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Experiences of Youth Mentoring Through Street Dance

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Abstract

There has been limited research regarding the effectiveness of mentoring for at-risk youth in the United Kingdom and none focussing on a dance-based intervention. This study explored experiences of a mentoring through street dance programme. Eight participants (aged 16–18) and their mentor took part in semi-structured interviews which were transcribed verbatim and the data subjected to thematic analysis. Three emergent themes were identified: Relationship with mentor, changes in outlook and coping with emotions. Data indicated that the programme resulted in increased mental wellbeing, desistance from antisocial behaviours, positive future outlook and greater awareness of life opportunities. A trusting, non-hierarchical mentor-mentee relationship was central. Inclusion of mentor narratives was a novel aspect of the study and allowed for insight into how this was achieved. Street dance itself provided a framework for confidence building, social levelling and bonding. Results are discussed in terms of future directions for good practice.

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... Pursuing the same line of argument, from youth mentoring, as in the case of the Big Brothers Big Sisters program, support and companionship also led to an improvement in emotional and behavioral well-being among the young population (Brady et al. 2017), as well as increased social cohesion and opportunities, a positive aspect of the Street Dance program, a tutoring intervention based on street dance (Gunay and Bacon 2019). ...
... These aspects were also considered effective mechanisms for facilitating desistance (Lenkens et al., 2023). Previous studies also offer insight into how prosocial mentor-mentee relationships can have a positive impact on levels of desistance and can prevent or at the very least reduce the likelihood of involvement in antisocial behaviours (Gunay and Bacon, 2020). Elsewhere, scholars affirm the effectiveness of peer mentoring and make reference to the benefits of a non-hierarchical mentor-mentee trusted relationship, which takes time to nurture, and requires demonstration of a flexible disposition amongst those involved (Creaney at al., 2024;Myles, 2023). ...
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The aim of this paper is to explore the development of peer mentorship within Youth Justice, including the value and utilisation of lived experience. Children and young people who have acquired specific experience of system contact can accrue experiential knowledge and become 'experts by experience'. These children and young people are potentially capable of providing unique insights, which include sharing knowledge and experiences of navigating welfare and justice services. This research paper provides in-depth insight from an ongoing study about the experiences of those involved in delivering a peer mentoring scheme within a youth justice context. Data from semi-structured interviews with lived experienced peer mentors and practitioners were analysed using thematic analysis to explore participants' opinions, attitudes and beliefs regarding the design and development of a peer mentoring scheme. The article contributes to a conceptual understanding of the design and delivery of peer mentorship within youth justice.
... The influence of dance extends far beyond mere physical health, permeating various facets of psychological well-being. Evidence robustly suggests that dance not only bolsters mental functioning, self-confidence, and self-esteem but also diminishes feelings of isolation [1,2]. Furthermore, it positively affects stress levels, psychological capital, and self-concept, particularly noted among students with artistic inclinations [3]. ...
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Chapter
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Chapter
Article 40(1) of the CRC requires states parties to treat children in a way that takes into account the desirability of promoting their reintegration in society. As such, reintegration is a fundamental principle of the rights-based approach to children in conflict with the law. Building on Chapter 3 on ‘Prevention’ and Chapter 4 on ‘Diversion and Justice’, this chapter aims to present the evidence around reintegration, highlighting measures that support a child’s desistance from offending. In this regard, it features studies that show how a child in conflict with the law can be exit the justice system and return safely to their families and communities, including following a period of detention. It begins with developing a rights-respecting approach to reintegration. After that, it explores interventions that support positive outcomes for reintegration—such as support for families, peer relationships and the right to rest and leisure, educational rights, healthcare, addressing the needs of discriminated groups and fostering positive relationships—and deprivation of liberty. The research finds that there is significant support for a focus on reintegration at all stages of the justice process in line with the rights-based approach.KeywordsChildren’s rightsChildren in conflict with the lawReintegrationDeprivation of libertySupport
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Mentoring is one of the most commonly used interventions to prevent, divert, and remediate youth engaged in, or thought to be at risk for delinquent behavior, school failure, aggression, or other antisocial behavior. In this update we report on a meta‐analytic review of selective and indicated mentoring interventions that have been evaluated for their effects on delinquency outcomes for youth (e.g., arrest or conviction as a delinquent, self‐reported involvement) and key associated outcomes (aggression, drug use, academic functioning). Of 164 identified studies published between 1970 and 2011, 46 met criteria for inclusion. Mean effects sizes were significant and positive for delinquency and academic functioning with trends (marginal significance level) for aggression and drug use. Effect sizes were modest by Cohen's differentiation. However, there was heterogeneity in effect sizes across studies for each outcome. The obtained patterns of effects suggest mentoring may be valuable for those at‐risk or already involved in delinquency and for associated outcomes. Comparison of study design (randomised control trial (RCT) or quasi‐experimental (QE)) did not show significant differences in effects. Moderator analysis showed larger effects when professional development was the motivation of the mentors for involvement, but not for basis of inclusion of participants (environmental vs. person basis of risk), presence of other interventions, or assessment of quality of fidelity. We also undertook the first systematic evaluation of key processes that seem to define how mentoring may aid youth (e.g. identification/modeling, teaching, emotional support, advocacy) to see if these related to effects. Based on studies we could code for the presence or absence of each as part of the program effort, analyses found stronger effects when emotional support and advocacy were emphasized. These results suggest mentoring is as effective for high‐risk youth in relation to delinquency as many other preventive and treatment approaches and that emphasis on some theorized key processes may be more valuable than others. However, the collected set of studies is less informative than expected with quite limited specification about what comprised the mentoring program and implementation features. The juxtaposition of popular interest in mentoring and empirical evidence of benefits with the limited reporting of important features of the interventions is seen highlights the importance of more careful and extensive evaluations. Including features to understand testing of selection basis, program organization and features, implementation variations, and theorized processes for effects will greatly improve understanding of this intervention. All are essential to guide effective practice of this popular and very promising approach. Synopsis Mentoring is one of the most commonly used interventions to prevent, divert, and remediate youth engaged in, or thought to be at risk for delinquent behavior, school failure, aggression, or other antisocial behavior. In this update we report on a meta‐analytic review of selective and indicated mentoring interventions that have been evaluated for their effects on delinquency outcomes for youth (e.g., arrest or conviction as a delinquent, self‐reported involvement) and key associated outcomes (aggression, drug use, academic functioning). Of 164 identified studies published between 1970 and 2011, 46 met criteria for inclusion. Mean effects sizes were significant and positive for delinquency and academic functioning with trends (marginal significance level) for aggression and drug use. Effect sizes were modest by Cohen's differentiation. However, there was heterogeneity in effect sizes across studies for each outcome. The obtained patterns of effects suggest mentoring may be valuable for those at‐risk or already involved in delinquency and for associated outcomes. Comparison of study design (RCT vs. QE) did not show significant differences in effects. Moderator analysis showed larger effects when professional development was the motivation of the mentors for involvement, but not for basis of inclusion of participants (environmental vs. person basis of risk), presence of other interventions, or assessment of quality of fidelity. We also undertook the first systematic evaluation of key processes that seem to define how mentoring may aid youth (e.g. identification/modeling, teaching, emotional support, advocacy) to see if these related to effects. Based on studies we could code for the presence or absence of each as part of the program effort, analyses found stronger effects when emotional support and advocacy were emphasized. These results suggest mentoring is as effective for high‐risk youth in relation to delinquency as many other preventive and treatment approaches and that emphasis on some theorized key processes may be more valuable than others. However, the collected set of studies is less informative than expected with quite limited specification about what comprised the mentoring program and implementation features. The juxtaposition of popular interest in mentoring and empirical evidence of benefits with the limited reporting of important features of the interventions is seen highlights the importance of more careful and extensive evaluations. Including features to understand testing of selection basis, program organization and features, implementation variations, and theorized processes for effects will greatly improve understanding of this intervention. All are essential to guide effective practice of this popular and very promising approach. Abstract BACKGROUND Mentoring has drawn substantial interest from policymakers, intervention theorists, and those interested in identifying promising and useful evidence‐based approaches to interventions for criminal justice and child welfare outcomes (Grossman & Tierney, 1998; Jekliek et al., 2002). Mentoring is one of the most commonly‐used interventions to prevent, divert, and remediate youth engaged in, or thought to be at risk for, delinquent behavior, school failure, aggression, or other antisocial behavior (DuBois, Holloway, Valentine, & Cooper, 2002, DuBois, Portillo, Rhodes, Silverthorn, & Valentine, 2011). One account lists over 5000 organizations within the United States that use mentoring to promote youth wellbeing and reduce risk (MENTOR/National Mentoring Partnership, 2006). Definitions of mentoring vary, but there are common elements. For the purpose of this review, mentoring was defined by the following 4 characteristics: 1) interaction between two individuals over an extended period of time, 2) inequality of experience, knowledge, or power between the mentor and mentee (recipient), with the mentor possessing the greater share, 3) the mentee is in a position to imitate and benefit from the knowledge, skill, ability, or experience of the mentor, 4) the absence of the role inequality that typifies other helping relationships and is marked by professional training, certification, or predetermined status differences such as parent‐child or teacher‐student relationships. A total of 46 topic and methodologically eligible studies (out of 164 outcome reports) were identified for inclusion in the meta‐analysis on delinquency and outcomes associated to delinquency: aggression, drug use, and academic achievement. OBJECTIVES This systematic review had the following objectives: • a) To statistically characterize the evidence to date on the effects of mentoring interventions (selective and indicated) for delinquency (e.g. arrest, reported delinquency), and related problems of aggression drug use, school failure. • b) To attempt to clarify the variation in effects of mentoring related to program organization and delivery, study methodology, and participant characteristics. • c) To help define mentoring in a more systematic fashion than has occurred to date to, in turn, help clarify how intervention processes suggested as compromising how mentoring has effects and other important considerations for future research.. • d) To inform policy about the value of mentoring and the key features for utility. SEARCH STRATEGY This is an update of a review completed 4 years ago. In the original review search we benefitted from the authors of three meta‐analyses on mentoring or related topics (1) DuBois et al. (2002) on mentoring in general, 2) Lipsey and Wilson (1998) on delinquency interventions in general, and 3) Aos et al. (2004) on interventions for delinquency and associated social problems) who provided databases on reports and coding approaches. In addition, we searched various databases including PsychINFO, Criminal Justice Abstracts, Criminal Justice Periodicals Index, Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI), Science Citation Index (SCI), Applied Social Sciences Indexes and Abstracts (ASSIA), MEDLINE, Science Direct, Sociological Abstracts, Dissertation Abstracts, Database of Abstracts of Reviews of Effectiveness, and ERIC (Education Resources Information Center) and the Social, Psychological, Educational and Criminological Trials Register (SPECTR‐ in original search), the National Research Register (NRR, research in progress), and SIGLE (System for Information on Grey Literature in Europe). Finally, the reference lists of primary studies and reviews in studies identified from the search of electronic resources were scanned for any not‐yet identified studies that were relevant to the systematic review. For this update we searched the same databases (except SPECTR as it no longer existed), surveyed pertinent journals and the reference lists of primary studies and reviews. SELECTION CRITERIA • 1. Studies that focused on youth who were at risk for juvenile delinquency or who were currently involved in delinquent behavior. Risk is defined as the presence of individual or ecological characteristics that increase the probability of delinquency in later adolescence or adulthood. • 2. We included interventions focusing on prevention for those at‐risk (selective interventions) and treatment (indicated interventions) that included mentoring as the intervention or one component of the intervention and at least measured impact of the program. We excluded studies in which the intervention was explicitly psychotherapeutic, behavior modification, or cognitive behavioral training and indicated provision of helping services as part of a professional role. • 3. We required studies to measure at least one quantitative effect on one of the four outcomes (delinquency, aggression, substance use, academic achievement) in a comparison of mentoring to a control condition. Experimental and high quality quasi‐experimental designs were included. • 4. The review was limited to studies conducted within the United States or another predominately English‐speaking country and reported in English and to studies reported between 1970 and 2011. We did not have resources for translating reports not reported in English. DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS All eligible studies were coded using a protocol derived from three related prior meta‐analyses, with 20% double‐coded. The intervention effect for each outcome was standardized using well established methods to calculate an effect size with 95% confidence intervals for each of the four outcomes (if included in that study): delinquency, aggression, drug use and academic achievement. Meta‐analyses were then conducted for each independent study within a given outcome (delinquency, aggression, drug use, and academic achievement). Effect sizes for each study were scaled so that a positive effect indicated a desirable outcome (i.e., lower delinquency, drug use, and aggression or higher academic achievement). MAIN RESULTS A total of 164 studies were identified as meeting inclusion criteria as focused on delinquency and mentoring. Of these, 46 met the additional criteria for inclusion in the quantitative analyses. 27 were randomized controlled trials and 19 were quasi‐experimental studies involving non‐random assignment, but with matched comparison groups as was described above. Twenty‐five studies reported delinquency outcomes, 25 reported academic achievement outcomes, 6 reported drug use outcomes, and 7 reported aggression outcomes. Main effects sizes were positive and statistically significant for all four outcomes. Some studies showed effects that were not significant and a few reported negative effects. For each outcome there was substantial variation in effect size, too. Average effects were larger for delinquency than for other outcomes. When moderation was tested, there was considerable variation in effect sizes of studies that were similar in regard to the presence of a given moderating influence. We compared effect sizes of those studies that were random assignment experimental designs with those that were quasi‐experimental using meta‐regression and found no evidence of differences in effect sizes. We conducted moderator analyses to determine whether effects found differed by 1) criteria for selecting participants, 2) presence of other components along with the mentoring intervention, 3) motivation of mentors for participation, or 4) assessment of quality or fidelity of implementation of the intervention. We also conducted moderator analyses to test for outcome differences by the presence or absence of four theorized key components of mentoring interventions. The relatively limited information about potential moderating characteristics extractable from many reports and the limited number of reports with extractable information led us to combine effects across all four outcomes to enable adequate power and in combination to our directional expectations for moderators to test significance using a one‐tailed test (p < .05). For these analyses, we averaged effect sizes within a given study if more than one outcome of interest was reported. We also conducted analyses to check for bias in effects due to type of outcome, and found no suggestion of bias. We found evidence for moderation when professional development was a motive for becoming a mentor. There was also moderation of the effect size when mentoring programs emphasized either of two theorized components: emotional support or advocacy. Effect sizes did not differ by whether or not the program emphasized the other two key components: modeling/identification or teaching, nor by whether other components were used, how risk was defined (environmental versus individual characteristics) or if fidelity/adherence of implementation features were assessed. REVIEWERS' CONCLUSIONS This analysis of 46 studies on four outcomes measuring delinquency or closely related outcomes of aggression, drug use, and academic functioning suggests mentoring for high‐risk youth has a modest positive effect for delinquency and academic functioning, with trends suggesting similar benefits for aggression and drug use. Effect sizes varied more for delinquency and academic achievement than for aggression and drug use. We did not find a significant difference in effect size by study design (RA vs. QE) or by whether or not fidelity was assessed. We identified some characteristics that moderated effects that provide additional understanding for further studies and program design. Effects tended to be stronger when professional development was an explicit motive for participation of the mentors. Of four processes theorized as comprising the methods of effects in mentoring, we found evidence for significantly larger effects when emotional support and advocacy were emphasized. Although these findings support viewing mentoring as a useful approach for intervention to lessen delinquency risk or involvement, limited description of content of mentoring programs and substantial variation in what is included as part of mentoring efforts detracts from better understanding about what might account for the benefits. The valuable features and most promising approaches cannot be ascertained with any certainty. In fact, the body of studies is remarkably lacking in description of key features, program design organization, and theorized processes of impact that are typically provided in empirical reports of intervention effects. Our judgment is also that there does not seem to be much progression in quality of details in reports over the time period studied here. Given the popularity of this approach, the promise of benefits should be seen as a strong argument for a concerted effort through quality randomized trials to specify the theoretical and practical components for effective mentoring with high‐risk youth. Concordantly, lacking such features, further trials may not add useful knowledge.
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This review was commissioned by the Ministry of Justice and considers international literature concerning the management of young people who have offended. It was produced to inform youth justice policy and practice. The review focuses on the impact and delivery of youth justice supervision, programmes and interventions within the community, secure settings, and during transition into adult justice settings or into mainstream society.
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During the past decade, mentoring has proliferated as an intervention strategy for addressing the needs that young people have for adult support and guidance throughout their development. Currently, more than 5,000 mentoring programs serve an estimated three million youths in the United States. Funding and growth imperatives continue to fuel the expansion of programs as well as the diversification of mentoring approaches and applications. Important questions remain, however, about the effectiveness of these types of interventions and the conditions required to optimize benefits for young people who participate in them. In this article, we use meta-analysis to take stock of the current evidence on the effectiveness of mentoring programs for youth. As a guiding conceptual framework for our analysis, we draw on a developmental model of youth mentoring relationships (Rhodes, 2002, 2005). This model posits an interconnected set of processes (socialemotional, cognitive, identity) through which caring and meaningful relationships with nonparental adults (or older peers) can promote positive developmental trajectories. These processes are presumed to be conditioned by a range of individual, dyadic, programmatic, and contextual variables. Based on this model and related prior research, we anticipated that we would find evidence for the effectiveness of mentoring as an approach for fostering healthy development among youth. We also expected that effectiveness would vary as a function of differences in both program practices and the characteristics of participating young people and their mentors. The meta-analysis encompassed 73 independent evaluations of mentoring programs directed toward children and adolescents published over the past decade (1999–2010). 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Similarly, although programs typically have utilized adult volunteers and focused on cultivating one-to-one relationships, those that have engaged older peers as mentors or used group formats show comparable levels of effectiveness. Collectively, these findings point toward the flexibility and broad applicability of mentoring as an approach for supporting positive youth development. Several other aspects of our findings, however, underscore a need for caution. These include a failure of evaluations to assess several key outcomes of policy interest (e.g., juvenile offending, obesity prevention) or to determine whether benefits for youth are sustained at later points in their development. More generally, we find that gains on outcome measures for the typical young person in a mentoring program have been modest (equivalent to a difference of 9 percentile points from scores of nonmentored youth on the same measures). This level of impact is within the range of effects observed for other types of interventions for children and adolescents but fails to reflect discernible improvement over the previous generation of mentoring programs (DuBois, Holloway, Valentine, & Cooper, 2002). Variability in program effectiveness, although less pronounced, also continues to be evident even after accounting for methodological differences in studies. In analyzing this variability, we find that programs have been more effective when (a) participating youth have either had preexisting difficulties (including problem behavior specifically) or been exposed to significant levels of environmental risk, (b) evaluation samples have included greater proportions of male youth, (c) there has been a good fit between the educational or occupational backgrounds of mentors and the goals of the program, (d) mentors and youth have been paired based on similarity of interests, and (e) programs have been structured to support mentors in assuming teaching or advocacy roles with youth. These findings suggest that effects may hinge to a noteworthy extent on decisions that are made regarding which youth and mentors to involve in a program and on the care with which mentoring relationships are established and then guided toward specific types of activities. Taking stock of the available evidence leads us to see value in continued support for youth mentoring programs. The argument for using mentoring as an intervention strategy is particularly strong when there is interest in promoting outcomes across multiple areas of a young person’s development. For investments to yield optimal returns, however, there is a need for policy to be directed toward several critical areas of concern: (a) ensuring adherence to core practices (e.g., screening and training of mentors) that both research and common sense dictate to be essential elements of program quality, (b) facilitating ongoing refinement and strengthening of programs using the available evidence as a guide, and (c) fostering stronger collaborations between practitioners and researchers as a framework for evidence-driven dissemination and growth within the field. 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In this introductory chapter, we first briefly consider definitions of mentoring as well as the prevalence and scope of current forms of youth mentoring that are addressed in the Handbook. We then discuss the significance of theory, research, and practice and their interrelationship to the field, drawing on contributions to the Handbook as illustrations. We conclude by highlighting the need for scholarship to keep pace with the fast-expanding and evolving practice of youth mentoring. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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Our random assignment evaluation found that this type of mentonng had a significant positive effect on youths ages 10 to 16. Over the 18-month follow-up pertod, youths participating in Big Brothers Big Sisters Programs were significantly less likely to have started using illegal drugs or alcohol, hit someone, or skipped school. They were also more confident about their school performance and got along better with their families. Mentors were carefully screened, trained, and matched with a youth whom they met, on average, three or four times a month for approximately a year The program also provtdes careful professional supervision of these matches.
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Mentoring is the latest in a long line of interventions with disaffected young people that is believed to hold considerable promise. However, the expansion of mentoring schemes in recent years has been based more on faith in what are perceived to be the merits of the approach rather than on robust empirical evidence that mentoring actually brings about the benefits expected of it. This paper reports the results of the largest British study of mentoring to date. Built around a longitudinal survey and depth interviews with programme workers and participants, the research sought to measure the impact of a particular group of mentoring programmes. The evidence from the study suggests that the programmes were particularly successful in increasing young people's involvement in education, training and work, but less successful in reducing offending. This is unsurprising, we argue, given that much of the core content of the programmes centred on education, training and work and contained relatively little activity focused on the avowed aim of reducing offending. Moreover the programmes were generally under-theorised, failing to provide an explicit model of how and why change was to be brought about. The danger for these and similar programmes is that they will be perceived to fail to deliver and, despite their promise, will become the latest 'silver bullet' to be talked up and then cast aside.
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To investigate whether dance intervention influenced self-rated health for adolescent girls with internalizing problems. Randomized controlled intervention trial with follow-up measures at 8, 12, and 20 months after baseline. A Swedish city with a population of 130 000. Girls aged 13 to 18 years with internalizing problems, ie, stress and psychosomatic symptoms. A total of 59 girls were randomized to the intervention group and 53 were randomized to the control group. The intervention comprised dance classes twice weekly during 8 months. Each dance class lasted 75 minutes and the focus was on the joy of movement, not on performance. Self-rated health was the primary outcome; secondary outcomes were adherence to and experience of the intervention. The dance intervention group improved their self-rated health more than the control group at all follow-ups. At baseline, the mean score on a 5-point scale was 3.32 for the dance intervention group and 3.75 for the control group. The difference in mean change was 0.30 (95% CI, -0.01 to 0.61) at 8 months, 0.62 (95% CI, 0.25 to 0.99) at 12 months, and 0.40 (95% CI, 0.04 to 0.77) at 20 months. Among the girls in the intervention group, 67% had an attendance rate of 50% to 100%. A total of 91% of the girls rated the dance intervention as a positive experience. An 8-month dance intervention can improve self-rated health for adolescent girls with internalizing problems. The improvement remained a year after the intervention.
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Age differences in future orientation are examined in a sample of 935 individuals between 10 and 30 years using a delay discounting task as well as a new self-report measure. Younger adolescents consistently demonstrate a weaker orientation to the future than do individuals aged 16 and older, as reflected in their greater willingness to accept a smaller reward delivered sooner than a larger one that is delayed, and in their characterizations of themselves as less concerned about the future and less likely to anticipate the consequences of their decisions. Planning ahead, in contrast, continues to develop into young adulthood. Future studies should distinguish between future orientation and impulse control, which may have different neural underpinnings and follow different developmental timetables.
Mentoring Programs and Youth Development: A Synthesis
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