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A substantial body of scholarship has long explored the ways emerging media may foster and also hamper an informed and engaged citizenry. Individually, digital media have become an integral part of citizens’ political life as a growing number of people around the world use digital media technologies for information and communication. Collectively, digital media have also constituted an important platform that people use to coordinate among themselves and mobilize each other. Nevertheless, while distributing informative and mobilizing messages, digital media also facilitate socio-political factors that raise concern over the dissemination of misinformation, information divides and political polarization. This article showcases a broad variety of studies included in a special volume encapsulating some of these important issues.
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Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media
ISSN: 0883-8151 (Print) 1550-6878 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/hbem20
Digital Media and Politics: Effects of the Great
Information and Communication Divides
Homero Gil de Zúñiga & Hsuan-Ting Chen Guest Editors
To cite this article: Homero Gil de Zúñiga & Hsuan-Ting Chen Guest Editors (2019) Digital Media
and Politics: Effects of the Great Information and Communication Divides, Journal of Broadcasting
& Electronic Media, 63:3, 365-373, DOI: 10.1080/08838151.2019.1662019
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2019.1662019
Published online: 20 Sep 2019.
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Digital Media and Politics: Effects of the Great
Information and Communication Divides
Homero Gil de Zúñiga and Hsuan-Ting Chen
Guest Editors
A substantial body of scholarship has long explored the ways emerging media
may foster and also hamper an informed and engaged citizenry. Individually,
digital media have become an integral part of citizenspolitical life as a growing
number of people around the world use digital media technologies for informa-
tion and communication. Collectively, digital media have also constituted an
important platform that people use to coordinate among themselves and mobi-
lize each other. Nevertheless, while distributing informative and mobilizing
messages, digital media also facilitate socio-political factors that raise concern
over the dissemination of misinformation, information divides and political polar-
ization. This article showcases a broad variety of studies included in a special
volume encapsulating some of these important issues.
For more than three decades, academic scholarship has explored how digital
media and social media have either contributed to or hindered the development of
an informed and engaged citizenry (Bennett & Segerberg, 2012; Boler, 2010;
Howard, 2005). The 2016 presidential election in the United States sparked greater
attention to several important communication issues.
Digital media have become an integral part of individual citizenspolitical lives as
a growing number of people around the world use digital media technologies for
information and communication. Collectively, digital media have also constituted an
important platform that people can use to coordinate and mobilize among like-minded
individuals. Nevertheless, while distributing informative and mobilizing messages, digital
Homero Gil de Zúñiga (Ph.D., in Politics at Universidad Europea de Madrid and Ph.D. in Mass
Communication at University of Wisconsin Madison), serves as Research Fellow at the Universidad
Diego Portales, Chile; and holds the Medienwandel Professorship at University of Vienna, where he directs
the Media Innovation Lab (MiLab). His research addresses the influence of new technologies and digital
media over peoples daily lives, as well as the effect of such use on the overall democratic process.
Hsuan-Ting Chen (Ph.D., The University of Texas at Austin) is an associate professor at the School of
Journalism and Communication, The Chinese University of Hong Kong. Her research addresses the uses of
digital media technologies and their impact on individualsdaily lives, political communication processes,
and democratic engagement.
© 2019 Broadcast Education Association Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 63(3), 2019, pp. 365373
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2019.1662019 ISSN: 0883-8151 print/1550-6878 online
365
media also facilitate socio-political factors that raise concern over the dissemination of
misinformation, information divides and political polarization.
In this Introduction to the Special Issue aiming at addressing the concerns associated
with this Information and Communication Divide, we highlight some of the most impor-
tant and relevant aspects of digital media for the research community to consider. From
more traditional theoretical accounts such as hostile media perception and agenda setting
to cutting-edge theoretical and empirical contributions dealing with news curation,
algorithms, and misinformation, this issue showcases ten different studies that provide
a solid, diverse, and desperately-needed view of the most pressing theoretical issues in
political communication today.
Mobilization and Political Behavior
Recent studies on the internet and political activism have highlighted the sig-
nificant role of digital media in shaping diverse forms of political participation and
mobilizing large-scale social protests around the world (Chen, Chan, & Lee, 2016;
Lee & Chan, 2018; Loader & Mercea, 2011; Valenzuela, 2013). Digital media such
as Twitter and Facebook provide a platform for cognitive, affective and behavioral
connections that enable people to network collaboratively (Sandoval-Almazan &
Gil-Garcia, 2014). For instance, digital media provide people with news and
mobilizing information and allow them to exchange their opinions with many
others, motivating them to engage in public activities (Shmargad & Klar, 2019). In
addition, digital media content can be quickly updated without expending
a significant amount of time, money and physical effort, which enables digital
media users to easily pursue their communication goals through different activities
online (Montgomery & Xenos, 2008).
Accordingly, digital media can play a significant role in the development of democ-
racy. Bennett and Segerberts(2012) explication of the logic of connective action and
Castells(2012) definition of networked social movement provide theoretical founda-
tions for many studies that have found positive relationships between digital media use
and citizensparticipatory behaviors. Trace (big) data generated by digital media use
also offer opportunities and open new challenges to observe dynamic relationships in
collective action and social movements (Gil de Zúñiga & Diehl, 2017; Hargittai, 2015;
Jungherr, Schoen, Posegga, & Jürgens, 2017; Wells & Thorson, 2017).
Given that digital media have rapidly integrated different functions and affor-
dances, it is important to revisit the different ways that they have been utilized to
understand how the influence of these different applications may vary across plat-
forms, practice and connections to explore new modalities of political engagement
and civic practices. It is also crucial to investigate how these new political com-
munication modalities, which are sustained through digitally networked media,
may have converged to open an era of an unedited public sphere (Bimber & Gil
de Zúñiga, 2019).
366 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/September 2019
Misinformation
Fake news has become a buzzword, especially after the 2016 presidential elec-
tion in the United States (Grinberg, Joseph, Friedland, Swire-Thompson, & Lazer,
2019; Persily, 2017). The development of digital media technologies and the
fragmentation of information have facilitated the spread of misinformation and/or
fake news. While scholars have strived to clearly define fake news, the concept is
not new. The broadcast of a radio adaptation of H. G. Wellsdrama The War of
Worlds represents an example of widespread misinformation as far back as 1938.
Tandoc, Lim, and Ling (2018) used levels of facticity and deception to provide
a typology of fake news definitions for different types of information, such as
negative advertising, propaganda, manipulation, fabrication, news satire and news
parody. Nevertheless, many questions related to fake news and misinformation in
the post-truthera remain unanswered (Bode & Vraga, 2015). Continuing devel-
opment of the definition of fake news, examining the complex factors that have
contributed to the rise of misinformation, understanding how misinformation affects
civil society and exploring how to combat misinformation and elicit news cred-
ibility are all important tasks for scholars in the near future (Oeldorf-Hirsch &
DeVoss, 2019).
Information Divide and Political Polarization
While the positive effect of digital media technologies on participatory behaviors
has been well documented (Bimber & Copeland, 2013; Holt, Shehata, Strömbäck,
& Ljungberg, 2013), a heated debate concerns whether digital media can help to
develop a more deliberative society (Halpern & Gibbs, 2013; Rasmussen, 2013).
According to a 2017 Pew Research Center report, two-thirds of U.S. adults get their
news from social media. The proliferation of information communication technol-
ogies has provided diversified channels where citizens can engage in free and open
dialog and access information on various political and social issues (Lyons, 2019).
As people are increasingly turning away from mass media to social media as a way
of learning news and civic information, new opportunities (Glynn, Huge, &
Hoffman, 2012; Lee, Chan, Chen, Nielsen, & Fletcher, 2019; Lee & Ma, 2012)
and challenges (Gil de Zúñiga, Ardèvol-Abreu, & Casero-Ripollés, 2019; Gil de
Zúñiga, Weeks, & Ardèvol-Abreu, 2017) will arise. For instance, online social
networks influence the type and amount of information to which people are
exposed, and social media platforms curate content based on algorithmic informa-
tion sorting, which elicits critical issues that affect the development of the demo-
cratic process (Anderson, 2013; Gil de Zúñiga, & Diehl, 2019; Stanoevska-Slabeva,
Sacco, & Giardina, 2012).
How much the changing boundaries of social media and the transforming dynamics
of digital networks facilitate the information divide and influence individualspolitical
Gil de Zúñiga and Chen/DIGITAL MEDIA AND POLITICS 367
information sharing, conversation and engagement will become an influential line of
inquiryforyearstocome(Chen,2018; Diakopoulos & Koliska, 2017). Our current
media environment produces a paradox in which citizens could be immersed in
larger, more diverse, and heterogenous networks of political discussion and informa-
tion while at the same time also being exposed to potential filter bubbles and echo
chambers (Bimber & Gil de Zúñiga, 2019). Scholars need to systematically examine
the factors and conditions under which the information flow and network structure in
social media encourage citizens across the ideological spectrum to exchange opi-
nions. This will provide significant implications for ideological and partisan political
divides and social change (Dunlap, McCright, & Yarosh, 2016).
Articles in This Issue
This special issue brings scholars together to consider the changing dynamic of
digital media in the current political landscape. The articles presented here analyze
different communication issues through theory-informed empirical studies with
different methodological approaches. The special issue begins with Weeks, Kim,
Hahn, Diehl and Kwaks study on the perception of media bias. They investigated
whether and how social media use contributes to hostile media perceptions.
Analyzing two-wave panel survey data collected in the United States during the
2016 presidential election, their findings suggest that following politicianssocial
feeds can lead to hostile media perception. The effect functions by triggering
followersenthusiasm about the supported candidate and anger about the opposing
candidate. These findings raise concern about increasing reliance on politicians
social media feeds as sources of campaign information, given that political cam-
paigns can use social media platforms to stir political emotions, which could lead to
perceptions of media bias.
Another important aspect of misinformation online does not deal with whether or
not it exists, how it is disseminated or its effects, but rather, how can we correct
these views and contribute to lower misinformation levels online (Lewandowsky,
Ecker, Seifert, Schwarz, & Cook, 2012). In this vein, Vraga, Kim and Cook con-
ducted a survey experiment to assess the effectiveness of logic-based or humor-
based corrections of misinformation in influencing credibility ratings for inaccurate
posts on Twitter and reducing misperceptions across the issues of climate change,
gun control and HPV vaccination. They found that the effectiveness of corrections
of misinformation varies across topics, with the two types of corrections reducing
misperceptions only for HPV vaccination. This study offers a valuable insight into
therapeutic inoculation as a correction strategy and suggests that its effects depend
on issue domain, the type of correction approach (logic versus humor) and pre-
existing misperceptions about the issue.
Within the scope of the prior work by Vraga and colleagues, but drawing on the
persuasion knowledge model, Amazeen and Bucy addressed how procedural news
368 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/September 2019
knowledge (PNK), a more nuanced understanding of the news, may confer resistance to
mediated disinformation efforts. Utilizing data from two national surveys in the United
States, they found that PNK facilitates recognition of disinformation and affects con-
sequent coping responses by prompting counterargument. PNK can function as an
implicit forewarning mechanism and a vital cognitive resource. It can also protect
people from covert persuasion and work against media disinformation.
Park, Straubhaar and Strover conceptualized the ambivalent construct of techno-
logical embeddedness, considering the relationship between technological compe-
tence and technological dependence. Their analysis of survey data demonstrated
that technological competence was positively related to having higher information
literacy self-efficacy, but youth dependence, one of the three technological depen-
dence constructs was negatively related. The results also implied that each of these
factors can be interrelated or interdependent in systematic ways. This study
advances the existing literature by relating the embeddedness framework to users
information literacy self-efficacy and trust in information sources.
Park and Kaye incorporated news curation, or the reconstructing, reformulat-
ing, reframing and sharing of political news through social media, to the
Orientation-Stimuli-Reasoning-Orientation-Response model in a social media
context (see also Chan, Chen, & Lee, 2017; Cho et al., 2009). Drawing on
a national survey in South Korea, they found that both news curation and
elaboration play mediating roles in the relationship between social media use
for news and political knowledge. They also suggested that political interest and
efficacy play significant roles in enhancing the association between social media
use for news and political knowledge. Their study contributes to the literature on
political learning on social media by illuminating the direct and indirect roles of
news curation in the mediation models.
Turning again to the topic of media bias, Hedding, Miller, Abdenour and
Blankenship analyze media bias from the perspective of media content and media
ownership. They conducted a content analysis to investigate the difference between
Sinclair and non-Sinclair stationspolitical news coverage. Although the amount of
political coverage was similar between Sinclair and non-Sinclair stations, the ways
stations approached these stories, such as how political issues are framed, what
topics are covered, and how ideological and partisan sources are deployed, are
different. Sinclair stations were more likely to deliver stories with a Palace Intrigue
frame compared to non-Sinclair stations. Furthermore, Sinclair stations report stories
with focuses on government actions instead of specific government policies and are
more inclined to provide a partisan point of view and use favorable sources which
could potentially harm the engaged citizenry. The findings highlight the concern
that media conglomerates could have the potential to have professional, ideological
and operational influence on how local news outlets produce news.
Price and Kaufhold focused on the immigration issue and examined the relation-
ships between border-state residency, party identity, selective exposure and support
for immigration. Using a secondary dataset and an original survey conducted in the
Gil de Zúñiga and Chen/DIGITAL MEDIA AND POLITICS 369
states of Ohio and Texas, they found that Democrats are more likely to use a variety
of media platforms, while Republicans were more likely to segregate themselves to
like-minded media and to avoid traditional objective sources like national news-
papers or broadcast TV news. They also provided evidence that exposure to
counter-attitudinal news outlets did not diminish partisan attitudes, while exposure
to attitude-consistent media validated them. In addition, party identity was
a stronger predictor of immigration attitudes than media consumption habits.
Border-state residency, however, did not moderate attitudes about immigration.
Applying the network agenda-setting theory and adopting supervised machine
learning and semantic network analysis with large-scale data, Chen, Su and Chen
examined Chinese nationalism discourse on Weibo, the most popular Chinese
social media platform. This study is an exploratory attempt to understand the
different roles of online actors in setting the agenda, which could prompt a bottom-
up model of nation building. Chen et al. explored different Weibo accounts includ-
ing organizational accounts, individual influencersaccounts and ordinary indivi-
dual accounts and found that media agenda influences individualsagenda, while
the construction of nationalism follows a bottom-up direction.
Drawing on networked social influence theory (Friedkin, 2006;Li,2013),
Saffer, Yang, and Qu investigated whether general network characteristics, opi-
nion climates and network heterogeneity influence individualsperceptions of
a politically involved corporation and intentions to engage in consumer activism.
Using the case of Ubers inadvertent involvement in U.S. President Donald
TrumpsMuslim travel banas the context and an egocentric survey design,
they showcase that ethnic diversity of discussion partners and opinion hetero-
geneity influenced the perceptions of Ubers corporate image and likelihood to
engage in consumer activism.
The last article in this volume is comparative study that examines the extent to
which news media use and press freedom in eight countries would influence
education-generated participation inequality. Ahmed and Cho emphasized both
content and platform-specific measures of media use and suggested that the impact
of information uses of different media is not the same. They documented that the
informational use of news content from print newspaper, radio and social media
sources increases the likelihood of political participation, and the positive relation-
ships between news content use from the radio and social media sources and
political participation are stronger for higher- than lower-educated groups. Press
freedom is also a significant contextual factor reinforcing the role of TV news, print
news and social media use in participatory inequality.
This special issue invites greater scholarly attention to the transformation of digital
affordances, the allocation of political resources, the diffusion of political discourse,
and the structure of political opportunity in the digital age.
370 Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media/September 2019
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
ORCID
Homero Gil de Zúñiga http://orcid.org/0000-0002-4187-3604
Hsuan-Ting Chen http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3140-5169
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... However, the fact that radical activists are more present in online political discussions does not mean they are talking to one another. In fact, filter bubbles and echo chambers are also common, as they increase polarization and jeopardize democratic deliberation (Bimber & Gil de Zúñiga, 2020;Gil de Zúñiga & Chen, 2019). ...
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In a world of polarized societies and radical voices hogging the public digital sphere, this thematic issue aims at identifying the different strategies of old and new social movements in the extremes of the political debates by focusing on the interplay between polarization, uses of the internet, and social activism. In order to disentangle these interactions, this thematic issue covers a wide range of political settings across the globe. It does so by studying: (a) how opposing activists discuss politics online and its implications for democratic theory; (b) how social media uses and online discussions foster offline protests; (c) how the media and state-led-propaganda frame disruptive and anti-government offline protests and how this situation contributes to polarization in both democratic and non-democratic regimes; and finally (d) how civil society uses digital tools to organize and mobilize around sensitive issues in non-democratic regimes.
... However, the fact that radical activists are more present in online political discussions does not mean they are talking to one another. In fact, filter bubbles and echo chambers are also common, as they increase polarization and jeopardize democratic deliberation (Bimber & Gil de Zúñiga, 2020;Gil de Zúñiga & Chen, 2019). ...
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In a world of polarized societies and radical voices hogging the public digital sphere, this thematic issue aims at identifying the different strategies of old and new social movements in the extremes of the political debates by focusing on the interplay between polarization, uses of the internet, and social activism. In order to disentangle these interactions, this thematic issue covers a wide range of political settings across the globe. It does so by studying: (a) how opposing activists discuss politics online and its implications for democratic theory; (b) how social media uses and online discussions foster offline protests; (c) how the media and state-led-propaganda frame disruptive and anti-government offline protests and how this situation contributes to polarization in both democratic and non-democratic regimes; and finally (d) how civil society uses digital tools to organize and mobilize around sensitive issues in non-democratic regimes.
... Fake news, misinformation and disinformation have become recurrent concepts with the development of digital media technologies and the proliferation of information. Discourses in both academic and public realms have witnessed engaging debates regarding the clear definition of fake news, explanations of what index are essentially defining of fake news as well as the discursive notion of motivations behind fake news (Don, 2011;Keshavarz, 2014;Gil de Zúñiga & Chen, 2019). Fake news which characteristically misinforms (misinformation) and/or disinforms (disinformation) the public to achieve predetermined psychoperception and opinion posture is certainly not a new phenomenon (Bimber & Copeland, 2013;Keshavarz, 2014). ...
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Introduction The democratisation of Nigerian polity featured alongside unprecedented revolution in telecommunication and information technology. This has impacted on the media, its nature and roles with new challenges on the one hand and a renewed engagement of the citizenry in national life on the other. While the revolution could be argued as a natural force of globalisation, it is noteworthy that it came as one of the good coincidence of democratic rule in Nigeria. The history of Nigeria has the indelible imprints of valour made by the media regarding the political development of the country dating back to the late nineteenth century. Empirical evidence alludes to the fact that Nigeria's attainment of political independence as at the time it did is not unconnected to the vibrant consciousness that the media created at the wake of independence. While the media in Nigeria has for a greater part of its existence engaged in conflictual relationship with government (Akinterinwa, 2010), the constitution has continued to recognise its role and expects it to fulfill them (FRN, 2011) sometimes in the face of repression and strict censorship. This situation is changing with the revolution in information and telecommunication technologies, preponderant use of the internet as well as the proliferation of social media handles and smart technology tools. The narrative has no doubt taken on new trajectory, howbeit, it has at the same time brought with it the emerging challenge of unedited space characterised by fake news, misinformation and disinformation. This 'post-broadcast age' witnessed widespread usage of the internet as the basis for all media operations-production and distribution. In addition to this is that it allows deliberative democracy to thrive. The new media provide an almost unrestricted flow in production, distribution and access to the public. In over two decades, the internet has become an integral part of everyday life. It has shifted traditional practices and created new trends on all aspects of life, including creation and distribution of contents and information. It is no less a virtual battleground for political actors in the polity. The traditional newsprints have gone digital with numerous news sites giving news feeds with real time updates of happenings in local, national and international environments. In like manner, the cheapest medium which is the radio is also available online resonating news from corners of the world in the lonely corners of the commoners' room around the globe. Similarly, the television (TV) medium has been transformed such that the holder of a smartphone with access to the internet can view telecasts of several online TVs with ease, either in online streaming mode or recorded. Pertinent to this discourse also is the multiplicity of social media platforms. Most of these which started as website based are now well codified with the aid of algorithms as individual apps which can be downloaded for individual's use. This shift being imposed by the force of internet aided by digital technology in the Fourth Estate has, however, raised concerns within both academic community as well as networks of practitioners. In this chapter, some of these queries are brought to the fore not necessarily for the purpose of proffering solutions, but to give compelling perspectives to the dimensions and nature of the phenomenon especially as these affect the tone and tune of citizens' engagement with the democratic system. Fake news is one of the dire consequences of the unedited space which has in
... However, the fact that radical activists are more present in online political discussions does not mean they are talking to one another. In fact, filter bubbles and echo chambers are also common, as they increase polarization and jeopardize democratic deliberation (Bimber & Gil de Zúñiga, 2020;Gil de Zúñiga & Chen, 2019). ...
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In a world of polarized societies and radical voices hogging the public digital sphere, this thematic issue aims at identifying the different strategies of old and new social movements in the extremes of the political debates by focusing on the interplay between polarization, uses of the internet, and social activism. In order to disentangle these interactions, this thematic issue covers a wide range of political settings across the globe. It does so by studying: (a) how opposing activists discuss politics online and its implications for democratic theory; (b) how social media uses and online discussions foster offline protests; (c) how the media and state-led-propaganda frame disruptive and anti-government offline protests and how this situation contributes to polarization in both democratic and non-democratic regimes; and finally (d) how civil society uses digital tools to organize and mobilize around sensitive issues in non-democratic regimes.
... Medienbotschaften können das Ergebnis bewusster Entscheidungen sein, aber häufiger sind sie das Ergebnis unbewusster Vorurteile und unhinterfragter Annahmen -und sie können einen erheblichen Einfluss darauf haben, was wir denken und glauben. Medien haben einen großen Einfluss auf die Politik und auf die Gestaltung des sozialen Wandels (Zúñiga & Chen, 2019 ...
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Die Entwicklung der Technologie hat eine neue soziale Struktur geschaffen, die bestimmt, wer, wie und wann der Einzelne mit der Gesellschaft interagiert. In weniger als 30 Jahren hat die Nutzung von Internet, Mobiltelefonen und Computern so stark zugenommen, dass wir kaum noch wissen, was wir ohne sie tun würden. Von den digitalen Bürgern wird ein bestimmtes Verhalten verlangt, das den akzeptierten Normen, Standards und Vorschriften entspricht. Der Kurs Medien- und Informationskompetenz ist heutzutage von entscheidender Bedeutung, da wir im 21. Jahrhundert leben, das uns mit dem schnellen Wachstum der Technologien herausfordert. Die Medien- und Informationskompetenz konzentriert sich auf die Freiheit der Meinungsäußerung und der Information, da sie die Bürger befähigt, die Funktionen der Medien und anderer Informationsanbieter zu verstehen, ihre Inhalte zu bewerten und als Nutzer und Produzenten von Informationen und Medieninhalten fundierte Kritik zu üben. Dieser Kurs wurde als Instrument zur Unterstützung von Lehrern, Ausbildern und Jugendbetreuern bei ihrer täglichen Arbeit mit jungen Menschen konzipiert. Der Kurs kann jedoch auch von jungen Menschen selbständig absolviert werden. Er umfasst Lektüre, Übungen, Fallstudien, Quizfragen und Fragen zur Selbstreflexion und ist in fünf Module unterteilt: • Warum Medienkompetenzen; • Stellen Sie die richtige Frage; • Rechtliche, ethische und gesellschaftliche Aspekte der Medien- und Informationsnutzung; • Medien- und informationskompetente Person; • Abmessungen der Medien. Dieses Lehrbuch zur Medien- und Informationskompetenz kann hier und auf der europäischen Plattform für nicht-formale Bildung TrainingClub.eu von TEAM4Excellence kostenlos heruntergeladen werden und ist auch als Moodle Massive Open Online Course in englischer Sprache verfügbar. Außerdem wurde jedes Modul in drei Sprachen übersetzt: Rumänisch, Griechisch und Deutsch. "Medien- und Informationskompetenz" ist das Ergebnis des Erasmus+-Projekts "Strategische Partnerschaft zur Entwicklung offener Bildungsressourcen für den Unterricht in digitaler Bürgerschaft", das von einem Konsortium aus vier Partnern aus Rumänien, Zypern, Deutschland und Griechenland durchgeführt wird. Ziel ist es, eine breite Palette von Kompetenzen zu verbessern, damit die Bürgerinnen und Bürger in der Lage sind, sich aktiv, positiv und verantwortungsbewusst in On- und Offline-Gemeinschaften zu engagieren. Die Autoren sind der Ansicht, dass die digitale Bürgerschaft als ein mehrdimensionales und komplexes Konzept betrachtet werden sollte. Ausgehend von diesem Aspekt haben sie 10 Kurse entwickelt, die zusammen dazu beitragen, die Fähigkeiten der Menschen im Bereich der digitalen Bürgerschaft zu verbessern: Zugang und Integration, Lernen und Kreativität, Medien- und Informationskompetenz, Ethik und Empathie, Gesundheit und Wohlbefinden, ePräsenz und Kommunikation, aktive Beteiligung, Rechte und Pflichten, Datenschutz und Sicherheit, Bewusstsein für Verbraucherfragen. Neben Englisch wurde jeder Kurs in drei weitere Sprachen übersetzt: Rumänisch, Griechisch und Deutsch. Auf alle Kurse kann online zugegriffen werden, und jeder kann sich bei Moodle anmelden und die Kurse kostenlos besuchen.
... Τα μέσα ενημέρωσης έχουν κοινωνικές και πολιτικές επιπτώσεις Τα μηνύματα των μέσων ενημέρωσης μπορεί να είναι αποτέλεσμα συνειδητών αποφάσεων, αλλά συχνότερα είναι αποτέλεσμα ασυνείδητων προκαταλήψεων και αδιαμφισβήτητων παραδοχώνκαι μπορούν να επηρεάσουν σημαντικά το τι σκεφτόμαστε και τι πιστεύουμε. Τα μέσα ενημέρωσης έχουν μεγάλη επιρροή στην πολιτική και στη διαμόρφωση της κοινωνικής αλλαγής (Zúñiga & Chen, 2019). Πχ. ...
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Η ανάπτυξη της τεχνολογίας δημιούργησε μια νέα κοινωνική δομή που ελέγχει ποιος, πώς και πότε τα άτομα αλληλεπιδρούν με την κοινωνία. Σε λιγότερο από 30 χρόνια, η χρήση του Διαδικτύου, των κινητών τηλεφώνων και των υπολογιστών έχει αυξηθεί σε τέτοιο βαθμό που δεν ξέρουμε τι θα κάναμε χωρίς αυτά. Οι ψηφιακοί πολίτες καλούνται να ενεργούν με έναν συγκεκριμένο τρόπο που ταιριάζει με αποδεκτές νόρμες, πρότυπα και κανονισμούς. Το μάθημα "Γραμματισμός στα Μέσα Μαζικής Ενημέρωσης και Πληροφόρησης" είναι ζωτικής σημασίας στις μέρες μας, επειδή ζούμε στον 21ο αιώνα, ο οποίος μας προκαλεί με την ταχεία ανάπτυξη των τεχνολογιών. Ο Γραμματισμός στα μέσα ενημέρωσης και την πληροφόρηση εστιάζει στην ελευθερία της έκφρασης και της πληροφόρησης, καθώς δίνει στους πολίτες τη δυνατότητα να κατανοούν τις λειτουργίες των μέσων ενημέρωσης και άλλων παρόχων πληροφοριών, να αξιολογούν το περιεχόμενό τους και να ασκούν τεκμηριωμένη κριτική ως χρήστες και παραγωγοί πληροφοριών και περιεχομένου των μέσων ενημέρωσης. Το μάθημα αυτό σχεδιάστηκε ως εργαλείο για να βοηθήσει τους εκπαιδευτικούς, τους εκπαιδευτές και τους λειτουργούς νεολαίας στην καθημερινή τους εργασία με τους νέους. Ωστόσο, το μάθημα μπορούν να το παρακολουθήσουν άμεσα και οι ίδιοι οι νέοι. Περιλαμβάνει διαβάσματα, ασκήσεις, μελέτες περιπτώσεων, κουίζ και ερωτήσεις αυτοαναστοχασμού, χωρισμένο σε πέντε ενότητες: • Γιατί δεξιότητες γραμματισμού στα μέσα ενημέρωσης, • Κάντε τη σωστή ερώτηση, • Νομικές, δεοντολογικές και κοινωνικές πτυχές της χρήσης των μέσων ενημέρωσης και των πληροφοριών, • Άτομο με γνώση των μέσων ενημέρωσης και της πληροφορίας, Διαστάσεις των μέσων. Ενώ αυτό το εγχειρίδιο Media and Information Literacy είναι διαθέσιμο για δωρεάν λήψη εδώ και στην ευρωπαϊκή πλατφόρμα μη τυπικής εκπαίδευσης TrainingClub.eu της TEAM4Excellence, είναι επίσης διαθέσιμο ως μαζικό ανοικτό διαδικτυακό μάθημα Moodle στα αγγλικά. Επιπλέον, κάθε ενότητα μεταφράστηκε σε τρεις γλώσσες: Ρουμανικά, ελληνικά και γερμανικά. Το "Media and Information Literacy" είναι το αποτέλεσμα του έργου Erasmus+ "Strategic partnership to develop open educational resources for teaching digital citizenship", το οποίο υλοποιείται από μια κοινοπραξία τεσσάρων εταίρων από τη Ρουμανία, την Κύπρο, τη Γερμανία και την Ελλάδα, με στόχο τη βελτίωση ενός ευρέος φάσματος ικανοτήτων, ώστε οι πολίτες να είναι σε θέση να συμμετέχουν ενεργά, θετικά και υπεύθυνα στις κοινότητες τόσο εντός όσο και εκτός διαδικτύου. Οι συγγραφείς θεωρούν ότι η ψηφιακή ιθαγένεια πρέπει να αντιμετωπίζεται ως μια πολυδιάστατη και σύνθετη έννοια. Με βάση αυτή την πτυχή, δημιούργησαν 10 μαθήματα που όλα μαζί βοηθούν στη βελτίωση των δεξιοτήτων ψηφιακής ιθαγένειας των ανθρώπων: Πρόσβαση και ενσωμάτωση, μάθηση και δημιουργικότητα, γραμματισμός στα μέσα ενημέρωσης και την πληροφόρηση, ηθική και ενσυναίσθηση, υγεία και ευημερία, ηλεκτρονική παρουσία και επικοινωνία, ενεργός συμμετοχή, δικαιώματα και ευθύνες, προστασία της ιδιωτικής ζωής και ασφάλεια, ευαισθητοποίηση των καταναλωτών. Εκτός από τα αγγλικά, κάθε μάθημα μεταφράστηκε σε τρεις ακόμη γλώσσες: Ελληνικά και Γερμανικά. Όλα τα μαθήματα είναι προσβάσιμα στο διαδίκτυο και ο καθένας μπορεί να εγγραφεί στο Moodle και να παρακολουθήσει τα μαθήματα δωρεάν.
... Mesajele media pot fi rezultatul unor decizii conștiente, dar, cel mai adesea, sunt rezultatul unor prejudecăți inconștiente și al unor presupuneri neîndoielnice -iar acestea pot avea o influență semnificativă asupra a ceea ce gândim și credem. Mass-media au o mare influență asupra politicii și asupra formării schimbărilor sociale (Zúñiga & Chen, 2019). De ex. ...
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Dezvoltarea tehnologiei a creat o nouă structură socială care controlează cine, cum și când interacționează indivizii cu societatea. În mai puțin de 30 de ani, utilizarea internetului, a telefoanelor mobile și a computerelor a crescut atât de mult încât nu știm ce ne-am face fără ele. Cetățenilor digitali li se cere să acționeze într-un anumit mod care să se încadreze în normele, standardele și reglementările acceptate. Cursul „Alfabetizare Media și Informațională” este crucial în zilele noastre, deoarece trăim în secolul XXI, care ne provoacă cu un avânt rapid al tehnologiei. Alfabetizarea media și informațională se concentrează asupra libertății de exprimare și de informare, deoarece le permite cetățenilor să înțeleagă funcțiile mass-mediei și ale altor furnizori de informații, să evalueze conținutul acestora, să formuleze critici în cunoștință de cauză în calitate de utilizatori, producători de informații și conținut mediatic. Acest curs a fost conceput ca un instrument de asistență pentru profesori, formatori și lucrători de tineret în activitățile lor zilnice cu tinerii. Cu toate acestea, cursul poate fi urmat și de către tineri pe cont propriu. Acesta include lecturi, exerciții, studii de caz, chestionare și întrebări de autoreflecție, împărțite în cinci module: De ce competențele de alfabetizare mediatică; Puneți întrebarea corectă; Aspecte juridice, etice și societale ale utilizării mass-media și a informațiilor; Persoana cu cunoștințe media și de informare; Dimensiuni ale mediilor de comunicare. În timp ce manualul „Alfabetizare Media și Informațională” poate fi descărcat gratuit de aici și de pe platforma europeană de educație non-formală TrainingClub.eu a TEAM4Excellence, acesta este disponibil și sub forma unui curs online deschis masiv Moodle în limba engleză. În plus, fiecare modul a fost tradus în trei limbi: română, greacă și germană. „Alfabetizare Media și Informațională” este rezultatul proiectului Erasmus+ „Parteneriat strategic pentru dezvoltarea de resurse educaționale deschise pentru predarea cetățeniei digitale“, implementat de un consorțiu format din patru parteneri din România, Cipru, Germania și Grecia, având ca scop îmbunătățirea unei game largi de competențe, astfel încât cetățenii să fie capabili să se implice activ, pozitiv și responsabil în comunitățile on și offline. Autorii consideră că cetățenia digitală trebuie privită ca un concept multidimensional și complex. Pornind de la acest aspect, aceștia au creat 10 cursuri care, împreună, contribuie la îmbunătățirea competențelor de cetățenie digitală ale oamenilor: Acces și Incluziune, Învățare și Creativitate, Alfabetizare Media și Informațională, Etică și Empatie, Sănătate și Stare de Bine, Prezență Online și Comunicare, Participare Activă, Drepturi și Responsabilități, Confidențialitate și Securitate, Conștientizarea Consumatorilor. Pe lângă limba engleză, fiecare curs a fost tradus în alte trei limbi: română, greacă și germană. Toate cursurile pot fi accesate online, iar oricine se poate înscrie și urma gratuit cursurile pe Moodle.
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A comprehensive examination of Russia's foreign policy in Latin America and the Caribbean shows that, while interstate relations varied in the first quarter of the twenty-first century with shifts in the international environment and the foreign and domestic sociopolitical situation, this policy was symbolic, ill-considered, and reactive. Post-Soviet Russia has not created a system of partnerships in the region that would ensure the stability of foreign policy outcomes in the face of fluctuations of the regional conjuncture. Un análisis exhaustivo de la política exterior de Rusia en América Latina y el Caribe muestra que, si bien las relaciones interestatales variaron en el primer cuarto del siglo XXI con cambios en el entorno internacional y la situación sociopolítica exterior e interna, esta política fue simbólica, poco recomendable y reactiva. La Rusia postsoviética no ha creado un sistema de asociaciones en la región que garantice la estabilidad de los resultados en política exterior ante las fluctuaciones de la coyuntura regional.
Chapter
The study aimed to identify the usage of digital media in society and applied this usage in educational field. The results indicated that new types of media as (digital media) or (social networks) and (citizen journalism) etc. Results showed that modern communication technology has contributed to enhancing cultural communication, revitalizing knowledge exchange between peoples, overcoming geographical in educational field and even transcending them, and brought about a radical change in quantity and quality in the content transmitted through digital media.
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El presente trabajo analiza los procesos de digitalización en América Latina a lo largo de los últimos años, al mismo tiempo que su relación con los cambios en las dinámicas de seguimiento de la información y participación política. En primer lugar, se realiza una caracterización de los cambios en la cultura política de la región, teniendo en cuenta tanto sus factores estructurales como condicionantes subjetivos y cognitivos, prestando especial atención a la confianza y satisfacción política e institucional. En segundo lugar, se presenta el estado de la cuestión sobre los medios de comunicación en la región y su relación con la cultura política para así profundizar en algunas de las dinámicas de participación política ciudadana y sus cambios a partir de los nuevos medios digitales. Posteriormente se analizan los resultados del trabajo de campo, obtenidos a partir de la recopilación de datos de sucesivas oleadas del Latinobarómetro1. En relación con los procesos de digitalización y al uso de medios digitales para la información política, los resultados muestran el gran avance que ha tenido la región, al mismo tiempo que pone de manifiesto las grandes diferencias entre países, encontrando como principal variable explicativa el desarrollo económico. En cuanto a la relación entre los componentes de cultura política tenidos en cuenta y el uso de medios digitales para la información política, los resultados muestran el papel que tanto la confianza institucional como la satisfacción democrática juegan en el uso político de medios digitales.
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The health of democratic public spheres is challenged by the circulation of falsehoods. These epistemic problems are connected to social media and they raise a classic problem of how to understand the role of technology in political developments. We discuss three sets of technological affordances of social media that facilitate the spread of false beliefs: obscuring the provenance of information, facilitating deception about authorship, and providing for manipulation of social signals. We argue that these do not make social media a “cause” of problems with falsehoods, but explanations of epistemic problems should account for social media to understand the timing and widespread occurrence of epistemic problems. We argue that “the marketplace of ideas” cannot be adequate as a remedy for these problems, which require epistemic editing by the press.
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Studies of selective exposure have focused on use of traditional media sources. However, discussion networks are an integral part of individuals’ information diets. This article extends the selective exposure literature by exploring the potential for networks to likewise be selectively accessed. A pre-registered experiment found that participants nominate denser, more ideologically coherent networks in response to congenial political news relative to uncongenial news, and express willingness to share it with more people. Analysis of open-ended data suggest shared political beliefs are more likely to motivate discussant selection in response to congenial, rather than uncongenial, news. Properties of networks generated in response to political and non-political news did not vary. These results provide nuance to our understanding of political information exposure.
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Ordinary citizens are increasingly using mobile instant messaging apps such as WhatsApp for politically-related activities. Compared to other ‘semi-public’ online platforms, WhatsApp provides a more intimate and controlled environment in which users can almost simultaneously gather and share news, discuss politics, and mobilize others. Relying on two-wave panel data collected in Spain, USA, and New Zealand, this study examines the mediating role of WhatsApp political discussion in the relationships between different types of news use and various forms of political participation. First, our findings reveal WhatsApp discussion has a positive influence on activism, and a more nuanced effect on conventional participation. Second, results are partially supportive of a fully mediated set of influences between news media and social media news uses and both types of participation via WhatsApp. Finally, the study examines age differential effects between younger (Gen Xers and Millennials) and older (Boomers) age groups.
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Social media platforms allow people to exert some control over their news feeds, even though not everyone utilizes the relevant features. This article conceptualizes consumptive news feed curation on social media as a special type of proactive personalization in news consumption. Survey data were analyzed to examine the extent and correlates of the practice in six East Asian societies. The findings indicated that East Asian news consumers do not frequently engage in consumptive news feed curation on social media. Engagement in relevant practices was consistently related to age, interest in the news, news participation, and news avoidance. Overall, the findings suggest that consumptive news feed curation is employed primarily by young people to navigate the sea of information of uneven quality.
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Recent scholarship suggests that overreliance on social networks for news and public affairs is associated with the belief that one no longer needs to actively seek information. Instead, individuals perceive that the “news will find me” (NFM) and detach from the regular habit of traditional news consumption. This study examines effects of the NFM perception on political knowledge, political interest, and electoral participation. Drawing on a nationally representative panel survey from the United States (N = 997), this study finds that the NFM perception is negatively associated with both political knowledge and political interest across two time periods. The NFM perception also leads to negative, indirect effects on voting as the relationship is mediated through lower reported levels of political knowledge and interest in politics. The findings add to current conversations about the ability of personalized information networks to adequately inform and engage the public.
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Finding facts about fake news There was a proliferation of fake news during the 2016 election cycle. Grinberg et al. analyzed Twitter data by matching Twitter accounts to specific voters to determine who was exposed to fake news, who spread fake news, and how fake news interacted with factual news (see the Perspective by Ruths). Fake news accounted for nearly 6% of all news consumption, but it was heavily concentrated—only 1% of users were exposed to 80% of fake news, and 0.1% of users were responsible for sharing 80% of fake news. Interestingly, fake news was most concentrated among conservative voters. Science , this issue p. 374 ; see also p. 348
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Digital and social media are increasingly integrated into dynamics of protest movements. They strengthen the mobilization power of movements, extend movement networks, facilitate new modes of protest participation, and lead to the emergence of new protest formations. Meanwhile, conventional media remain an important arena where the contest for public support between protesters and their targets play out. This book examines the role of the media-understood as an integrated system composed of both conventional media institutions and digital media platforms-in the formation and dynamics of the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong in 2014. It grounds the analysis into the broad background of the rise of protest politics in Hong Kong since the early 2000s. More important, this book connects the case of the Umbrella Movement to recent theorizations of new social movement formations. It treats the Umbrella Movement as a case where connective action intervenes into a collective action campaign, leading to an extended occupation mixing old and new protest logics. The analysis shows how the media had not only empowered the protest movements in certain ways, but also introduced forces not conducive to the sustainability and efficacy of the movement. Conventional and digital media could also be used by the state to undermine protests. Through a combination of protester surveys, population surveys, analyses of news contents, and social media activities, this book reconstructs a rich and nuanced account of the Umbrella Movement, which helps shed light on numerous issues about the media-movement nexus in the digital era.
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Using two-wave panel data from Hong Kong, this study examines the spiral of silence process on social media. It extends the theoretical framework by including both supporting and disagreeing opinion expression and examining not only expressive but also withdrawal behaviors on social media. This study also investigates the moderating roles of disagreement and publicness as two affordances on social media that influence the spiral of silence process. Results from the moderated mediation model with a panel lagged and autoregressive analysis suggest that fear of social isolation (FSI) has an indirect effect on discouraging disagreeing opinion expression but not supporting opinion expression and on encouraging withdrawal behaviors through enhancing willingness to self-censor (WTSC) on social media. This indirect effect is contingent on the levels of disagreement and publicness in one’s network. Higher levels of disagreement and publicness promote the spiral of silence. Implications of the findings are discussed.