquez 1,2
1
Department of Art and Musicology, Autonomous University of Barcelona, 08193 Bellaterra, Barcelona, Spain;
carlos.sanchez.marquez@uab.cat
2Terrassa City Council, 08221 Terrassa, Spain; carles.sanchezmarquez@terrassa.cat
Received: 24 July 2019; Accepted: 13 September 2019; Published: 29 September 2019


Abstract:
Since the late 19th century the wall paintings of Sant Miquel in Terrassa have drawn
attention due to their singularity. From the early studies of Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1867–1956) to the
present, both the iconographic program and the chronology of the paintings have fueled controversy
among scholars. In particular, chronological estimates range from the time of Early Christian Art to
the Carolingian period. However, a recent technical study of the paintings seems to confirm an early
date around the 6th century. This new data allows us to reassess the question in other terms and
explore a new possible context for the paintings. First, it is very likely that the choice of iconographic
topics was related to the debates on the Arian heresy that took place in Visigothic Spain during the
5th and 6th centuries. Secondly, the paintings of Sant Miquel should be reconsidered as a possible
reception of a larger 6th-century pictorial tradition linked to the Eastern Mediterranean, which is
used in a very particular way. However, thus far we ignore which were the means for this artistic
transmission as well as the reasons which led the “doers” of Terrassa to select such a peculiar and
unique repertoire of topics, motifs, and inscriptions. My paper addresses all these questions in order
to propose a new Mediterranean framework for the making of this singular set of paintings.
Keywords: Terrassa; Sant Miquel; wall painting; Emmanuel; Byzantium; Egypt
1. Introduction
The Church of Sant Miquel de Terrassa forms part of the complex of the Ancient Episcopal See of
Egara. It is composed of three churches, all of which present a pictorial decoration in their apses: Santa
Maria (Saint Mary), Sant Miquel (Saint Michael), and Sant Pere (Saint Peter).
The latest archaeological studies undertaken as part of the Pla Director de les Esgl
é
sies de Sant Pere
(Director’s Plan for the Churches of Sant Pere) (1995–2009) have enabled us to place the date for the
start of the building of this artistic ensemble at the time when the ancient Roman municipality of Egara
was designated an Episcopal See (ca. 450–465). During the bishopric of Ireneus, construction began on
a great complex for the Cathedral of Santa Maria, the funerary building of Sant Miquel, and the parish
church of Sant Pere (Figures 1and 2).
Arts 2019,8, 128; doi:10.3390/arts8040128 www.mdpi.com/journal/arts

Arts 2019,8, 128 2 of 30
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 31
coincides with the completion of the construction project at the see of Egara, and by extension, with
the construction of the actual Church of Sant Miquel. The main objective of this article is to show that
the pictorial decoration of the apse of Sant Miquel is contemporary with the construction of the
building (6th century).
Figure 1. The Ancient Episcopal See of Egara. © Museu de Terrassa (with kind permission).
Figure 2. Episcopal See of Egara (Terrassa). Virtual reconstruction. © Dualmultimedia, according to
G. Garcia, A. Moro, and F. Tuset (with kind permission).
Nonetheless, it is important to emphasize that the chronology of the paintings decorating the
apses of the three churches has been the subject of debate. Following the discovery of the wall
paintings, Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1936, 1948, pp. 25–33) was the first scholar to carry out a minute
analysis, in which he defended the stylistic (and therefore chronological) identities of the wall
paintings of Sant Miquel and those of the Church of Santa Maria in the same episcopal complex:
The technique’s identity, as well as some of the ornamental themes, compel us to believe
that the two paintings [Santa Maria and Sant Miquel] should be considered to be
contemporaries and perhaps to be the work of the same hand.
The author related the style and iconography of the paintings to those of Syria and Coptic Egypt,
but also to the mosaics of Ravenna, which led to situating the pictorial ensemble of Santa Maria and
Sant Miquel in the 6th century. Running counterpoint to the chronological hypothesis posed by Puig
i Cadafalch and supported on one side by the historiography (Cirici i Pellicer 1945; Garcia Llinares et
al. 2009; Ferran 2015), Josep Pijoan situated the paintings to be from the Carolingian Period (Pijoan
and Gudiol 1948, p. 43).
In the wake of Pijoan, and based solely on iconographic and stylistic aspects, some authors who
have studied the pictorial ensemble have proposed a later dates for the paintings;near the end of the
Figure 1. The Ancient Episcopal See of Egara. ©Museu de Terrassa (with kind permission).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 31
coincides with the completion of the construction project at the see of Egara, and by extension, with
the construction of the actual Church of Sant Miquel. The main objective of this article is to show that
the pictorial decoration of the apse of Sant Miquel is contemporary with the construction of the
building (6th century).
Figure 1. The Ancient Episcopal See of Egara. © Museu de Terrassa (with kind permission).
Figure 2. Episcopal See of Egara (Terrassa). Virtual reconstruction. © Dualmultimedia, according to
G. Garcia, A. Moro, and F. Tuset (with kind permission).
Nonetheless, it is important to emphasize that the chronology of the paintings decorating the
apses of the three churches has been the subject of debate. Following the discovery of the wall
paintings, Josep Puig i Cadafalch (1936, 1948, pp. 25–33) was the first scholar to carry out a minute
analysis, in which he defended the stylistic (and therefore chronological) identities of the wall
paintings of Sant Miquel and those of the Church of Santa Maria in the same episcopal complex:
The technique’s identity, as well as some of the ornamental themes, compel us to believe
that the two paintings [Santa Maria and Sant Miquel] should be considered to be
contemporaries and perhaps to be the work of the same hand.
The author related the style and iconography of the paintings to those of Syria and Coptic Egypt,
but also to the mosaics of Ravenna, which led to situating the pictorial ensemble of Santa Maria and
Sant Miquel in the 6th century. Running counterpoint to the chronological hypothesis posed by Puig
i Cadafalch and supported on one side by the historiography (Cirici i Pellicer 1945; Garcia Llinares et
al. 2009; Ferran 2015), Josep Pijoan situated the paintings to be from the Carolingian Period (Pijoan
and Gudiol 1948, p. 43).
In the wake of Pijoan, and based solely on iconographic and stylistic aspects, some authors who
have studied the pictorial ensemble have proposed a later dates for the paintings;near the end of the
Figure 2.
Episcopal See of Egara (Terrassa). Virtual reconstruction.
©
Dualmultimedia, according to G.
Garcia, A. Moro, and F. Tuset (with kind permission).
Archaeological study has demonstrated that when the project for the Cathedral of Santa Maria was
as yet unfinished, the original tripartite chancel of the building was transformed into a chancel consisting
of a single apse, with a contained rectangular exterior and a semicircular interior. Archaeologists
date this to the 6th century (Garcia Llinares et al. 2009). The building of this apse coincides with the
completion of the construction project at the see of Egara, and by extension, with the construction of the
actual Church of Sant Miquel. The main objective of this article is to show that the pictorial decoration
of the apse of Sant Miquel is contemporary with the construction of the building (6th century).
Nonetheless, it is important to emphasize that the chronology of the paintings decorating the apses
of the three churches has been the subject of debate. Following the discovery of the wall paintings,
Puig i Cadafalch (1936,1948, pp. 25–33) was the first scholar to carry out a minute analysis, in which
he defended the stylistic (and therefore chronological) identities of the wall paintings of Sant Miquel
and those of the Church of Santa Maria in the same episcopal complex:
The technique’s identity, as well as some of the ornamental themes, compel us to believe that
the two paintings [Santa Maria and Sant Miquel] should be considered to be contemporaries
and perhaps to be the work of the same hand.
The author related the style and iconography of the paintings to those of Syria and Coptic
Egypt, but also to the mosaics of Ravenna, which led to situating the pictorial ensemble of
Santa Maria and Sant Miquel in the 6th century. Running counterpoint to the chronological
hypothesis posed by Puig i Cadafalch and supported on one side by the historiography

Arts 2019,8, 128 3 of 30
(
Cirici i Pellicer 1945;Garcia Llinares et al. 2009;Ferran 2015
), Josep Pijoan situated the paintings to be
from the Carolingian Period (Pijoan and Gudiol 1948, p. 43).
In the wake of Pijoan, and based solely on iconographic and stylistic aspects, some authors who
have studied the pictorial ensemble have proposed a later dates for the paintings;near the end of
the 9th century (Ainaud de Lasarte 1959,1976;Guardia 1992;Mancho 2012,2018), circa the year 900
(Grabar 1945), in the 10th century (Barral i Altet 1981), and even at the end of the 10th and beginning
of the 11th centuries (Cook and Gudiol 1950, p. 22).
It is well worth remembering that the last proposal for a later date (Mancho 2012,2018) casts
doubt on the technical and methodological data given for the different interventions, such that it is
only based on a series of stylistic arguments defending the position that the paintings are from the
time of Frodo
í
, Bishop of Barcelona (861–890), from the second half of the 9th century, when Egara had
ceased to be an episcopal see.
Thus, since the studies of Puig i Cadafalch, the paintings of Sant Miquel have been the subject of a
polarized historiographic debate between those who defend a Carolingian chronology (9th century)
and those who situate them in the Late Antiquity. To this end, the interventions carried out on the
ensemble in recent years by archaeologists, restorers, epigraphists, and art historians under the aegis
of the Director’s Plan for the Churches of Sant Pere have provided new data that leads us toward a
later date—the 6th century.
In this context, this paper is divided into three parts: First, it outlines the creation of the
Bishopric of Egara, the discovery of the paintings of Sant Miquel and its iconographic interpretation.
Then, it looks into the historical and artistic framework of the paintings. Finally, the paper discusses
about the chronology.
2. The Creation of the Bishopric of Egara
The founding of the Episcopal See of Egara dates back to the middle of the 5th century. At that time,
Nundinarius, Bishop of Barcelona, decided to divide his diocese into two parts: the coastline (for the
diocese of Barcelona) and the interior, where he created the new diocese of Egara, with Ireneus as its first
bishop (Mundói Marcet 1992, pp. 41–49; Martíi Bonet 1992;2004, pp. 77–107; Ferran 2009, p. 59).
We know of the details of the foundation of the diocese of Egara thanks to the correspondence
maintained between the Pope Hilarius (451–458) and Ascanius, Archbishop of Tarragona, with regard
to the controversial appointment of Irineus (Bishop of Egara) as Bishop of Barcelona in the year 465.
1
After the celebration of the Council of Santa Maria Maggiore of Rome, Pope Hilarius sent a letter to the
Archbishop of Tarragona (30 December 465) which showed his disapproval of the bishops of Tarragona
due to the appointment of Irineus as Bishop of Barcelona and ordered his immediate return to the
See of Egara, which had been created only a few years earlier. These documents lead one to think,
therefore, that the terminus ante quem for the founding of the bishopric would be the year 465.
The granting of the Episcopal category to the old municipium flavium of Egara favored the formation
of a grand construction campaign, beginning during the times of Irineus and ending the following
century. The new project conceived the building of a grand episcopal complex organized into three
terraces (Garcia Llinares et al. 2009). On the first terrace, located to the south, new offices and spaces
designed for the episcopal residence were built, as well as a private chapel dedicated to Saints Just and
Pastor. On the second terrace, the Cathedral of Santa Maria was built, with two distinct areas: the
baptistery and the basilica itself. To the north of the cathedral, the funerary Church of Sant Miquel
(Figures 3and 4) can be found. Finally, on the third terrace, to the north, the parish Church of Sant Pere
was built. In the western sector, and closing out the complex, a double funerary corridor was raised
1
The minutes of the Council of Santa Maria Maggiore, the letters of the bishops of Tarragona and the response from
Pope Hilarius are found in the Collectio Canonum Hispania from the 7th century, the work of Saint Isidoro in the year 634.
See (Migne 1844–1855, pl. 58, col. 12–20; 67, col. 315–20).

Arts 2019,8, 128 4 of 30
to connect the baptistery with the parish church, such that all of the buildings were connected by a
central garden that functioned as a cemetery. Today, important vestiges of the episcopal buildings are
still preserved: the apse of the Cathedral of Santa Maria and the baptistery; the entirety of the building
of Sant Miquel; and the apse of the parish Church of Sant Pere (Figure 5).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 31
The Muslim invasions of the Iberian Peninsula would mark the end of the golden age of glory
of the monumental complex and the end of the Bishopric of Egara. After the conquest of Barcelona in
the year 801 by the Franks, the country’s stability allowed for certain episcopal sees to be reinstituted
(Soler i Jimenez 2003, pp. 90–81), with the exception of Egara and Empúries.
In the 12th century, the complex was the subject of a new building campaign. On 2 January 1112,
the new Romanesque Church of Santa Maria was consecrated, reintegrating the apse of the ancient
Episcopal cathedral, with its wall paintings. In the same way, toward the end of the 12th century, a
new Romanesque nave was built at Sant Pere in the same complex, which was fit into the ancient
trefoil apse of the Episcopal phase.
Figure 3. Church of Sant Miquel (Terrassa). © Teresa Llordés (with kind permission).
Figure 4. Church of Sant Miquel (Terrassa). © Teresa Llordés (with kind permission).
Figure 3. Church of Sant Miquel (Terrassa). ©Teresa Llordés (with kind permission).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 31
The Muslim invasions of the Iberian Peninsula would mark the end of the golden age of glory
of the monumental complex and the end of the Bishopric of Egara. After the conquest of Barcelona in
the year 801 by the Franks, the country’s stability allowed for certain episcopal sees to be reinstituted
(Soler i Jimenez 2003, pp. 90–81), with the exception of Egara and Empúries.
In the 12th century, the complex was the subject of a new building campaign. On 2 January 1112,
the new Romanesque Church of Santa Maria was consecrated, reintegrating the apse of the ancient
Episcopal cathedral, with its wall paintings. In the same way, toward the end of the 12th century, a
new Romanesque nave was built at Sant Pere in the same complex, which was fit into the ancient
trefoil apse of the Episcopal phase.
Figure 3. Church of Sant Miquel (Terrassa). © Teresa Llordés (with kind permission).
Figure 4. Church of Sant Miquel (Terrassa). © Teresa Llordés (with kind permission).
Figure 4. Church of Sant Miquel (Terrassa). ©Teresa Llordés (with kind permission).
The Muslim invasions of the Iberian Peninsula would mark the end of the golden age of glory of
the monumental complex and the end of the Bishopric of Egara. After the conquest of Barcelona in
the year 801 by the Franks, the country’s stability allowed for certain episcopal sees to be reinstituted
(Soler i Jimenez 2003, pp. 90–81), with the exception of Egara and Empúries.
In the 12th century, the complex was the subject of a new building campaign. On 2 January 1112,
the new Romanesque Church of Santa Maria was consecrated, reintegrating the apse of the ancient
Episcopal cathedral, with its wall paintings. In the same way, toward the end of the 12th century, a new
Romanesque nave was built at Sant Pere in the same complex, which was fit into the ancient trefoil
apse of the Episcopal phase.

Arts 2019,8, 128 5 of 30
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 5 of 31
Figure 5. Architectural phases of the complex of Terrassa. According to G. Garcia, A. Moro, and F.
Tuset. © G.Garcia, A. Moro and F. Tuset (with kind permission).
3. The Recovery of a Forgotten Beauty: Discovery and First Studies of the Paintings
The existence of the wall paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa has been known since the late
19th century. On 25 December 1892, the weekly magazine Ègara published an article entitled
“Scientific and Artistic Movement in Terrassa”, echoing the presence of pictorial remnants in the apse
of the church.2 As can be observed in a photograph from the year 1878, the paintings were found
hidden under a layer of lime that covered the entire apse. It was presided over by a Gothic altarpiece
depicting Saint Michael, created by the painters Jaume Cirera and Guillem Talarn in the year 1450
(Figure 6).
Despite the fact that the pictorial decoration was known to exist since the end of the 19th century,
it was not until the 1920’s that the first intervention was undertaken to restore its memory. During
the years 1927 and 1928, the paintings were restored as part of the restorative work at Sant Miquel,
directed by architect and historian Josep Puig i Cadafalch (Castellano i Tresserra et al. 1993). At this
moment, all of the building’s interior facing was re-surfaced and the paintings were subjected to their
first restoration, financed by Lluís Plandiura, consisting of the pictorial reintegration of the figures
that could be seen beneath the layers of lime that had been removed.
2 Egara Weekly Magazine, Year I, núm.5. Terrassa, 25 December 1892.
Figure 5.
Architectural phases of the complex of Terrassa. According to G. Garcia, A. Moro, and F.
Tuset. ©G.Garcia, A. Moro and F. Tuset (with kind permission).
3. The Recovery of a Forgotten Beauty: Discovery and First Studies of the Paintings
The existence of the wall paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa has been known since the late 19th
century. On 25 December 1892, the weekly magazine
È
gara published an article entitled “Scientific and
Artistic Movement in Terrassa”, echoing the presence of pictorial remnants in the apse of the church.
2
As can be observed in a photograph from the year 1878, the paintings were found hidden under a
layer of lime that covered the entire apse. It was presided over by a Gothic altarpiece depicting Saint
Michael, created by the painters Jaume Cirera and Guillem Talarn in the year 1450 (Figure 6).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 6 of 31
Figure 6. Inside of the church of Sant Miquel, c. 1878. Author: Adrià Torrija. © Museu de Terrassa,
MdT 18955.
The area of the apse located under the window line was also re-surfaced and covered with a new
plaster layer for the definitive presentation of the restoration of the building by Puig i Cadafalch in
1929 and 1930. Consequently, if the lower area of the apse was also decorated with wall paintings,
these were lost after the elimination of the plaster as part of the first intervention.
After the restoration, the pictorial cycle attracted the attention of the scholars, who undertook
the first analysis of the ensemble. As well as the first study was undertaken by local historian Josep
Soler i Palet (Soler i Palet 1928, p. 119), researchers such as Charles Kuhn pointed out the
extraordinary discovery (Kuhn 1930, pp. 9–11). After these first analyses, Josep Puig i Cadafalch
published his first contribution, entitled Les pintures del segle VI de la catedral de Égara, Terrassa (The 6th
Century Paintings of the Cathedral of Égara, Terrassa), in which the Catalan historian presented a
chronological hypothesis which he would maintain during his entire career (Puig i Cadafalch 1936,
1931, 1932a, 1932b). His article is of great importance, as not only does it include the first photographs
of Sant Miquel, but Puig i Cadafalch also published the first tracings of its pictorial decoration, which
are currently preserved in the archives of the Local Architectural Heritage Service of the Regional
Council of Barcelona.
Since the 1950’s, the paintings of Sant Miquel have been the subject of new studies (Grabar 1945;
Pijoan and Gudiol 1948). The most distinguished among them were undertaken most recently by
Milagros Guardia (1992), Carles Mancho (2012, 2018), and Domènec Ferran (2015).
In the years 2001 and 2002 the paintings were the subject of important work in restoration
undertaken by the ARCOR company as part of two campaigns: the first during the months of July
and August of 2002, and the second between the end of 2001 and the first semester of 2002.3 The work
consisted of consolidating the mortars, eliminating inadequate rehabilitation, the treatment of cracks
and fissures, cleaning and a minimum of pictorial reintegration. The restoration not only allowed for
the consolidation of the paintings but also allowed for the discovery of certain areas of these same
paintings that were totally unknown, an important fact to advance in the knowledge of their
iconography.
4. Art, Music, and Liturgy at Sant Miquel
Before entering into the iconographic and interpretive debate of the paintings of Sant Miquel, it
would be worth carrying out a preliminary descriptive examination of their represented motifs. The
3 See (ARCOR 2001, 2002). Information preserved in the archive of the Museum of Terrassa.
Figure 6.
Inside of the church of Sant Miquel, c. 1878. Author: Adri
à
Torrija.
©
Museu de Terrassa,
MdT 18955.
2Egara Weekly Magazine, Year I, núm.5. Terrassa, 25 December 1892.

Arts 2019,8, 128 6 of 30
Despite the fact that the pictorial decoration was known to exist since the end of the 19th century,
it was not until the 1920’s that the first intervention was undertaken to restore its memory. During the
years 1927 and 1928, the paintings were restored as part of the restorative work at Sant Miquel, directed
by architect and historian Josep Puig i Cadafalch (Castellano i Tresserra et al. 1993). At this moment,
all of the building’s interior facing was re-surfaced and the paintings were subjected to their first
restoration, financed by Llu
í
s Plandiura, consisting of the pictorial reintegration of the figures that
could be seen beneath the layers of lime that had been removed.
The area of the apse located under the window line was also re-surfaced and covered with a new
plaster layer for the definitive presentation of the restoration of the building by Puig i Cadafalch in
1929 and 1930. Consequently, if the lower area of the apse was also decorated with wall paintings,
these were lost after the elimination of the plaster as part of the first intervention.
After the restoration, the pictorial cycle attracted the attention of the scholars, who undertook the
first analysis of the ensemble. As well as the first study was undertaken by local historian Josep Soler
i Palet (Soler i Palet 1928, p. 119), researchers such as Charles Kuhn pointed out the extraordinary
discovery (Kuhn 1930, pp. 9–11). After these first analyses, Josep Puig i Cadafalch published his first
contribution, entitled Les pintures del segle VI de la catedral de
É
gara, Terrassa (The 6th Century Paintings of
the Cathedral of
É
gara, Terrassa), in which the Catalan historian presented a chronological hypothesis
which he would maintain during his entire career (Puig i Cadafalch 1936,1931,1932a,1932b). His article
is of great importance, as not only does it include the first photographs of Sant Miquel, but Puig i
Cadafalch also published the first tracings of its pictorial decoration, which are currently preserved in
the archives of the Local Architectural Heritage Service of the Regional Council of Barcelona.
Since the 1950’s, the paintings of Sant Miquel have been the subject of new studies
(
Grabar 1945;Pijoan and Gudiol 1948
). The most distinguished among them were undertaken most
recently by Guardia (1992), Mancho (2012,2018), and Ferran (2015).
In the years 2001 and 2002 the paintings were the subject of important work in restoration
undertaken by the ARCOR company as part of two campaigns: the first during the months of July and
August of 2002, and the second between the end of 2001 and the first semester of 2002.
3
The work
consisted of consolidating the mortars, eliminating inadequate rehabilitation, the treatment of cracks
and fissures, cleaning and a minimum of pictorial reintegration. The restoration not only allowed for the
consolidation of the paintings but also allowed for the discovery of certain areas of these same paintings
that were totally unknown, an important fact to advance in the knowledge of their iconography.
4. Art, Music, and Liturgy at Sant Miquel
Before entering into the iconographic and interpretive debate of the paintings of Sant Miquel,
it would be worth carrying out a preliminary descriptive examination of their represented motifs.
The decoration of the apse is organized into two registers, separated by two wide red-colored bands
(Figures 7and 8). The upper area presents a grand mandorla held by four angels, featuring the image
of enthroned Christ inside, in which he holds a book with the remnants of an illegible inscription
in his left hand. He is shown haloed, with a cross decorated by lines inside it and with three arms,
among which the inscription EMA/VV [
. . .
] can be read, which should be translated as Em(m)anu(el)
(Figure 9). As part of the restoration undertaken in 2001 and 2002, images of the Sun and Moon, cosmic
symbols of eternity, were discovered on both sides of the mandorla. It is a very simple representation
of two radial circles: the one situated to the left was identified as the Sun, while a similar one was on
the right, but featuring a human face. This latter image still has the vestiges of a rectangular cartouche
with an inscription LUNA (MOON) (Figure 10)4.
3See (ARCOR 2001,2002). Information preserved in the archive of the Museum of Terrassa.
4
In pagan monuments, the Sun was represented as a radiated disc, or in Syria as a rosette with outspread petals, or as a cross
limited by points. The Moon, for its part, appears represented as a rosette in the form of a helix or in its crescent shape,

Arts 2019,8, 128 7 of 30
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 31
decoration of the apse is organized into two registers, separated by two wide red-colored bands
(Figures 7 and 8). The upper area presents a grand mandorla held by four angels, featuring the image
of enthroned Christ inside, in which he holds a book with the remnants of an illegible inscription in
his left hand. He is shown haloed, with a cross decorated by lines inside it and with three arms,
among which the inscription EMA/VV […] can be read, which should be translated as Em(m)anu(el)
(Figure 9). As part of the restoration undertaken in 2001 and 2002, images of the Sun and Moon,
cosmic symbols of eternity, were discovered on both sides of the mandorla. It is a very simple
representation of two radial circles: the one situated to the left was identified as the Sun, while a
similar one was on the right, but featuring a human face. This latter image still has the vestiges of a
rectangular cartouche with an inscription LUNA (MOON) (Figure 10)4.
Figure 7. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings of the apse. © author.
Figure 8. Drawing of the wall paintings of Sant Miquel (Terrassa). © ARCOR (with kind
permission).
4 In pagan monuments, the Sun was represented as a radiated disc, or in Syria as a rosette with outspread
petals, or as a cross limited by points. The Moon, for its part, appears represented as a rosette in the form of
a helix or in its crescent shape, at times alone and at other times inscribed in a circle. These representational
forms were quickly adopted by Christian artists, and we have preserved good examples of them in the
Rabbula Gospels (6th century).
Figure 7. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings of the apse. ©author.
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 7 of 31
decoration of the apse is organized into two registers, separated by two wide red-colored bands
(Figures 7 and 8). The upper area presents a grand mandorla held by four angels, featuring the image
of enthroned Christ inside, in which he holds a book with the remnants of an illegible inscription in
his left hand. He is shown haloed, with a cross decorated by lines inside it and with three arms,
among which the inscription EMA/VV […] can be read, which should be translated as Em(m)anu(el)
(Figure 9). As part of the restoration undertaken in 2001 and 2002, images of the Sun and Moon,
cosmic symbols of eternity, were discovered on both sides of the mandorla. It is a very simple
representation of two radial circles: the one situated to the left was identified as the Sun, while a
similar one was on the right, but featuring a human face. This latter image still has the vestiges of a
rectangular cartouche with an inscription LUNA (MOON) (Figure 10)4.
Figure 7. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings of the apse. © author.
Figure 8. Drawing of the wall paintings of Sant Miquel (Terrassa). © ARCOR (with kind
permission).
4 In pagan monuments, the Sun was represented as a radiated disc, or in Syria as a rosette with outspread
petals, or as a cross limited by points. The Moon, for its part, appears represented as a rosette in the form of
a helix or in its crescent shape, at times alone and at other times inscribed in a circle. These representational
forms were quickly adopted by Christian artists, and we have preserved good examples of them in the
Rabbula Gospels (6th century).
Figure 8.
Drawing of the wall paintings of Sant Miquel (Terrassa).
©
ARCOR (with kind permission).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 31
Figure 9. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Inscription Em(m)anu(el). © ARCOR.
Figure 10. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Image of the moon. © ARCOR.
The lower area is occupied by the apostles presented in profile, kneeling and wearing clothing
that is clearly of a Roman tradition: a tunic, a praetexta toga, and sandals. In the central dividing band
several tituli with the names of six apostles appear: Petrus, Andreas, Iacobus, Iohannes, Philippus, and
Bartholomeus (Peter, Andrew, James, John, Philip, and Bartholomew). In the central part of this band,
coinciding with the five circles of the lower register, there are lines that correspond to decorative
motifs and next, there is another large band that would hold the inscriptions of six more apostles,
which have disappeared. In the extreme right, we can only identify an “S”, followed by a cross which
we should relate to Paulus (the Apostle Paul).
Finally, in the space located between the two groups of apostles, five circles with concentric lines
are represented. The central one has eight spokes and probably would be interpreted as being a
Crismon, while the remaining four allude to, as we shall see, the wheels of the vision of Ezekiel.
4.1. A Synoptic Theophany
Identification of the iconographic theme represented in the apse of Sant Miquel has been the
subject of debate among scholars who have dwelt on the paintings. Puig i Cadafalch (1936)
interpreted the scene as a theophany derived from the second vision of Ezekiel and identified the 12
characters from the lower register as being “people of varying social conditions of Jerusalem”.
On the other hand, Charles Kuhn defined the iconography as a combination of an apocalyptic
vision and that of Ezekiel, converting the Apostles into the Elders of the Apocalypse, reduced from
25 to 12 (Kuhn 1928, 1930, pp. 9–11). However, the epigraphic study undertaken by the team of the
ICAC and the Universitat Rovira i Virgili in 2015 has allowed us to read the didactic character
inscriptions that appear together with the figures in the lower register (López Vilar and Gorostidi
2015a), a fact that allows us unequivocally identify the figures as the Apostles (Figure 11).
Figure 9. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Inscription Em(m)anu(el). ©ARCOR.
at times alone and at other times inscribed in a circle. These representational forms were quickly adopted by Christian
artists, and we have preserved good examples of them in the Rabbula Gospels (6th century).

Arts 2019,8, 128 8 of 30
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 8 of 31
Figure 9. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Inscription Em(m)anu(el). © ARCOR.
Figure 10. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Image of the moon. © ARCOR.
The lower area is occupied by the apostles presented in profile, kneeling and wearing clothing
that is clearly of a Roman tradition: a tunic, a praetexta toga, and sandals. In the central dividing band
several tituli with the names of six apostles appear: Petrus, Andreas, Iacobus, Iohannes, Philippus, and
Bartholomeus (Peter, Andrew, James, John, Philip, and Bartholomew). In the central part of this band,
coinciding with the five circles of the lower register, there are lines that correspond to decorative
motifs and next, there is another large band that would hold the inscriptions of six more apostles,
which have disappeared. In the extreme right, we can only identify an “S”, followed by a cross which
we should relate to Paulus (the Apostle Paul).
Finally, in the space located between the two groups of apostles, five circles with concentric lines
are represented. The central one has eight spokes and probably would be interpreted as being a
Crismon, while the remaining four allude to, as we shall see, the wheels of the vision of Ezekiel.
4.1. A Synoptic Theophany
Identification of the iconographic theme represented in the apse of Sant Miquel has been the
subject of debate among scholars who have dwelt on the paintings. Puig i Cadafalch (1936)
interpreted the scene as a theophany derived from the second vision of Ezekiel and identified the 12
characters from the lower register as being “people of varying social conditions of Jerusalem”.
On the other hand, Charles Kuhn defined the iconography as a combination of an apocalyptic
vision and that of Ezekiel, converting the Apostles into the Elders of the Apocalypse, reduced from
25 to 12 (Kuhn 1928, 1930, pp. 9–11). However, the epigraphic study undertaken by the team of the
ICAC and the Universitat Rovira i Virgili in 2015 has allowed us to read the didactic character
inscriptions that appear together with the figures in the lower register (López Vilar and Gorostidi
2015a), a fact that allows us unequivocally identify the figures as the Apostles (Figure 11).
Figure 10. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Image of the moon. ©ARCOR.
The lower area is occupied by the apostles presented in profile, kneeling and wearing clothing
that is clearly of a Roman tradition: a tunic, a praetexta toga, and sandals. In the central dividing band
several tituli with the names of six apostles appear: Petrus, Andreas, Iacobus, Iohannes, Philippus, and
Bartholomeus (Peter, Andrew, James, John, Philip, and Bartholomew). In the central part of this band,
coinciding with the five circles of the lower register, there are lines that correspond to decorative motifs
and next, there is another large band that would hold the inscriptions of six more apostles, which have
disappeared. In the extreme right, we can only identify an “S”, followed by a cross which we should
relate to Paulus (the Apostle Paul).
Finally, in the space located between the two groups of apostles, five circles with concentric lines
are represented. The central one has eight spokes and probably would be interpreted as being a
Crismon, while the remaining four allude to, as we shall see, the wheels of the vision of Ezekiel.
4.1. A Synoptic Theophany
Identification of the iconographic theme represented in the apse of Sant Miquel has been the
subject of debate among scholars who have dwelt on the paintings. Puig i Cadafalch (1936) interpreted
the scene as a theophany derived from the second vision of Ezekiel and identified the 12 characters
from the lower register as being “people of varying social conditions of Jerusalem”.
On the other hand, Charles Kuhn defined the iconography as a combination of an apocalyptic
vision and that of Ezekiel, converting the Apostles into the Elders of the Apocalypse, reduced from 25
to 12 (Kuhn 1928,1930, pp. 9–11). However, the epigraphic study undertaken by the team of the ICAC
and the Universitat Rovira i Virgili in 2015 has allowed us to read the didactic character inscriptions
that appear together with the figures in the lower register (L
ó
pez Vilar and Gorostidi 2015a), a fact that
allows us unequivocally identify the figures as the Apostles (Figure 11).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 9 of 31
Figure 11. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Epigraphic inscription: PETRVS. © Jordi López
and Diana Gorostidi (with kind permission).
The third interpretation was that of André Grabar (1945), who identified the scene as being the
Ascension of Christ as a cultural act in the contemplation of God.
5
In my opinion, in the apse of Sant Miquel de Terrassa, we find a synoptic theophany that fuses
two textual sources in one theme: the Ascension of Christ and the Vision of Ezekiel. Although the
primary and hierarchic source of the paintings is the Ascension of Christ (Mark XVI, 19; Luke XXIV,
50–51; Acts I, 9–12),
6
we find elements of the vision of Ezekiel, specifically the four wheels of the cart
and the throne (Ezekiel I, 4–28; X, 1–22). The image resulting from this fusion has lost its meaning as
a specific biblical episode, to become a synoptic theophany emphasizing the presence and the divinity
of Christ. The historic episodes of the Ascension and the vision of Ezekiel are only a pretext, simple
starting points that allow us to explain the theological truths on the Nature of Christ.
What is the origin of this iconographic model? Varying evidence leads me to think that the
patrons of Terrassa knew of an Eastern model that may have inspired the paintings of Sant Miquel,
specifically found in the theophanies predominant in the Syrian/Palestinian and Coptic art of the 6th-
7th centuries. On one hand, some of the iconic elements, such as the four angels holding the
mandorla, where Christ ascends to heaven as a “basileus celeste”, remind us of the Syrian-Palestinian
Ascensions, whose best example is the Rabbula Gospels from the 6th century (Florence, Laur., Plut.
1. 56, c.13v) (Figure 12). In this same way, the imago clipeata of Christ being taken to heaven by four
angels also appears in some of the ampullae, a pilgrimage flasks from the Holy Land, dating from the
6th–7th centuries, as in the case of those housed in the Museum of Duomo di Monza (Figure 13),
7
which preserves the representation of the Ascension of Christ.
5
Christie (1969, p. 69), Mancho (2012, pp. 343–94), and Ferran (2015) accepted the identification of the theme
as that of the Ascension.
6
Regarding the iconography of the Ascension, see (Dewald 1915; Van der Meer 1938, pp. 185–88, 196–98;
Belting-Ihm 1960, pp. 95–112, 1989, pp. 43–59; Schiller 1971, pp. 141–64; Schmidt 1991, pp. 572–77).
7
Regarding the ampullae from the Holy Land housed in Monza and Bobbio, see (Grabar 1958).
Figure 11.
Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Epigraphic inscription: PETRVS.
©
Jordi L
ó
pez
and Diana Gorostidi (with kind permission).

Arts 2019,8, 128 9 of 30
The third interpretation was that of Grabar (1945), who identified the scene as being the Ascension
of Christ as a cultural act in the contemplation of God.5
In my opinion, in the apse of Sant Miquel de Terrassa, we find a synoptic theophany that fuses
two textual sources in one theme: the Ascension of Christ and the Vision of Ezekiel. Although the
primary and hierarchic source of the paintings is the Ascension of Christ (Mark XVI, 19; Luke XXIV,
50–51; Acts I, 9–12),6we find elements of the vision of Ezekiel, specifically the four wheels of the cart
and the throne (Ezekiel I, 4–28; X, 1–22). The image resulting from this fusion has lost its meaning as a
specific biblical episode, to become a synoptic theophany emphasizing the presence and the divinity
of Christ. The historic episodes of the Ascension and the vision of Ezekiel are only a pretext, simple
starting points that allow us to explain the theological truths on the Nature of Christ.
What is the origin of this iconographic model? Varying evidence leads me to think that the patrons
of Terrassa knew of an Eastern model that may have inspired the paintings of Sant Miquel, specifically
found in the theophanies predominant in the Syrian/Palestinian and Coptic art of the 6th-7th centuries.
On one hand, some of the iconic elements, such as the four angels holding the mandorla, where Christ
ascends to heaven as a “basileus celeste”, remind us of the Syrian-Palestinian Ascensions, whose best
example is the Rabbula Gospels from the 6th century (Florence, Laur., Plut. 1. 56, c.13v) (Figure 12).
In this same way, the imago clipeata of Christ being taken to heaven by four angels also appears in some
of the ampullae, a pilgrimage flasks from the Holy Land, dating from the 6th–7th centuries, as in the case
of those housed in the Museum of Duomo di Monza (Figure 13),
7
which preserves the representation
of the Ascension of Christ.
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 10 of 31
Figure 12. Rabbula Gospels from the 6th century (Florence, Laur., Plut. 1. 56, c.13v). © Biblioteca
Medicea Laurenziana (with kind permission).
Figure 13. Ampulla nº1 of Monza, reverse. 6th century. © Treasury of Monza Cathedral (with kind
permission).
However, we would have to search in the Coptic theophanies of the 6th century for the closest
model to the scene at Terrassa, such as those at Qubbet al-Hawa, the lintel of El-Moallaka, or those
found at the monastery of San Apolo of Bawit: Chapel 17 (Figure 14) and apses of halls 6 and 20 of
the Coptic Museum of Cairo (Figures 15 and 16). 8 We can find one of the most similar examples on
8 For the latest published studies on the pictorial decoration of Bawit, see (Iacobini 2000). The author considers
that in the images of Bawit, there is a hierarchic relationship between the different textual sources, with the
Figure 12.
Rabbula Gospels from the 6th century (Florence, Laur., Plut. 1. 56, c.13v).
©
Biblioteca
Medicea Laurenziana (with kind permission).
5
Christe (1969, p. 69), Mancho (2012, pp. 343–94), and Ferran (2015) accepted the identification of the theme as that of
the Ascension.
6
Regarding the iconography of the Ascension, see (Dewald 1915;Van der Meer 1938, pp. 185–88, 196–98; Belting-Ihm 1960,
pp. 95–112, 1989, pp. 43–59; Schiller 1971, pp. 141–64; Schmidt 1991, pp. 572–77).
7Regarding the ampullae from the Holy Land housed in Monza and Bobbio, see (Grabar 1958).

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Figure 12. Rabbula Gospels from the 6th century (Florence, Laur., Plut. 1. 56, c.13v). © Biblioteca
Medicea Laurenziana (with kind permission).
Figure 13. Ampulla nº1 of Monza, reverse. 6th century. © Treasury of Monza Cathedral (with kind
permission).
However, we would have to search in the Coptic theophanies of the 6th century for the closest
model to the scene at Terrassa, such as those at Qubbet al-Hawa, the lintel of El-Moallaka, or those
found at the monastery of San Apolo of Bawit: Chapel 17 (Figure 14) and apses of halls 6 and 20 of
the Coptic Museum of Cairo (Figures 15 and 16). 8 We can find one of the most similar examples on
8 For the latest published studies on the pictorial decoration of Bawit, see (Iacobini 2000). The author considers
that in the images of Bawit, there is a hierarchic relationship between the different textual sources, with the
Figure 13.
Ampulla n
◦
1 of Monza, reverse. 6th century.
©
Treasury of Monza Cathedral (with kind permission).
However, we would have to search in the Coptic theophanies of the 6th century for the closest
model to the scene at Terrassa, such as those at Qubbet al-Hawa, the lintel of El-Moallaka, or those
found at the monastery of San Apolo of Bawit: Chapel 17 (Figure 14) and apses of halls 6 and 20 of the
Coptic Museum of Cairo (Figures 15 and 16).
8
We can find one of the most similar examples on the
apse of Hall 6 of the Coptic Museum of Cairo, where we see a repetition of iconographic elements
like the enthroned Christ, the clipeata images of the Sun and Moon, and the Apostolic College with
inscriptions identifying each one of the characters.
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 31
the apse of Hall 6 of the Coptic Museum of Cairo, where we see a repetition of iconographic elements
like the enthroned Christ, the clipeata images of the Sun and Moon, and the Apostolic College with
inscriptions identifying each one of the characters.
Figure 14. Bawit (Egypt), chapel 17. Aquarelle copy. After Clédat (1904) vol. 1, part two. pl. XLI.
Figure 15. Cairo, Coptic Museum: wall paintings of chapel 6 of Bawit (Egypt). 6th century. © Coptic
Museum (with kind permission).
Figure 16. Bawit (Egypt), apse of salle 20, at the present in the Coptic Museum, Inv. No 8012. (with
kind permission).
vision of Ezequiel as their primary source of inspiration (Iacobini 2000, pp. 107–19). On the contrary, Van der
Meer (1938, pp. 266–71) proposed a liturgical matrix for the theophanies of Chapels XVII and XXVI of Bawit.
The presence of the Trisagion in the book of Christ leads him to think that the theophanies of Bawit are the
evocation that figures in the introduction of the Trisagion sung in the liturgy.
Figure 14. Bawit (Egypt), chapel 17. Aquarelle copy. After Clédat (1904) vol. 1, part two. pl. XLI.
8
For the latest published studies on the pictorial decoration of Bawit, see (Iacobini 2000). The author considers that in the
images of Bawit, there is a hierarchic relationship between the different textual sources, with the vision of Ezequiel as their
primary source of inspiration (Iacobini 2000, pp. 107–19). On the contrary, Van der Meer (1938, pp. 266–71) proposed a
liturgical matrix for the theophanies of Chapels XVII and XXVI of Bawit. The presence of the Trisagion in the book of Christ
leads him to think that the theophanies of Bawit are the evocation that figures in the introduction of the Trisagion sung in
the liturgy.

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Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 31
the apse of Hall 6 of the Coptic Museum of Cairo, where we see a repetition of iconographic elements
like the enthroned Christ, the clipeata images of the Sun and Moon, and the Apostolic College with
inscriptions identifying each one of the characters.
Figure 14. Bawit (Egypt), chapel 17. Aquarelle copy. After Clédat (1904) vol. 1, part two. pl. XLI.
Figure 15. Cairo, Coptic Museum: wall paintings of chapel 6 of Bawit (Egypt). 6th century. © Coptic
Museum (with kind permission).
Figure 16. Bawit (Egypt), apse of salle 20, at the present in the Coptic Museum, Inv. No 8012. (with
kind permission).
vision of Ezequiel as their primary source of inspiration (Iacobini 2000, pp. 107–19). On the contrary, Van der
Meer (1938, pp. 266–71) proposed a liturgical matrix for the theophanies of Chapels XVII and XXVI of Bawit.
The presence of the Trisagion in the book of Christ leads him to think that the theophanies of Bawit are the
evocation that figures in the introduction of the Trisagion sung in the liturgy.
Figure 15.
Cairo, Coptic Museum: wall paintings of chapel 6 of Bawit (Egypt). 6th century.
©
Coptic
Museum (with kind permission).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 31
the apse of Hall 6 of the Coptic Museum of Cairo, where we see a repetition of iconographic elements
like the enthroned Christ, the clipeata images of the Sun and Moon, and the Apostolic College with
inscriptions identifying each one of the characters.
Figure 14. Bawit (Egypt), chapel 17. Aquarelle copy. After Clédat (1904) vol. 1, part two. pl. XLI.
Figure 15. Cairo, Coptic Museum: wall paintings of chapel 6 of Bawit (Egypt). 6th century. © Coptic
Museum (with kind permission).
Figure 16. Bawit (Egypt), apse of salle 20, at the present in the Coptic Museum, Inv. No 8012. (with
kind permission).
vision of Ezequiel as their primary source of inspiration (Iacobini 2000, pp. 107–19). On the contrary, Van der
Meer (1938, pp. 266–71) proposed a liturgical matrix for the theophanies of Chapels XVII and XXVI of Bawit.
The presence of the Trisagion in the book of Christ leads him to think that the theophanies of Bawit are the
evocation that figures in the introduction of the Trisagion sung in the liturgy.
Figure 16.
Bawit (Egypt), apse of salle 20, at the present in the Coptic Museum, Inv. No 8012. (with kind
permission).
Nevertheless, other iconographic details incorporated into the chapels of Bawit such as the
Tongues of Fire, the Tetramorph, the Virgin, and in some cases even the Prophet Ezekiel (Chapel XLV),
do not appear at Terrassa. Therefore, in comparison to the Coptic theophanies, the scene at Sant Miquel
is more synthetic and hermetic.
In any case, I believe that both the Coptic theophanies and those found at Sant Miquel could be
considered to be examples of a single type of stereotypical images, although with some variations,
that emerged during the end of the 4th century, within the framework of the Trinitarian conflicts,
such as Arianism, which shook the Eastern and Western Mediterranean. In the case of Terrassa,
the historical episode of the Ascension is a pretext to explain, via a “theophany”, theological truths
about the reality of the incarnation and divinity of Christ—themes which were widely debated in the
great ecumenical councils of Nicea (325), Ephesus (421), and Chalcedon (453).
Furthermore, the emphasis on a theophany makes the paintings of Terrassa tie in with a broad
tradition of apse imagery that includes not only the Coptic Frescoes from Bawit and Saqqara but also
the mosaics at Hosios David (Figure 17) and Monastery of St. Catherine at Sina
í
. The 5th-century
mosaic in the apse of Hosios David at Latomos monastery in Thessaloniki shows the vision of the
prophet Ezekiel. The center of the composition depicts Christ enthroned on a rainbow, set within the
aureole of blue light. The symbols of the four evangelist holding books are emerging from the aureole.

Arts 2019,8, 128 12 of 30
In his right hand Christ holds a scroll with written words. The prophets in the composition are Ezekiel
and Habakkuk, and that the composition represents The Old Testament Theophany.9
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 12 of 31
Nevertheless, other iconographic details incorporated into the chapels of Bawit such as the
Tongues of Fire, the Tetramorph, the Virgin, and in some cases even the Prophet Ezekiel (Chapel
XLV), do not appear at Terrassa. Therefore, in comparison to the Coptic theophanies, the scene at
Sant Miquel is more synthetic and hermetic.
In any case, I believe that both the Coptic theophanies and those found at Sant Miquel could be
considered to be examples of a single type of stereotypical images, although with some variations,
that emerged during the end of the 4th century, within the framework of the Trinitarian conflicts,
such as Arianism, which shook the Eastern and Western Mediterranean. In the case of Terrassa, the
historical episode of the Ascension is a pretext to explain, via a “theophany”, theological truths about
the reality of the incarnation and divinity of Christ—themes which were widely debated in the great
ecumenical councils of Nicea (325), Ephesus (421), and Chalcedon (453).
Furthermore, the emphasis on a theophany makes the paintings of Terrassa tie in with a broad
tradition of apse imagery that includes not only the Coptic Frescoes from Bawit and Saqqara but also
the mosaics at Hosios David (Figure 17) and Monastery of St. Catherine at Sinaí. The 5th-century
mosaic in the apse of Hosios David at Latomos monastery in Thessaloniki shows the vision of the
prophet Ezekiel. The center of the composition depicts Christ enthroned on a rainbow, set within the
aureole of blue light. The symbols of the four evangelist holding books are emerging from the aureole.
In his right hand Christ holds a scroll with written words. The prophets in the composition are Ezekiel
and Habakkuk, and that the composition represents The Old Testament Theophany.
9
Figure 17. Thessaloniki, mosaic at Hosios David. © Manuel Castiñeiras (with kind permission)
The exhibited examples show that at Sant Miquel we do not find a Western Ascension of a
Hellenistic variety, which shows Christ ascending into Heaven from a mountain, as we see in the
Munich Diptych from the 5th century. In my opinion the wall paintings of Sant Miquel does not
present similarities with the preeminent Carolingian Ascensions, as represented in a miniature of the
Drogo Sacramentary (9th century), in which Christ ascends to the top of a mountain top and reaches
the dextera domini, which emerges from a cloud,
10
nor with the Ascension of San Joan de Müstair (mid-
9th century), a pictorial ensemble that has been associated with the paintings of Terrassa (Mancho
2012).
9
Regarding the mosaic of Hosios David see (Snyder 1967, pp. 145–52; Pentcheva 2000, pp. 139–53; Semoglou
2012, pp. 231–39; Vinulović 2018, pp. 175–86).
10
Dewald recognized three predominant iconographic types within Carolingian art: (1). Christ ascending to
the top of a mountain top in the presence of angels, the Apostolic College and the Virgin; (2). Christ, shown
with his back to the spectator, walking toward the top of a mountain of rocks and raising his left hand to
Heaven; and (3) Christ emerging between the disciples and raising his left hand toward the dextera domini.
See (Dewald 1915, pp. 296–97).
Figure 17. Thessaloniki, mosaic at Hosios David. ©Manuel Castiñeiras (with kind permission).
The exhibited examples show that at Sant Miquel we do not find a Western Ascension of a
Hellenistic variety, which shows Christ ascending into Heaven from a mountain, as we see in the
Munich Diptych from the 5th century. In my opinion the wall paintings of Sant Miquel does not present
similarities with the preeminent Carolingian Ascensions, as represented in a miniature of the Drogo
Sacramentary (9th century), in which Christ ascends to the top of a mountain top and reaches the
dextera domini, which emerges from a cloud,
10
nor with the Ascension of San Joan de Müstair (mid-9th
century), a pictorial ensemble that has been associated with the paintings of Terrassa (Mancho 2012).
To this respect, Christe (1969, p. 79) suggested that Eastern Ascensions—Coptic, Syrian or
Palestinian—were not accepted in the West before the 9th century. Contrary to this idea, I believe
that these dogmatic images could have arrived at the Western Mediterranean in the 6th century and
would have been used in those contexts in which the debate over the nature of Christ was relevant.
As we shall see later, in the 6th century in the Iberian Peninsula was the setting for the dispute between
Arians and Catholics over the double nature of the Verb, and in particular his divine nature, which had
been put in doubt by the Arians. The theophany of Terrassa possesses a dogmatic character that is in
line with the theological thinking of this time, which also coincided with the time of the existence of
the Episcopal See of Egara (5th–8th centuries).
Finally, I think that to have a complete understanding of the meaning of the paintings of Sant
Miquel, it is essential to place them in relation to the building’s functionality. In this sense, archaeological
excavations have shown Sant Miquel to be a funerary building (Garcia Llinares et al. 2009, pp. 127–45;
Garcia Llinares et al. 2015). I believe that the vision of Christ must be specifically associated with the
funerary space. In this way, and in the eyes of the faithful, the paintings were also possibly conceived
to be a synthetic image with a clear message of salvation: the ascending Christ is at once an evocation
of the Resurrection of Christ and of the Second Parousia. Christ as the savior and judge at the end of
time, ideally fulfilled its function to intercede on behalf of the souls of the deceased donors. In the
Acts of the Apostles, it is written that at the moment of the Ascension, “two men dressed in white
9
Regarding the mosaic of Hosios David see (Snyder 1967, pp. 145–52; Pentcheva 2000, pp. 139–53; Semoglou 2012, pp. 231–39;
Vinulovi´c 2018, pp. 175–86).
10
Dewald recognized three predominant iconographic types within Carolingian art: (1). Christ ascending to the top of a
mountain top in the presence of angels, the Apostolic College and the Virgin; (2). Christ, shown with his back to the spectator,
walking toward the top of a mountain of rocks and raising his left hand to Heaven; and (3) Christ emerging between the
disciples and raising his left hand toward the dextera domini. See (Dewald 1915, pp. 296–97).

Arts 2019,8, 128 13 of 30
appeared to the Apostles and said: that same Jesus who ascended into Heaven before you, shall come
again in the same manner in which you saw Him depart to Heaven (Acts, I, II)”. From the Eastern
liturgies of Saint Mark and Saint Basil, there arose a clear correspondence between both themes. In the
sacrament of the Eucharist, the priest invokes the Second Coming of Christ through the Ascension:
“For as often as you eat this bread and drink from this cup, you proclaim the Lord’s death until He
comes,” and then pronounced, “you confess my resurrection and my Ascension”.
11
. In an essential
way, the Ascension was always understood, too, as the promise of the Second Coming as the angels
tell the apostles that he will come again in like manner, which was understood to mean that that place
was where Christ’s return and judgment are always imminent. The paintings of Sant Miquel gave a
tangible form to ideas of death and salvation.
4.2. Theophany as Presence
The paintings of Sant Miquel have an element that, in my opinion, has not garnered the attention
it deserves. In the apse’s lower register, framing the depiction of the Apostolic College, we find
two draperies enriched with segmenta and gathered together by a central knot (Figure 18). It is an
ornamental resource that was frequently used in Late Antiquity which we can find in examples such
as San Vitale or San Apolinar Nuovo of Ravenna (Figure 19), or in the Tomb of the Apostles (s.V)
preserved in the Archaeological Museum of Tarragona (Figure 20).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 31
Figure 18. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Detail of the draperies. © Teresa Llordés (with
kind permission).
Figure 19. Mosaic of Sant’Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna (Italy). Sixth century. Abraham, Abel, and
Melchisedec © Author: Sailko.
Figure 20. Sarcophagus of the Apostles. 5th century. Museu Nacional Arqueològic de Tarragona
©MNAT (with kind permission).
Figure 18.
Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Detail of the draperies.
©
Teresa Llord
é
s (with
kind permission).
I believe that in Terrassa, these draperies did not solely serve a decorative purpose, as some authors
have suggested (Mancho 2012), but rather served as the evocation of an act of contemplative worship,
which used the interior of the church as its setting. It is worth thinking that the paintings of Sant Miquel
were probably hidden behind a veil which would be uncovered before the faithful at certain moments.
This religious artifice, inherited from the Mystery religions, was used by Christian iconography to show
invisibility and to emphasize divine presence (Grabar 1945). As mentioned previously, the goal of the
representation of the theophany of Sant Miquel consists not only in commemorating a specific historic
episode like the Ascension but to also bring the faithful before the very manifestation of divinity: the
worshipper becomes an eyewitness to the theophany. Consequently, the unveiled image must be
contemplated as a ritual revelation, having its value as a mystical apparition.
11 See (Notre messe 1963, pp. 61, 68–69).

Arts 2019,8, 128 14 of 30
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 31
Figure 18. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Detail of the draperies. © Teresa Llordés (with
kind permission).
Figure 19. Mosaic of Sant’Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna (Italy). Sixth century. Abraham, Abel, and
Melchisedec © Author: Sailko.
Figure 20. Sarcophagus of the Apostles. 5th century. Museu Nacional Arqueològic de Tarragona
©MNAT (with kind permission).
Figure 19.
Mosaic of Sant’Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna (Italy). Sixth century. Abraham, Abel, and
Melchisedec ©Author: Sailko.
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 14 of 31
Figure 18. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Detail of the draperies. © Teresa Llordés (with
kind permission).
Figure 19. Mosaic of Sant’Apollinare in Classe, Ravenna (Italy). Sixth century. Abraham, Abel, and
Melchisedec © Author: Sailko.
Figure 20. Sarcophagus of the Apostles. 5th century. Museu Nacional Arqueològic de Tarragona
©MNAT (with kind permission).
Figure 20.
Sarcophagus of the Apostles. 5th century. Museu Nacional Arqueol
ò
gic de Tarragona
©MNAT (with kind permission).
With this idea in mind, archaeology has demonstrated the existence of frames enclosing the opening
of the apse in various churches of Visigothic Spain (Rodr
í
guez G. de Ceballos 1965;
Schlunk 1971
;
Bango Torviso 1997). A curtain was placed over these frames, which restricted access to the altar,
adorning the arch of the entryway and hid the apse from view. In the floors of many ancient churches
from the Visigothic Period, one can still find, under this access archway which we shall call a “crossing”,
signs marking the places occupied by these frames. 12
These draperies should be explained thus as being a reference to the “revelation” of a
mystery: Christ manifests his supernatural character through the historical episode of the Ascension.
This hypothesis is exemplified by a paradigmatic piece of Coptic art, specifically the wooden threshold
or lintel of El-Moallaka (Figure 21) where the curtains were also used to unveil an Ascension theophany
12
See the example of San Pedro de la Mata (Casalgordo, Sonseca, Toledo) or of Santa Mar
í
a de Melque (San Mart
í
n de
Montalbán, Toledo).

Arts 2019,8, 128 15 of 30
(Sacopoulo 1957;Grabar 1970). The wooden lintel from El-Moallaka was re-dated some time ago
by Leslie MacCoull
13
to the 8th century (734–735) on the basis of a correct reading of the inscription.
As Glenn Peers has pointed out the Ascension is implicated in a dynamic unfolding of revelation,
through layers of history and ritual, into the present (Peers 2007, pp. 25–46).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 15 of 31
With this idea in mind, archaeology has demonstrated the existence of frames enclosing the
opening of the apse in various churches of Visigothic Spain (Rodríguez G. de Ceballos 1965; Schlunk
1971; Bango Torviso 1997). A curtain was placed over these frames, which restricted access to the
altar, adorning the arch of the entryway and hid the apse from view. In the floors of many ancient
churches from the Visigothic Period, one can still find, under this access archway which we shall call
a “crossing”, signs marking the places occupied by these frames. 12
These draperies should be explained thus as being a reference to the “revelation” of a mystery:
Christ manifests his supernatural character through the historical episode of the Ascension. This
hypothesis is exemplified by a paradigmatic piece of Coptic art, specifically the wooden threshold or
lintel of El-Moallaka (Figure 21) where the curtains were also used to unveil an Ascension theophany
(Sacopoulo 1957; Grabar 1970). The wooden lintel from El-Moallaka was re-dated some time ago by
Leslie MacCoull13 to the 8th century (734–735) on the basis of a correct reading of the inscription. As
Glenn Peers has pointed out the Ascension is implicated in a dynamic unfolding of revelation,
through layers of history and ritual, into the present (Peers 2007, pp. 25–46).
Figure 21. Lintel from El-Moallaka (8th century). © Cairo, Coptic Museum (with kind permission).
4.3. Singing to Christ Emmanuel
The second, and truly fascinating element of the paintings of Sant Miquel is the gesturing of the
Apostles, represented in a position of genuflection, with one hand on an elbow and the other on a
mouth (Figure 22). According to André Grabar (1945, p. 126), this genuflection at Terrassa has an
Egyptian prayer ritual as its origin14. As far as the hand-to-mouth gesture is concerned, it was a
gesture accompanying the prayer or reading of the psalms, and at once a sign of protection against
demons that could enter through the mouth. We find ourselves, then, before a sum of liturgical
gestures whose origins are in Coptic Egypt, perfectly regulated within a strong tradition: avoiding
the entrance of evil through the mouth while singing the psalms.
In this sense, and following the hypothesis set forth by Grabar, I believe that the image of
Terrassa could well be a type of visual codification of a possible form of chant or specific repertoire,
originating in the Eastern liturgies. In favor of this hypothesis, we have the inscription from Chapel
28 of Bawit, in which two monks identified as singers of psalms (ΨΑΛΤΗC) present the same
gesturing as at Terrassa: one hand over their mouths (a way of muting?) and the other on their elbows
(which makes the sound resonate in the skull) (Figure 23). I am inclined to think that it has a
12 See the example of San Pedro de la Mata (Casalgordo, Sonseca, Toledo) or of Santa María de Melque (San
Martín de Montalbán, Toledo).
13 “There dwells all the fullness of the Godhead, on the peak of truly heavenly Sinai/[…]the angels and they
ceaselessly honor him with thrice-holy voice singing and saying: Holy, holy, holy are you, O lord: heaven
and earth are full of your holy glory/For the are filled with your greatness, O Lord of great mercy, as you are
invisible in the heavens amidst manifold powers, and you were content to dwell together with us mortals/
having become incarnate from the Mother of God, Mary, who has never known man. Be a helper to Abba
Theodore the patriarch and George the deacon and oeconomus. Pachon 12, indiction 3, year of Diocletian
451”. Transcription by Mac Coull (1986).
14 Carles Mancho considers the Apostles to not be kneeling, but rather seated (Mancho 2012, p. 375), and
compares the paintings of Sant Miquel with a Reichenau Gospel from the first quarter of the 9th century
(Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Cod.lat. 23631, fol. 197r), which represents the Apparition of Christ to
the Disciples (John 20, 19–23).
Figure 21. Lintel from El-Moallaka (8th century). ©Cairo, Coptic Museum (with kind permission).
4.3. Singing to Christ Emmanuel
The second, and truly fascinating element of the paintings of Sant Miquel is the gesturing of
the Apostles, represented in a position of genuflection, with one hand on an elbow and the other
on a mouth (Figure 22). According to Grabar (1945, p. 126), this genuflection at Terrassa has an
Egyptian prayer ritual as its origin
14
. As far as the hand-to-mouth gesture is concerned, it was a gesture
accompanying the prayer or reading of the psalms, and at once a sign of protection against demons
that could enter through the mouth. We find ourselves, then, before a sum of liturgical gestures whose
origins are in Coptic Egypt, perfectly regulated within a strong tradition: avoiding the entrance of evil
through the mouth while singing the psalms.
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 16 of 31
syncretism which has its origins in Pharaonic Egypt, specifically in Ihy, God of Music, who was
habitually shown as kneeling and with a finger on his lip (Maniche 1991) (Figure 24).
In Ancient Egypt, singers generally appear as being represented by a hand covering their ear,
and Coptic liturgy, by extension, did the same (Kuhn 2014, pp. 67–77). They also appear to be making
different signs with their hands, which make reference to a “quironomia” or pantomime, which
represent signs and certain characteristics of songs in the first centuries of the Christian Era. In the
mural paintings and reliefs of Ancient Egypt we can see the same gestures in singers like the famous
Iti, or the singer who appears on the tomb of Nenchefka, both the Egyptian Museum of Cairo (Figure 25).
Therefore, I believe that the gestures of the Apostles of Terrassa do not only allude to the
mystical silence of contemplation, as suggested by Henry Maguire15 or André Grabar, but rather that
the Apostles were singing before the revelation of the theophany in the apse. In this sense, I believe
that the image of the Apostles could be an artistic evocation of some of the chants practiced in the
Mozarabic liturgy, be it in the recital of the psalms, hymns or the Trisagion16, probably emphasizing
the divine character of “Christ Emmanuel”.
Figure 22. Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Detail of the Apostles. © Teresa Llordés (with kind
permission).
15 According to Maguire, in Middle Byzantine art the hand clasped to the mouth in depictions of the Ascensions
means simple silence or speechlessness. He refers to the mid-9th century fresco of the Ascension in S.
Clement in Rome, where one of the apostles standing on the right of the scene claps one hand over his mouth,
while in his other he hold a scroll. An explanation of his actions may found in a poem by the 7th-century
Pope Honorius I, which describes “The Apostles in Amazement at the Ascension of Christ to the Heavens”.
The apostles also cover their mouths with their hands in the tenth-century Ascension painting at Ayvali
Kilise in Cappadocia. See (Maguire 1977, pp. 123–74). About the gesture in Byzantium see also (Brubaker
2009, pp. 36–56).
16 The Trisagion is an echo of the biblical passage in which the seraphim sing out to the Lord: “Holy, Holy, Holy
is the Lord God Almighty” (Isaiah 6,3). It is repeated in the Apocalypse: “Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord God
Almighty who was, and is, and is to come” (Apocalypse 4,8). It emerged in Eastern Christianity and was
often used as an instrument to combat the heresies that cast doubt on the dual nature of Christ. From the
primitive form of Trisagion, Hispanic priests wrote new texts emphasizing the power and royalty of Christ
through the use of Apocalyptic texts. Documented for the first time at the Council of Chalcedon (451), it was
introduced to the Hispano-Mozarabic liturgy due to the influence of the Eastern liturgies (Pinell 1998, pp.
152–53; Martín-Delgado Sánchez 2018, pp. 64–65), and was recited by ministers serving at the altar, by clerics
of the choir and by worshippers.
Figure 22.
Sant Miquel de Terrassa, wall paintings. Detail of the Apostles.
©
Teresa Llord
é
s (with
kind permission).
13
“There dwells all the fullness of the Godhead, on the peak of truly heavenly Sinai/[
. . .
]the angels and they ceaselessly
honor him with thrice-holy voice singing and saying: Holy, holy, holy are you, O lord: heaven and earth are full of your holy
glory/For the are filled with your greatness, O Lord of great mercy, as you are invisible in the heavens amidst manifold
powers, and you were content to dwell together with us mortals/having become incarnate from the Mother of God, Mary,
who has never known man. Be a helper to Abba Theodore the patriarch and George the deacon and oeconomus. Pachon 12,
indiction 3, year of Diocletian 451”. Transcription by Mac Coull (1986).
14
Carles Mancho considers the Apostles to not be kneeling, but rather seated (Mancho 2012, p. 375), and compares the paintings
of Sant Miquel with a Reichenau Gospel from the first quarter of the 9th century (Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek,
Cod.lat. 23631, fol. 197r), which represents the Apparition of Christ to the Disciples (John 20, 19–23).

Arts 2019,8, 128 16 of 30
In this sense, and following the hypothesis set forth by Grabar, I believe that the image of Terrassa
could well be a type of visual codification of a possible form of chant or specific repertoire, originating
in the Eastern liturgies. In favor of this hypothesis, we have the inscription from Chapel 28 of Bawit,
in which two monks identified as singers of psalms (
Ψ
A
Λ
THC) present the same gesturing as at
Terrassa: one hand over their mouths (a way of muting?) and the other on their elbows (which makes
the sound resonate in the skull) (Figure 23). I am inclined to think that it has a syncretism which has its
origins in Pharaonic Egypt, specifically in Ihy, God of Music, who was habitually shown as kneeling
and with a finger on his lip (Maniche 1991) (Figure 24).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 17 of 31
Figure 23. Bawit Monastery. Chapel 28. Egypt. Aquarelle copy. After (Clédat 1904).
Figure 24. Relief depicting God Ihy at Dendera (Egypt). © Marie-Hélène Cingal.
Figure 25. Ancien Egyptian singer, Iti in Tomb of Nikaw-ra. © Egyptian Museum Cairo.
5. A Program against Arian Heresy?
Without a doubt, one of the most singular elements of the paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa
is the presence of the inscription “Emmanuel” appearing in the halo of Christ. Although the term
appeared for the first time in the prophecy of Isaiah about the Messiah (Isaiah, VII, 14), it is Matthew
who reveals the meaning of the name (Matthew, I, 23):
Figure 23. Bawit Monastery. Chapel 28. Egypt. Aquarelle copy. After (Clédat 1904).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 17 of 31
Figure 23. Bawit Monastery. Chapel 28. Egypt. Aquarelle copy. After (Clédat 1904).
Figure 24. Relief depicting God Ihy at Dendera (Egypt). © Marie-Hélène Cingal.
Figure 25. Ancien Egyptian singer, Iti in Tomb of Nikaw-ra. © Egyptian Museum Cairo.
5. A Program against Arian Heresy?
Without a doubt, one of the most singular elements of the paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa
is the presence of the inscription “Emmanuel” appearing in the halo of Christ. Although the term
appeared for the first time in the prophecy of Isaiah about the Messiah (Isaiah, VII, 14), it is Matthew
who reveals the meaning of the name (Matthew, I, 23):
Figure 24. Relief depicting God Ihy at Dendera (Egypt). ©Marie-Hélène Cingal.
In Ancient Egypt, singers generally appear as being represented by a hand covering their ear, and
Coptic liturgy, by extension, did the same (Kuhn 2014, pp. 67–77). They also appear to be making
different signs with their hands, which make reference to a “quironomia” or pantomime, which represent
signs and certain characteristics of songs in the first centuries of the Christian Era. In the mural
paintings and reliefs of Ancient Egypt we can see the same gestures in singers like the famous Iti, or the
singer who appears on the tomb of Nenchefka, both the Egyptian Museum of Cairo (Figure 25).

Arts 2019,8, 128 17 of 30
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 17 of 31
Figure 23. Bawit Monastery. Chapel 28. Egypt. Aquarelle copy. After (Clédat 1904).
Figure 24. Relief depicting God Ihy at Dendera (Egypt). © Marie-Hélène Cingal.
Figure 25. Ancien Egyptian singer, Iti in Tomb of Nikaw-ra. © Egyptian Museum Cairo.
5. A Program against Arian Heresy?
Without a doubt, one of the most singular elements of the paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa
is the presence of the inscription “Emmanuel” appearing in the halo of Christ. Although the term
appeared for the first time in the prophecy of Isaiah about the Messiah (Isaiah, VII, 14), it is Matthew
who reveals the meaning of the name (Matthew, I, 23):
Figure 25. Ancien Egyptian singer, Iti in Tomb of Nikaw-ra. ©Egyptian Museum Cairo.
Therefore, I believe that the gestures of the Apostles of Terrassa do not only allude to the mystical
silence of contemplation, as suggested by Henry Maguire
15
or Andr
é
Grabar, but rather that the
Apostles were singing before the revelation of the theophany in the apse. In this sense, I believe that the
image of the Apostles could be an artistic evocation of some of the chants practiced in the Mozarabic
liturgy, be it in the recital of the psalms, hymns or the Trisagion
16
, probably emphasizing the divine
character of “Christ Emmanuel”.
5. A Program against Arian Heresy?
Without a doubt, one of the most singular elements of the paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa
is the presence of the inscription “Emmanuel” appearing in the halo of Christ. Although the term
appeared for the first time in the prophecy of Isaiah about the Messiah (Isaiah, VII, 14), it is Matthew
who reveals the meaning of the name (Matthew, I, 23):
The virgin will conceive and give birth to a son, and they will call him Emmanuel (which means
“God with us).
This is, therefore, a titulus applied to Christ, as the son of a virgin woman and God. In my opinion,
both the presence of the titulus “Emmanuel” and the choice of the image of the Theophany-Ascension
we find in Terrassa, should be interpreted as an affirmation by the Catholic Church before the Arian
heresy that denied the dual nature of Christ. In the Eastern theophanies (Coptic, Syrian or Palestinian)
15
According to Maguire, in Middle Byzantine art the hand clasped to the mouth in depictions of the Ascensions means simple
silence or speechlessness. He refers to the mid-9th century fresco of the Ascension in S. Clement in Rome, where one of the
apostles standing on the right of the scene claps one hand over his mouth, while in his other he hold a scroll. An explanation
of his actions may found in a poem by the 7th-century Pope Honorius I, which describes “The Apostles in Amazement
at the Ascension of Christ to the Heavens”. The apostles also cover their mouths with their hands in the tenth-century
Ascension painting at Ayvali Kilise in Cappadocia. See (Maguire 1977, pp. 123–74). About the gesture in Byzantium see also
(Brubaker 2009, pp. 36–56).
16
The Trisagion is an echo of the biblical passage in which the seraphim sing out to the Lord: “Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord
God Almighty” (Isaiah 6,3). It is repeated in the Apocalypse: “Holy, Holy, Holy is the Lord God Almighty who was, and is,
and is to come” (Apocalypse 4,8). It emerged in Eastern Christianity and was often used as an instrument to combat the
heresies that cast doubt on the dual nature of Christ. From the primitive form of Trisagion, Hispanic priests wrote new
texts emphasizing the power and royalty of Christ through the use of Apocalyptic texts. Documented for the first time at
the Council of Chalcedon (451), it was introduced to the Hispano-Mozarabic liturgy due to the influence of the Eastern
liturgies (Pinell 1998, pp. 152–53; Mart
í
n-Delgado S
á
nchez 2018, pp. 64–65), and was recited by ministers serving at the altar,
by clerics of the choir and by worshippers.

Arts 2019,8, 128 18 of 30
we have seen before, the heavenly triumph of Christ proves the integrity of his divine nature ab aeterno,
while the Virgin is proof of his embodiment as a man.
The importance of the name Emmanuel as a proclamation of the dual nature of Christ explains
that this term was widely used at this time by the Christian exegesis to combat the heresies
(Arian, Monophysitism, Nestorianism), which were fought in the Great Eastern Ecumenical Councils:
Nicea (325), Ephesus (431), Chalcedon (453) and Constantinople (381–553). From there we see the
presence of the inscription Emmanuel not only in great figurative cycles like Terrassa but also in icons
17
and in the ampullae in the Holy Land such as those preserved in Monza and Bobbio (Grabar 1958),
dated to be from the 6th century (Figure 26). Some of these ampullae, which religious pilgrims would
acquire as “souvenirs”, have on one side a representation of the Adoration of the Magi with an
enthroned Virgin, along with the inscription EMMANOYHA (Emmanuel), while the other side depicts
the Ascension of Christ.
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 18 of 31
The virgin will conceive and give birth to a son, and they will call him Emmanuel (which
means “God with us).
This is, therefore, a titulus applied to Christ, as the son of a virgin woman and God. In my
opinion, both the presence of the titulus “Emmanuel” and the choice of the image of the Theophany-
Ascension we find in Terrassa, should be interpreted as an affirmation by the Catholic Church before
the Arian heresy that denied the dual nature of Christ. In the Eastern theophanies (Coptic, Syrian or
Palestinian) we have seen before, the heavenly triumph of Christ proves the integrity of his divine
nature ab aeterno, while the Virgin is proof of his embodiment as a man.
The importance of the name Emmanuel as a proclamation of the dual nature of Christ explains
that this term was widely used at this time by the Christian exegesis to combat the heresies (Arian,
Monophysitism, Nestorianism), which were fought in the Great Eastern Ecumenical Councils: Nicea
(325), Ephesus (431), Chalcedon (453) and Constantinople (381–553). From there we see the presence
of the inscription Emmanuel not only in great figurative cycles like Terrassa but also in icons17 and in
the ampullae in the Holy Land such as those preserved in Monza and Bobbio (Grabar 1958), dated to
be from the 6th century (Figure 26). Some of these ampullae, which religious pilgrims would acquire
as “souvenirs”, have on one side a representation of the Adoration of the Magi with an enthroned
Virgin, along with the inscription EMMANOYHA (Emmanuel), while the other side depicts the
Ascension of Christ.
Figure 26. Ampulla n°1 of Monza, obverse. © Treasury of Monza Cathedral (with kind permission).
It is important to remember that although the doctrine of Arius was condemned by the Nicea
Council (325), in the West it enjoyed a great popularity among the Germanic people, as it did with
the Visigoths, who professed the Arian faith and had to contend with the Catholicism of the people
they dominated. The Iberian Peninsula did not keep its distance from heretical conflicts originating
in the Byzantine East, although they did arrive later. Different indications compel us to reconsider
the magnitude of the conflict, above all to propose the hypothesis that a dogmatic will on the part of
the Catholic Church hides behind the choice of the iconographic theme of Terrassa.
In the first place, for 37 years the Arians prohibited the celebrating of the Councils of the Catholic
Church in Hispania. After the Council of Valencia of 549, Catholic bishops did not reunite again until
the reign of Recaredo, who converted to Catholicism in 589. We know that 9 Catholic synods were
held between the years 506 and 549, but none was documented to have existed in the 36 years
17 Proof of the term in the East resides in an icon housed in the picture gallery of the Monastery of Santa
Caterina del Sinai (7th century), where the image of a majestic Christ appears joined by the inscription
E[MMA]NOYHA. See (Weitzmann 1976, p. 41, n.B16).
Figure 26. Ampulla n◦1 of Monza, obverse. ©Treasury of Monza Cathedral (with kind permission).
It is important to remember that although the doctrine of Arius was condemned by the Nicea
Council (325), in the West it enjoyed a great popularity among the Germanic people, as it did with
the Visigoths, who professed the Arian faith and had to contend with the Catholicism of the people
they dominated. The Iberian Peninsula did not keep its distance from heretical conflicts originating in
the Byzantine East, although they did arrive later. Different indications compel us to reconsider the
magnitude of the conflict, above all to propose the hypothesis that a dogmatic will on the part of the
Catholic Church hides behind the choice of the iconographic theme of Terrassa.
In the first place, for 37 years the Arians prohibited the celebrating of the Councils of the Catholic
Church in Hispania. After the Council of Valencia of 549, Catholic bishops did not reunite again until
the reign of Recaredo, who converted to Catholicism in 589. We know that 9 Catholic synods were held
between the years 506 and 549, but none was documented to have existed in the 36 years afterward
(549–586) (Thompson 2014, p. 57). The prohibition, recognizing the veto, was lifted at the Council of
Toledo of 589 (Vives 1963, pp. 107–45):
And as for many years, the threatening heresy did not permit the celebration of the council
of the Catholic Church, God, who was pleased to have extirpated the aforementioned
heresy from our midst, admonished us to restore the ecclesiastic institutions according to the
ancient traditions.
In the second place, Catholic authorities described the reign of Agila (549–555) as an oppressive
regime. Afterward Leovigildo (572–586) was accused of persecuting the Catholics in his kingdom
17
Proof of the term in the East resides in an icon housed in the picture gallery of the Monastery of Santa Caterina
del Sinai (7th century), where the image of a majestic Christ appears joined by the inscription E[MMA]NOYHA. See
(Weitzmann 1976, p. 41, n.B16).

Arts 2019,8, 128 19 of 30
(Thompson 2014, p. 109) and even expelled non-Arian clerics from the cities under his power
(
Vallejo Girvés 2012, p. 243
). Among those exiled to Christian episcopal sees, it is worth mentioning
Juan de B
í
claro (c. 540–621), who upon returning to the Iberian Peninsula after a prolonged stay in
Constantinople, was exiled to Barcelona in the year 577 on orders from Leovigildo (
Vallejo Girvés 2003
),
and where he remained until 587/588. Later, in 591, he was named Bishop of Girona. As Bishop,
he subscribed the Second Council of Zaragoza of 592, the Council of Toledo in 597, the Second Council
of Barcelona of 599 and the Council celebrated at the Episcopal See of Egara in the year 614.
In the third place, Julia Bertr
á
n de Heredia has recently demonstrated that in the case of Barcelona,
we have a data that allows us to propose the hypothesis for a Catholic see and an Arian see in the
capital (Bertr
á
n de Heredia 2019, p. 156).
18
No less significant is the case of Zaragoza, where Bishop
Maximo celebrated the Second Council of 592 with the objective of eradicating the after-effects of the
Arian period.19
In the fourth place, during the Council of Braga of 572, any and all suspicion of heresy was urged
to be denounced (Vives 1963, pp. 78–106):
If any bishop or presbyter or deacon of any bishop engages in a heretical opinion and would
be excommunicated for this reason, no bishop shall admit him in his Communion if he
does not satisfy all those present before a common assembly with a confession of his faith.
This same condition is established for the lay faithful in case they would be accused of
heretical opinions.
In this sense, I believe that the iconographic program designed by the creators of the
pictorial decoration of the apses of Sant Miquel and Santa Maria is neither arbitrary nor can
they be read independently. On one hand, in the pictorial decoration of Santa Maria (which the
historiography unanimously situates at the same chronological moment as the paintings of Sant
Miquel), the human nature of Christ is underscored, via the different scenes of the Passion and his
public life (
Figures 27 and 28
). In this respect, the representation of enthroned Virgin and Child,
the Theotokos Virgin, a title conceded at the Council of Ephesus (431) becomes even more remarkable,
and with a very clear objective: to proclaim that Jesus was completely God and Human and that his
two natures were inseparable.
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 20 of 31
return of the Verb to the Father and divine character of Christ in Glory. This would justify her absence
at Sant Miquel.
In a context in which the controversy was alive in the Iberian Peninsula in the 6th century, it is
logical to think of a recurrence to an ad hoc iconography as a contribution to the controversy by the
Catholic Church. To this end, Eastern models were employed, as we have seen in Bawit, El-Moallaka
or Qubbet al-Hawa (Egypt). It is, without a doubt, a time of the creation of new iconographies with
specific meanings and intentions, of dogmatic images that are converted into mass-media to illustrate
the conclusions derived from the great ecumenical councils of Nicea (325), Ephesus (431) and
Constantinople (381–553) against the heresies.20
Figure 27. Santa Maria de Terrassa, wall paintings. © author.
Figure 28. First tracings of the pictorial decoration of Santa Maria de Terrassa. In the lower register
we can see the detail of the Virgin and Child surrounded by Apostles and Prophets. Source: Josep
Puig i Cadafalch. 1948. Noves descobertes a la catedral d’Ègara. Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans.6.
The Reception Line of the Byzantine East.
20 I do not share a belief in the proposal set forth by Professor Carles Mancho, who considered the paintings of
Sant Miquel to have been commissioned by the Bishop of Barcelona, Frodoí (861–890), as a response to the
clerics adhering to the ancient Hispanic liturgy, who had attempted to usurp episcopal rights of those
accused of heresy. For that, he would have used the theme of the Ascension, which would equate the
Hispanic rite with the Adoptionist heresy, a doctrine that argued that Christ would have been elevated to a
category of the divine by appointment by God himself through his adoption. I believe that this hypothesis
does not take two important premises into account. On one hand, Elipando, Archbishop of Toledo and one
of the main defenders of the Adoptionist heresy, died in the year 805 at the See of Toledo with no disciple to
continue his thesis. On the other, in the year 794 at the council of Frankfurt and presided by Charlemagne
himself, Adoptionism was condemned. Consequently, the conflict involving Adoptionism would be very far
from the time of Frodoí.
Figure 27. Santa Maria de Terrassa, wall paintings. ©author.
18
According to the J
ú
lia Bertr
á
n de Heredia, it is very probable that when the Visigoths installed themselves in Barcino,
they would have occupied the official episcopal nucleus, which today is under the present cathedral and under the Plaza del
Rey, and that the Catholics were ousted to Sant Just i Pastor, where an older Church probably already would have existed,
a fact that would justify the relocation of the Catholic Episcopal group to this part of the city.
19
Three canons were approved at the Council, stating that presbyters and deacons should be reordained and that Arian
churches that had been reconsecrated by Arian bishops without receiving the blessing of a Catholic Bishop must be
reconsecrated. See (Vives 1963, pp. 154–55; Escribano Paño 1998, p. 85).

Arts 2019,8, 128 20 of 30
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 20 of 31
return of the Verb to the Father and divine character of Christ in Glory. This would justify her absence
at Sant Miquel.
In a context in which the controversy was alive in the Iberian Peninsula in the 6th century, it is
logical to think of a recurrence to an ad hoc iconography as a contribution to the controversy by the
Catholic Church. To this end, Eastern models were employed, as we have seen in Bawit, El-Moallaka
or Qubbet al-Hawa (Egypt). It is, without a doubt, a time of the creation of new iconographies with
specific meanings and intentions, of dogmatic images that are converted into mass-media to illustrate
the conclusions derived from the great ecumenical councils of Nicea (325), Ephesus (431) and
Constantinople (381–553) against the heresies.20
Figure 27. Santa Maria de Terrassa, wall paintings. © author.
Figure 28. First tracings of the pictorial decoration of Santa Maria de Terrassa. In the lower register
we can see the detail of the Virgin and Child surrounded by Apostles and Prophets. Source: Josep
Puig i Cadafalch. 1948. Noves descobertes a la catedral d’Ègara. Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans.6.
The Reception Line of the Byzantine East.
20 I do not share a belief in the proposal set forth by Professor Carles Mancho, who considered the paintings of
Sant Miquel to have been commissioned by the Bishop of Barcelona, Frodoí (861–890), as a response to the
clerics adhering to the ancient Hispanic liturgy, who had attempted to usurp episcopal rights of those
accused of heresy. For that, he would have used the theme of the Ascension, which would equate the
Hispanic rite with the Adoptionist heresy, a doctrine that argued that Christ would have been elevated to a
category of the divine by appointment by God himself through his adoption. I believe that this hypothesis
does not take two important premises into account. On one hand, Elipando, Archbishop of Toledo and one
of the main defenders of the Adoptionist heresy, died in the year 805 at the See of Toledo with no disciple to
continue his thesis. On the other, in the year 794 at the council of Frankfurt and presided by Charlemagne
himself, Adoptionism was condemned. Consequently, the conflict involving Adoptionism would be very far
from the time of Frodoí.
Figure 28.
First tracings of the pictorial decoration of Santa Maria de Terrassa. In the lower register
we can see the detail of the Virgin and Child surrounded by Apostles and Prophets. Source: Josep
Puig i Cadafalch. 1948. Noves descobertes a la catedral d’
È
gara. Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans.6.
The Reception Line of the Byzantine East.
To this end, several authors have drawn attention to the absence of the Virgin in the theophanic
Ascension of Sant Miquel. In effect, it is a common element of Eastern Ascensions. I believe that this
circumstance is due to two motives: in the first place, the figure of the Virgin does not appear in the
canonical texts of the Ascension, and as such her presence is not a sine qua non condition; in the second
place, Sant Miquel represents a synoptic theophany that does not aspire to underscore the reality of the
Incarnation through the Virgin (already represented in the apse of Santa Maria), but rather the return
of the Verb to the Father and divine character of Christ in Glory. This would justify her absence at
Sant Miquel.
In a context in which the controversy was alive in the Iberian Peninsula in the 6th century, it is
logical to think of a recurrence to an ad hoc iconography as a contribution to the controversy by the
Catholic Church. To this end, Eastern models were employed, as we have seen in Bawit, El-Moallaka
or Qubbet al-Hawa (Egypt). It is, without a doubt, a time of the creation of new iconographies
with specific meanings and intentions, of dogmatic images that are converted into mass-media to
illustrate the conclusions derived from the great ecumenical councils of Nicea (325), Ephesus (431) and
Constantinople (381–553) against the heresies.20
Since the first studies conducted by Puig i Cadafalch, different researchers have underscored the
exceptionality of the paintings of Sant Miquel and Santa Maria de Terrassa for their similarities with
the art of the Eastern Mediterranean (Puig i Cadafalch 1936;Grabar 1945;Christe 1969;
Ferran 2015
).
In effect, and as we have seen, we find within the decoration of the paintings of Sant Miquel the marks
of a primitive repertory of Christian art very much related to the context of the Eastern Byzantine,
especially with Coptic Egyptian art of the 6th century. The paintings of Sant Miquel show revealing
similarities to the monastery paintings of Saint Apollo of Bawit and Qubbet al-Hawa in Egypt,
whose chronology situates them as being to the 6th century.
20
I do not share a belief in the proposal set forth by Professor Carles Mancho, who considered the paintings of Sant Miquel to
have been commissioned by the Bishop of Barcelona, Frodo
í
(861–890), as a response to the clerics adhering to the ancient
Hispanic liturgy, who had attempted to usurp episcopal rights of those accused of heresy. For that, he would have used the
theme of the Ascension, which would equate the Hispanic rite with the Adoptionist heresy, a doctrine that argued that
Christ would have been elevated to a category of the divine by appointment by God himself through his adoption. I believe
that this hypothesis does not take two important premises into account. On one hand, Elipando, Archbishop of Toledo and
one of the main defenders of the Adoptionist heresy, died in the year 805 at the See of Toledo with no disciple to continue his
thesis. On the other, in the year 794 at the council of Frankfurt and presided by Charlemagne himself, Adoptionism was
condemned. Consequently, the conflict involving Adoptionism would be very far from the time of Frodoí.

Arts 2019,8, 128 21 of 30
Today we do not know which the means for this artistic transmission were, as well as the reasons
which led the “doers” of Terrassa to select such a peculiar and unique repertoire of topics, motifs,
and inscriptions.
In this sense, I believe that the assimilation of Eastern repertoires into the paintings of Terrassa
cannot be attributed to only one form of reception, but rather that it can be attributed to different
ones. In the first place, I believe that we must evaluate to which point the assimilation of Eastern
liturgies, within the Mozarabic or Hispano-Visigothic liturgy, could have influenced the selection of
certain iconographic themes. D.S. Bäumer was one of the first authors to find a strong influence of
Byzantine Eastern liturgies within the Mozarabic liturgies, who attributed the contact of the Goths
with the Greeks (Bäumer 1905, p. 243). Although if taken as a whole, the Hispanic Visigothic liturgy is
a Western liturgy, imported from Rome (Ferotin 1904, p. 12), various authors have signaled points of
contact with Eastern liturgies.21
Father Enrique Fl
ó
rez attributed such influences to the arrival of people from the Orient, both by
land and by sea (Fl
ó
rez 1754, p. 220). In this respect, it reminds us of the letter that Pope Hormisdas
(514–523) wrote to the Joan, Archbishop of Tarragona, in the year 517, in which he spoke of Greek
clerics convening in the province of Tarragona
22
. According to Fl
ó
rez, it is from these clerics from
which many ceremonies were taken, which had a large influence on the changes in Mozarabic rites.
23
In the second place, this news from Father Fl
ó
rez leads us to propose a second possibility for this
context of transference: firsthand knowledge of these themes and iconographies through journeys
to holy places in the Byzantine East. Concerning this idea, I believe that the metropolitan See of
Tarragona, to which the Episcopal See of Egara was subordinate, could have played a determining
role both in receiving clerics coming from the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as in the journeys to the
Orient by clerics from the episcopal sees of Tarragona, such as Terrassa. To the example of the clero
Graecorum documented in Tarragona in the year 517, we should add other testimonials confirming the
contacts, through travel, with Coptic Egypt. It is precisely coming from Tarragona where we find a
tombstone (dated from between the 5th–6th centuries) with a funerary inscription attributed to an
ecclesiast named Thecla (of Egyptian origin), who was buried in a martyrial basilica dedicated to San
Fructuoso, in Tarraco. It read as follows:
Haec hic beata Thecla
virgo Xρι(στσυ), ei patria Aegypt(us).
Vixit ann(is) LXXVII, ut meruit
in pace requievit D(omi)ni (hedera).
Its epigraph could be translated as: “Here lies the blessed Thecla, virgin of Christ, whose homeland
was Egypt. She lived 77 years; as she deserved, she rests in the peace of the Lord”. 24
It is not the only documented case: an inscription—lost today—of an altar table in Tarragona
which was transmitted by E. Flórez recalls the Alexandrian origin of a cleric named Esteban:
21
For further information of the reception of Western Liturgies see: (
Díaz y Díaz 1967;Blázquez Martínez 1967;Gros i Pujol 1992).
22
Hormisdas, Ep. 24, ad Ioannem Tarraconensem, PL 63,422 i 84, 819–820: “Salutantes igitur caritatem qua jungimur, per Cassianum
diaconum tuum signifi camus, nos direxisse generalia constituta, quibus vel ea quae juxta canones servari debeant competenter
ediximus, vel circa eos qui ex clero Graecorum veniunt, quam habere oporteat cautionem, sufficienter instruximus”. In the same letter,
Hormisdas expressed that Ioannes deserved the affection of Christians due to his loyalty to the norms of the Catholics and
the Fathers. Consequently, he conferred the mission to restore Hispanic churches to the ancient discipline: “remuneramus
sollicitudinem tuam, et conservados privilegiado metropolitanorum vices vobis Apostolicae sedis eatenus delegamus.” We can deduce
that in Hispania there existed situations of heresy, opposed to the Catholic faith. See (Amengual i Batlle 2013;Gom
á
1907,
pp. 689–93; Del Amo Guinovart 2001, p. 275).
23
Among the rites most profoundly marked by an Eastern-Byzantine influence, the Greek Trisagion specifically figures
(Presedo Velo 2003, p. 116), a rite which Van der Meer saw as the source of the theophanic images from Coptic Egypt,
with which Terrassa has an undeniable bond.
24
According to the latest studies (L
ó
pez Vilar and Gorostidi 2015b), no relationship exists between this Thecla and the cult of
worship in place during the medieval period of Santa Tecla as patron saint of Tarragona, contrary to what some authors
have proposed (Del Amo Guinovart 1997).

Arts 2019,8, 128 22 of 30
Stephanus Alexandrinus in honore Dei et omnius sanctorum die VIII idus Apriles anno tertio
ordinationis eius cum suis sub pontificatu Georgii episcopii sanctissimi. Sigillum hic esto.
(Flórez 1770, pp. 93–94; Del Amo Guinovart 2001, p. 275)
The two cases mentioned here are examples of a movement, which most certainly would have
been more widespread. We cannot forget that during the government of Emperor Justinian I (527–565),
a favorable context arose in the Mediterranean for circulation and transference. Within the framework
of Justinian’s Renovatio imperi, the Byzantine Empire expanded to the West, with the recovery of
Northern Africa from the Vandals (533–534), Sicily, Sardinia, and Dalmatia (534), Ravenna (540) and
Italy (555). From the year 552 and until the year 625, the Byzantine Empire maintained a strong
presence in the south and the eastern part of the Iberian Peninsula, a region that became integrated into
the Empire under the name Spania. However, the creation of the Byzantine province of Spania does not
appear to have been the way of artistic reception from Byzantium in the Western Mediterranean.25
In my opinion, the existence of foreign communities—Greeks, Syrians, Egyptians—who were
well-established in northeastern Spanish society, leads me to believe that one of the reasons for this close
Hispano-Byzantine relationship could be the travels of priests.
26
However, I believe it would be an error
to show relations with Byzantium as being one-way. We cannot forget that the Eastern Mediterranean
was also an attractive destination for pilgrims who, beginning on the 4th century, visited places of
worship such as the temple dedicated to Saint Thecla of Seleucia (Syria).
27
Among others, we must
distinguish the work of the Hispanic woman Egeria, who visited it between the years 381 and 384 and
wrote a description in Sumerian of her celebrated Itinerarium (
Wilkinson 1971, pp. 28–29
;
Maraval 1982
;
Arias Abellan 2000, pp. 11–12).
From an early date, the worship of Saint Thecla enjoyed widespread devotion in several areas of
the Eastern Mediterranean, especially in Egypt, and whose sanctuary was located near the well-known
Monastery of Saint Menas, in Abu Mina, in the area of Lake Mariout (Davis 2001, pp. 127–28).
The miracles performed by Menas and Thecla converted their sanctuaries into important centers
of worship for the Coptic Church in the 6th century.
28
The large amount of ampullae coming from the
northern region of Egypt, with the joint representation of Thecla and Menas, has led to thoughts of
an interaction between both cults of worship in the same area of the Mariout region, in the environs
of Alexandria (Davis 2001, pp. 133–36; Bangert 2006;Anderson 2007).
29
These small terracotta
flasks contained holy water and were sold in the vicinity of the temples as “curative” souvenirs.
Today, hundreds of these ampullae survive in museum collections throughout the Mediterranean world
(Figure 29).
Commerce and travel to these centers of worship in Coptic Egypt possibly favored the knowledge
of certain themes and iconographies, which surfaced after the heretical conflicts that ravaged the
East. Regarding contact with Coptic Egypt, I believe that in the 5th century, the existence of a
basilica dedicated to Saint Menas in Sentmenat, a place very close to Egara, was extremely significant).
In 1992, the archaeological remains of a building of Christian worship, dated from the 5th century,
were found on the church grounds of the old church dedicated to “San Mena”, in Sentmenat (Barcelona)
(
Roig Buxóet al. 1995
).
30
With the presence of a Christian church from the 5th century related to the
25 For the discussion of this topic see especially (Schlunk 1945,1964;Vizcaíno Sánchez 2009,2013).
26 See (Keay 1996, pp. 18–43; Vallejo Girvés 2004, pp. 117–54).
27
For a general description and study of the cult of Santa Tecla, see (Davis 2001;Fitzerald Johnson 2006, pp. 67–112;
Semoglou 2014).
28
By the sixth century, Abu Mina had been transformed into a huge pilgrimage center whose focal point was the tomb of the
martyr. See (Drescher 1946;Grossmann 1989,1998, pp. 291–302; Papaconstantinou 2007, pp. 350–67).
29
Davis (2001) includes a catalog of devotional ampullae and the images of Saint Thecla in frescoes and funerary stelae.
There are other known manifestations of the worship of Saint Menas in Catalonia: there are two ampullae housed in the
Museu Episcopal de Vic and the Museu Arqueològic in Girona.
30
We only know of two churches in Catalonia dedicated to Saint Menas: Sant Mena de Sentmenat (Vall
è
s Occidental) and Sant
Mena de Vilablareix (Girona).

Arts 2019,8, 128 23 of 30
worship of San Mena, together with the previous evidence of the presence of Egyptian clerics in
Tarragona, we can suppose there was a relatively intense and fluid exchange between one extreme of the
Mediterranean and another, and most of all, contact with the Coptic world from very early times. I do
not believe that Terrassa directly copy the prototype of coptic paintings, but the programmer or designer
of Sant Miquel clearly possessed an awareness of iconographic traditions of Early-Byzantine period,
particularly the Coptic church. We don’t know if the connection was direct, but these theophanies are
part of a religious and artistic network, larger than the renderings themselves.
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 23 of 31
contained holy water and were sold in the vicinity of the temples as “curative” souvenirs. Today,
hundreds of these ampullae survive in museum collections throughout the Mediterranean world
(Figure 29).
Figure 29. Pilgrimage flask with the image of Saint Menas. © Tarragona, Museu Bíblic (with kind
permission).
Commerce and travel to these centers of worship in Coptic Egypt possibly favored the
knowledge of certain themes and iconographies, which surfaced after the heretical conflicts that
ravaged the East. Regarding contact with Coptic Egypt, I believe that in the 5th century, the existence
of a basilica dedicated to Saint Menas in Sentmenat, a place very close to Egara, was extremely
significant). In 1992, the archaeological remains of a building of Christian worship, dated from the
5th century, were found on the church grounds of the old church dedicated to “San Mena”, in
Sentmenat (Barcelona) (Roig Buxó et al. 1995).30 With the presence of a Christian church from the 5th
century related to the worship of San Mena, together with the previous evidence of the presence of
Egyptian clerics in Tarragona, we can suppose there was a relatively intense and fluid exchange
between one extreme of the Mediterranean and another, and most of all, contact with the Coptic
world from very early times. I do not believe that Terrassa directly copy the prototype of coptic
paintings, but the programmer or designer of Sant Miquel clearly possessed an awareness of
iconographic traditions of Early-Byzantine period, particularly the Coptic church. We don’t know if
the connection was direct, but these theophanies are part of a religious and artistic network, larger
than the renderings themselves.
6. Chronology
The new historical-artistic context proposed for the paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa
transforms this ensemble into a missing link in the reception of the repertories and motifs of the
Mediterranean East in the Iberian Peninsula. The knowledge of holy places in Egypt and the receiving
of iconographies and liturgies, as well as the fascination over Byzantium, created a favorable
framework for cultural and artistic transference.
In this respect, new archaeological, technical and epigraphic data on the complex of Egara
obtained within the Director Plan (1995–2009) seems to confirm an early date around the 6th century.
6.1. Archaeological Verdict
30 We only know of two churches in Catalonia dedicated to Saint Menas: Sant Mena de Sentmenat (Vallès
Occidental) and Sant Mena de Vilablareix (Girona).
Figure 29.
Pilgrimage flask with the image of Saint Menas.
©
Tarragona, Museu B
í
blic (with
kind permission).
6. Chronology
The new historical-artistic context proposed for the paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa transforms
this ensemble into a missing link in the reception of the repertories and motifs of the Mediterranean
East in the Iberian Peninsula. The knowledge of holy places in Egypt and the receiving of iconographies
and liturgies, as well as the fascination over Byzantium, created a favorable framework for cultural
and artistic transference.
In this respect, new archaeological, technical and epigraphic data on the complex of Egara obtained
within the Director Plan (1995–2009) seems to confirm an early date around the 6th century.
6.1. Archaeological Verdict
As we have seen at the beginning of this article, the archaeological excavations at the See of Egara
performed as part of the Director Plan have allowed for us to set a definitive chronological sequence for
the episcopal complex. Having surpassed the old historiographic debates on the dating of the complex,
the historiography unanimously places the building of the architectural complex at the moment of the
episcopal designation (c. 450–465). During the bishopric of Irineus, construction began on a grand
episcopal complex, formed by the Cathedral of Santa Maria (with a basilical plan and three naves), the
funerary building of Sant Miquel and the parish of Sant Pere. Construction ended well into the 6th
century, with the building of the churches of Sant Miquel, Sant Pere and the new apse for the Cathedral
of Santa Maria. In the year 1980, architect Ambr
ó
s i Monson
í
s(1980,1982a,1982b) carried out work to
consolidate the roof of the apse of Santa Maria and found a great number of amphorae embedded in the
structure, from which he extracted one specimen. A study by S. Keay allowed for the setting of a date
for these specimens, of the type Keay LXIa, that came from Northern Africa, to have a chronology of
550–700. With all of this data, the archaeological team concluded that the construction of the existing
apse of Santa Maria was produced in the 6th century.

Arts 2019,8, 128 24 of 30
6.2. The Verdict of the Restorers
The proceedings and analyses of the different teams who have worked at the complex have not
only allowed for us to know the pictorial technique, but they have also provided new arguments for
the dating of wall paintings (Figure 30). In the first place, according to the works in restoration of the
paintings undertaken in the years 2001 and 2002, the pictorial technique utilized at Sant Miquel is a
specific version of fresco painting, which consists of applying a very thick and irregular arriccio layer
on the whole surface of the cupola. After a short time, an intonaco layer was applied, over which the
decoration was applied to the fresco.
31
In the second place, according to the diagnosis of materials
carried out by the restorers, there does not exist any kind of layer between the arriccio and the stone,
in such a way that the arriccio penetrated the joints of the stones that compose the wall of the apse.
This led them to believe that the construction of the cupola of Sant Miquel and the application of the
arriccio most probably were from the same moment (ARCOR 2002, p. 22).
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 25 of 31
Although the physical and compositional similarities between the mortar from the joints and the
mortar of the layers in preparation for the paint is not an ultimate argument, it is a very reliable sign
to be able to set the chronology of the paintings to the moment of the construction of the apses, where
the architectures dates it to the 6th century.
We have another factor supporting this hypothesis: during the works in excavation, remnants
of paint drip spatter in a reddish color, very similar to the pictorial gamma of the apse, were found
beneath the level of the original pavement work. If this spatter were to be from cleaning the actual
brushes, we could think that the paintings were created before the original building was paved
(Garcia Llinares et al. 2009, p. 143).
Figure 30. Sant Miquel de Terrassa. Restoration of the paintings undertaken in the years 2001 and
2002. © ARCOR.
Figure 31. Diagnosis of the mortars used in the paintings of Santa Maria de Terrassa. © Museu de
Terrassa (with kind permission).
6.3. The Verdict of the Epigraphists
Conversely, as we have already seen, within the framework of the works in preservation of the
Church of Sant Miquel performed in the years 2001–2002 new inscriptions appeared. Diana Gorostidi
(Universidad Rovira i Virgili, ICAC) and Jordi López (Catalán Institute of Classical Archaeology)
Figure 30.
Sant Miquel de Terrassa. Restoration of the paintings undertaken in the years 2001 and 2002.
©ARCOR.
The hypothesis of contemporaneity between the paintings and their architectural support was
supported by a second team of restorers. In 2004 they drafted a restoration project for the wall paintings
of Santa Maria, which historiography unanimously dates to the same chronological moment and the
paintings of Sant Miquel.
32
I believe that the study undertaken by Rudi Ranesi, Lourdes Domedel,
and Conxa Armengol is quite suggestive in this respect:
Two very similar types of mortar have been detected between them: the one used for joints and
the other from the intonaco layer (
. . .
). The composition of the lime studied under the electron
microscope has defined the type of material: calcium carbonate (
. . .
). The compositional
uniformity of the materials confirms that the different strata correspond to the same time
period and are contemporary to the construction of the cupola. (Ranesi et al. 2004, p. 30)
The diagnosis of the uniformity of the mortars used in the paintings of Santa Maria was confirmed
in the analysis performed by Llu
í
s Vilaseca and N
ú
ria Guash as part of the same project (Figure 31),
whose conclusions do not harbor any doubts:
31
According to the restorers, this technique is different from the traditional Roman fresco technique described by Vitruvius
and is also different from Catalonian Roman frescoes, which have a finer arriccio and a regular thickness in the layer covering
it. See (ARCOR 2001,2002).
32
See (Ranesi et al. 2004). The paintings of Santa Maria were finally restored in the years 2008 and 2009 by the TRACER
company (TRACER 2009, p. 42).

Arts 2019,8, 128 25 of 30
In light of the obtained data, it is perfectly possible to contextualize the time periods of the paintings
to be contemporary with the construction of the cupola. (Vilaseca and Guasch 2004, p. 46)
Arts 2019, 8, x FOR PEER REVIEW 25 of 31
Although the physical and compositional similarities between the mortar from the joints and the
mortar of the layers in preparation for the paint is not an ultimate argument, it is a very reliable sign
to be able to set the chronology of the paintings to the moment of the construction of the apses, where
the architectures dates it to the 6th century.
We have another factor supporting this hypothesis: during the works in excavation, remnants
of paint drip spatter in a reddish color, very similar to the pictorial gamma of the apse, were found
beneath the level of the original pavement work. If this spatter were to be from cleaning the actual
brushes, we could think that the paintings were created before the original building was paved
(Garcia Llinares et al. 2009, p. 143).
Figure 30. Sant Miquel de Terrassa. Restoration of the paintings undertaken in the years 2001 and
2002. © ARCOR.
Figure 31. Diagnosis of the mortars used in the paintings of Santa Maria de Terrassa. © Museu de
Terrassa (with kind permission).
6.3. The Verdict of the Epigraphists
Conversely, as we have already seen, within the framework of the works in preservation of the
Church of Sant Miquel performed in the years 2001–2002 new inscriptions appeared. Diana Gorostidi
(Universidad Rovira i Virgili, ICAC) and Jordi López (Catalán Institute of Classical Archaeology)
Figure 31.
Diagnosis of the mortars used in the paintings of Santa Maria de Terrassa.
©
Museu de
Terrassa (with kind permission).
Although the physical and compositional similarities between the mortar from the joints and the
mortar of the layers in preparation for the paint is not an ultimate argument, it is a very reliable sign to
be able to set the chronology of the paintings to the moment of the construction of the apses, where the
architectures dates it to the 6th century.
We have another factor supporting this hypothesis: during the works in excavation, remnants of
paint drip spatter in a reddish color, very similar to the pictorial gamma of the apse, were found
beneath the level of the original pavement work. If this spatter were to be from cleaning the actual
brushes, we could think that the paintings were created before the original building was paved
(Garcia Llinares et al. 2009, p. 143).
6.3. The Verdict of the Epigraphists
Conversely, as we have already seen, within the framework of the works in preservation of the
Church of Sant Miquel performed in the years 2001–2002 new inscriptions appeared. Diana Gorostidi
(Universidad Rovira i Virgili, ICAC) and Jordi L
ó
pez (Catal
á
n Institute of Classical Archaeology)
determined that the inscriptions follow forms from the paleo-Christian epigraphy of the Visigoth period,
and as such seem to confirm the chronology of the 6th century (López Vilar and Gorostidi 2015a).33.
7. Conclusions
Since their discovery near the end of the 19th century, the wall paintings of Sant Miquel de Terrassa
have been at the forefront of an intense debate centered around defining their iconography and dating.
In the first place, regarding the iconographic theme, although the primary source for the configuration
of the paintings of Sant Miquel is the Ascension of Christ, we find other motifs that come from the
Vision of Ezekiel (throne, cartwheels) that endowed the image with a whole new semantic meaning.
The result is a synoptic theophany in which the patrons wished to underscore the divinity of Christ.
In this sense, the presence of the aforementioned motifs, as well as the gesticulation of the
Apostles, demonstrates knowledge of Eastern models, and specifically the theophanies predominant
in Coptic art from the 6th–7th centuries. In support of this hypothesis, it is well worth underscoring

Arts 2019,8, 128 26 of 30
the exceptionality of the gestures of the Apostles, which probably have their origins in a possible form
of a chant or repertoire specific to Eastern liturgies.
In the framework of the heretical conflicts that shook the Mediterranean East in the 4th–5th
centuries, the Orthodox Church created certain dogmatic images that it held in evidence before the
faithful, with the conclusions derived from the great ecumenical councils—Nicea (325), Ephesus (431),
and Chalcedon (451)—regarding the divinity of Christ and the divine motherhood of Mary. We have
several ancient examples of this type of images, all composed in the same manner and with a chronology
situating them in the 6th century. In a context in which controversy was alive in Visigothic Hispania,
it is logical to think that they would recur to iconography from the East as a contribution to the
controversy by the Catholic Church.
One very important avenue of thought to consider when pondering the reception of these images
by the Eastern Hispanogoths is that of relationships with the Coptic world. Be it by means of travel to
holy places or the arrival of communities from Egypt, what is true is that the province of Tarragona
could have played a determining role as a center of reception and diffusion of influences; a veritable
bridge between the Western and Eastern Mediterranean. The religious and cultural relationships with
the Byzantine East explain not only the rise in travel but also the circulation of iconographic objects
and models.
Conversely, I believe that the holistic view we have undertaken situates the paintings in a new
historical-artistic framework: that of the Mediterranean within the framework of Justinian’s renovation
imperi (6th century). With this idea in mind, the technical data obtained from the archaeological
interventions, and above all, from the restorative works carried out in Terrassa, seem to confirm this
new dating for the paintings. The technical reports point to a contemporaneity between the paintings
and their architectural support, to mean that they were created at the moment of supreme splendor
of the Episcopal See of Egara, circa the 6th century. We cannot forget that soon after, in the year 615,
the Episcopal See of Egara was host to an important provincial synod, before its definitive dissolution
by the Muslim invasion (711). This seems to be a favorable framework for the appearance of a complex
and a monumental pictorial decoration such as that in Terrassa: a missing link for the reception of
painting from the Mediterranean East.
The Muslim invasions of the Iberian Peninsula marked the end of the era of the greatest splendor
of the monumental complex and the end of the Bishopric of Egara. After the conquest of Barcelona in
the year 801 by the Franks, the country’s stability allowed for certain episcopal sees to be reinstituted
(Soler i Jimenez 2003, pp. 81–90), with the exception of Egara and Emp
ú
ries. For this reason, I find
it difficult to accept that a pictorial decoration of such monumentality and dogmatic content would
have been carried out in the Carolingian Period when Egara was no longer an episcopal see and the
complex had begun its spatial and architectural decline.
The see of Egara is the only complex among the ancient episcopal sees (5th–8th centuries) still
preserved in the West having vestiges of the pictorial decoration in the apses of its three churches.
Other episcopal complexes such as those in Valencia, Barcelona, and M
é
rida (Spain), Aosta (Italy),
Geneva (Switzerland), Porec (Croatia), or Grenoble (France), have preserved important architectural
vestiges, but not mural paintings. This fact transforms the ensemble at Terrassa into an “hapax” within
the study of Western Christian art.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Acknowledgments:
This contribution is the result of a long period of research that has involved many people
and institutions, to all of whom I am immensely grateful. I am indebted to Manuel Castiñeiras for his help and
suggestions during the preparation of this text. I would also like to express my most sincere thanks to Mary
Kupellian (Helwan University, Cairo); Domènec Ferran and Antonio Moro, respectively Director and Archeologist
at the Museum of Terrassa; Maricarmen Gómez Muntané (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona); John McNeill
(University of Oxford); Juan Signes (Universidad de Valladolid); Antonio Pizá (Foundation for Iberian Music);
Rafael Pérez Arroyo (Universidad Rey Juan Carlos); David Abadías and Gemma Garcia, respectively Dean and
Lecturer of the Faculty Antoni Gaudí; Andreu Muñoz (Museu Bíblic de Tarragona); Arturo Palomares (Ajuntament
de Terrassa); Antonio Iacobini (Università di Roma La Sapienza); Magdalena Kuhn and Laura de Castellet.

Arts 2019,8, 128 27 of 30
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
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