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The Power of Islam in Morocco

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Article
Alone among Muslim countries, Morocco is known for its own national form of Islam, "Moroccan Islam." However, this pathbreaking study reveals that Moroccan Islam was actually invented in the early twentieth century by French ethnographers and colonial officers who were influenced by British colonial practices in India. Between 1900 and 1920, these researchers compiled a social inventory of Morocco that in turn led to the emergence of a new object of study, Moroccan Islam, and a new field, Moroccan studies. In the process, they reinvented Morocco as a modern polity and resurrected the monarchy. This book will be of interest to scholars and readers interested in questions of orientalism and empire, colonialism and modernity, and the invention of traditions.
Article
Most modern studies on the general history of the Sufi movement tend to converge on the centres and representatives of the movement in the eastern flank of the Islamic world-generally covering Egypt, Iraq, Persia, Turkey and India. The few extant French studies on Sufism in the Islamic West do not go beyond an account of the contemporary activities of the Sufi orders of the Maghrib under French rule and do not provide a consolidated historical survey of the expansion of the movement from its earliest times in the Maghrib. The following pages, therefore, constitute a preliminary attempt to capture its historical antecedents in Spain and North Africa prior to the emergence of Abu' l-Ḥasan al-Shādhilī (d. A. D. 1258) in Tunis. Results of the investigation indicate considerable scope for further study.
Article
Les opinions concernant l'«it'ām», de la part d'auteurs soufis comme de detracteurs de cette doctrine, ont ete tres diverses. Une pratique charitable, jusqu'alors louee pour son role important dans la neutralisation des effets des famines sporadiques et dans l'amelioration du sort des pauvres, commenca a attirer la critique pour plusieurs raisons. Cet article trace l'histoire de l'«it'ām» a partir des documents parus au Maroc au milieu du XIIe siecle jusqu'a la fin du XVIIe siecle, lorsque l'opposition, au moins celle a son usage, par des «zāwiyas» (loges soufies) contemporaines dans des buts politiques, eut atteint son apogee, avec al-Hasan al-Yūsī (1691) comme representant principal.
Article
This is the first monograph in Western Orientalism entirely devoted to the history of the birthday festival of the Prophet Muhammad (Arab. mawlid al-nabi). On the basis of historical sources, Chapters 1 and 2 examine what is known on the history of this festival in the Middle East until the beginning of the 7th/13th century. In Chapter 3 the existence of different views on the origin of the mawlid within Islam itself is examined. It is shown that these different opinions on the origin of the mawlid follows from discussions on the permissibility of its celebration. The rest of the book (Chapters 4 - 8) deals with the mawlid in the Western Muslim world up to the beginning of the 10th/16th century. The following dynasties are treated respectively: the 'Azafids of Ceuta, the Marinids and the Wattasids, the Nasrids, the 'Abd al-Wadids and the hafsids.
Article
Representations of the 'Other' are invariably associated with European or Western perceptions of Islam, Muslims and the Orient. However, as this article argues, the world of Islam was never monolithic and Muslims held widely differing views of each other. Even among 'fellow' North Africans, such as Egyptians and Maghribis, collective regional or local identities developed and furnished the material for self-identification built upon perceived differences among the 'others'. In discussing the religio-cultural bases for these differences, the author examines Malikism, Maghribi Islam as practised in the Mashriq, including Sufism, as well as varying ideas regarding urbanity and cosmopolitanism. He concludes with an analysis of how the Moroccan state and its representatives often sought legitimacy in the Mashriq despite the fact that the Sharifian Empire was a rival of the Ottomans and that Moroccan ulema often saw the Mashriqis as lax in the practice of their religion.
If our present knowledge of the history of the Muslim Maghrib is in general unsatisfactory, few periods remain as obscure as the fifteenth century. The extant sources are very scarce. Contemporary Maghribī historical writings are practically non-existent and, with few exceptions, this is still an epoch for which Christian chronicles are not yet really relevant. Only fragmentary and partial information can be extracted from the contemporary Spanish and Portuguese documents. Therefore, we have to rely for our knowledge on the so-called manāqib literature or hagiographic dictionaries which proliferated in Morocco during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. These volumes—many of which were lithographed in Fās during the nineteenth century—cannot be considered a first-rate source. They are posterior to the period dealt with and appear as versions of a traditional history composed over the years by agglomeration, repetition, and revision from a series of original stories which may be doubtful, even though they are hallowed by time and usage, and fortified by the weight of respectability. Committed to writing, they have acquired the seal of authority and have seldom been challenged.
Article
Scholars have long noted that the Prophet Muhammad assumed increasing importance in Sufi thought and practice over the centuries. For Sufis, belief in Muhammad's perfection often went beyond the standard affirmation of his immunity from error, and sometimes went so far as the assertions of the Spanish Arab Qadi ʿIyad (d. 1149/50) that Muhammad had assumed all the qualities embodied in the Ninety-nine Beautiful Names of God. Belief in Muhammad as a primordial cosmic light of divine origin is documented as early as the 8th to 9th centuries, and reached its fullest exposition in the works of Ibn ʿArabi (1165-1240) and his successors. Popular devotion to the Prophet in the form of poetry in his honor and celebrations of his birthday is documented at least as early as the 13th century.
Article
The historian Ibn Khaldun (d. 1405), in his Muqaddimah (Introduction to history), explained historical change and the succession of dynasties as a function of the interactions between nomadic culture and urban civilization. His major contribution is usually considered to be his analysis of the correlation between ‘asabiyya, social cohesion or group feeling, and political power. He argued that the strong group feeling of tribal peoples enabled them to conquer urbanized regions and build regimes and civilizations, but that these conquests were undone by the tribes' gradual loss of ‘asabiyya in the urban setting, leading to new conquests by tribal peoples still strong in desert cohesiveness. Although power was the basis of rulership and royal authority was established through military might, the glue that held societies together was ‘asabiyya, based on kinship and religion and stronger in tribal than in urban society. Conquerors with strong group feeling could create greater and longer-lasting empires because they fielded larger armies and retained their own cultural dynamism for a longer time, and thus were able to defeat their rivals. Conquerors whose social cohesion was weak were soon overcome by the civilization of the conquered and gave way to a new conquering group. Strong group cohesion would also allow royal authority to pass to a second branch of the ruling family if the first was weakened, perpetuating its dominion. The ruler and his army were supported by the wealth of conquest, and returned the people's taxes in the form of gifts and public works. They would be successful only so long as they remained just; as the rulers' level of luxury increased so did their level of exploitation, and injustice soon produced division and “the ruin of civilization.”
Article
Scholary works on Sufism have been almost entirely concerned with the classical textual tradition and have given scant attention to the contemporary practice of Sufism. Such Studies as have been done in Egypt inadequately reflect actual popular beliefs and practices by exhibiting tendencies either to interpret contemporary sufism in light of classical Sufism,to dismiss popular Sufism as a degradation of “true” Sufism,or to conclude, in light of the presentation of Sufism propagated by the Supreme Council of Sufi Orders, that there is nothing that distinguishes contemporary Sufism from any other branch of Islam.Contemporary Sufism must be studied as a complete system, not merely a degradation of another system. It developed from classical Sufism but is not identical with it, and offers a world view and rituals that distinguish it from other Islamic currents. The centrality of devotion to the Prophet and his family is one aspect of Egyptian Sufi religious life that distinguishes it from that of other Egyptian Muslims, and bears interesting parallels to Shicism, perhaps providing evidence for what Marshall Hodgson called "the moulding of Islam as a whole in a ShiStic direction."4 This article will document and analyze devotion to the Prophet and the ahl al-bayt and its associated beliefs in Egyptian Sufism, and compare them with their analogues in ShiSsrn.
Article
Durant la periode de Noel de l'annee 1596, le Conseil prive, interpellant les archeveches de Canterbury et de York, lanca une campagne en faveur de l'assistance aux pauvres afin de remedier aux effets des penuries alimentaires recurrentes. L'A. replace la campagne de 1596 pour l'hospitalite generalisee dans ses contextes economique, religieux, politique et social de l'epoque. Insistant sur l'importance des problemes economiques de la fin du 16 eme siecle, il analyse les sermons et exhortations a la charite, ainsi que la signification de l'aumone dans les polemiques religieuses de l'epoque. Il propose egalement la premiere analyse systematique des reponses locales a cette campagne et de son impact sur les relations sociales. Finalement, il examine la relation complexe entre l'hospitalite et l'introduction du statut d'assistance au pauvre de 1598. Selon l'A., l'hospitalite generalisee a des implications importantes, non seulement pour la comprehension des debats parlementaires sur la pauvrete des annees 1590, mais egalement pour le developpement a plus long terme des politiques sociales, notamment pour la reglementation de la mendicite. Les faits reveles par cette etude mettent en evidence l'imbrication complexe d'elements parfois contradictoires de la politique elisabethaine en faveur des pauvres.
The Ethnographic State, 1
  • Burke
Burke, The Ethnographic State, 1. Chapter 1
Maghribi-s in the Mashriq
  • M El Mansour
M. El Mansour, "Maghribi-s in the Mashriq", 97.
Ville et université: Aperçu sur l'histoire de l'école de Fès
  • Jacques Berque
Berque, Jacques, "Ville et université: Aperçu sur l'histoire de l'école de Fès", Revue Historique de Droit Français et Etranger, 27 (1947), 64-117.
One example in this respect could be Clifford Geertz's interpretation of al-Yusi's account in which this prominent seventeenth century 'alim comes out as a venerated holy man, which he was not, at least in his lifetime, and a sharif, which he never claimed to be
One example in this respect could be Clifford Geertz's interpretation of al-Yusi's account in which this prominent seventeenth century 'alim comes out as a venerated holy man, which he was not, at least in his lifetime, and a sharif, which he never claimed to be. See Clifford Geertz, Islam Observed (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), 33-35. What is important in this example is not so much the inexactitude of facts from a historical point of view, as the conclusions that could be drawn on their basis about the nature of sainthood and sharifdom, their assumed overlapping and their social and cultural meaning.
See also Ahmad Ibn Khalid al-Nasiri, tal'at al-mushtari fi al-nasab al-ja'fari
  • Al-Wallali
Al-Wallali, mabahith al-anwar, 218. See also Ahmad Ibn Khalid al-Nasiri, tal'at al-mushtari fi al-nasab al-ja'fari (Fez: Lithograph press, no date), I, 290.
Al-Yusi was a leading 'alim of hi time but passed on in popular tradition as a major saint as well
  • Clifford Geertz
  • Islam Observed
Clifford Geertz, Islam Observed, 33-34. Al-Yusi was a leading 'alim of hi time but passed on in popular tradition as a major saint as well.
However, this sultan could well be the Marinid sultan Abu al-Hasan Ibn 'Uthman, also memorized in the oral tradition as "al-sultan al-ak-hal", or the black sultan (Ahmad Ibn Khalid al-Nasiri, al-istiqsa, III, 118). For our argument it does not change
  • R Jamous
The oral tradition collected by R. Jamous refers to a sultan from the Almohad dynasty by the name of Ya'qub, popularly known as "the black sultan" (R. Jamous, Honneur, 231-232). However, this sultan could well be the Marinid sultan Abu al-Hasan Ibn 'Uthman, also memorized in the oral tradition as "al-sultan al-ak-hal", or the black sultan (Ahmad Ibn Khalid al-Nasiri, al-istiqsa, III, 118). For our argument it does not change much since both the Almohads and the Marinids were Berbers.
al-sharaf wa al-mujtama' wa al-sulta al-siyasiya
  • Muhammad Amrani
Amrani, Muhammad, "al-sharaf wa al-mujtama' wa al-sulta al-siyasiya", doctoral thesis (Rabat: Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences, 2001).
For instance, this is the role sultan Mawlay al-Hasan reminded the Wazzani shaykh of when this one placed himself under French consular protection in 1883. In this respect the sultan reminded Mawlay 'Abd al-Salam al-Wazzani that his ancestors had always been at the service of the Makhzan
  • F Maspéro
For instance, this is the role sultan Mawlay al-Hasan reminded the Wazzani shaykh of when this one placed himself under French consular protection in 1883. In this respect the sultan reminded Mawlay 'Abd al-Salam al-Wazzani that his ancestors had always been at the service of the Makhzan. See Abdallah Laroui, Les origines du nationalisme marocain (Paris: F. Maspéro, 1977), 146.
Sharifian Sufism: The Religious and Social Practice of the Wazzani Zawiya
  • See Mohamed El Mansour
See Mohamed El Mansour, "Sharifian Sufism: The Religious and Social Practice of the Wazzani Zawiya", in Tribe and State: Essays in Honour of David Montgomery Hart, edited by E.G. Joffé and R. Pennell (Wisbech: MENAS Press, 1991), 69-83.
Sharifism and the Sharif-s in the Reign of Sidi Muhammad Ibn 'Abd Allah
  • Fatima Harrak
Harrak, Fatima. "Sharifism and the Sharif-s in the Reign of Sidi Muhammad Ibn 'Abd Allah", Hespéris-Tamuda, XXX (1992), 17-35.
A hadith of the Prophet reported by al-Bukhari in his Sahih, chap. I. See A.J. Wensinck
  • E J Brill
A hadith of the Prophet reported by al-Bukhari in his Sahih, chap. I. See A.J. Wensinck, Concordance et indices de la tradition musulmane (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1967), VI, 128.
On the status of the holy places in Mecca, see
This is the case, for instance, of Mawlay 'Abd al-Salam Ibn Mashish in northern Morocco. See al-'Ayyashi al-Marini, al-fihris fi nasab al-shurafa' al-adarisa (Tangier: Mu'assassat al-Taghlif wa al-Tiba'a, 1986), 52. On the status of the holy places in Mecca, see J. Chelhod, Les structures du sacré chez les arabes (Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 1964), 230-232.
Abd al-Salam Ibn Mashish and the 'Alami sharif-s of northern Morocco, see al-Tahar al-Lihiwi, hisn al-salam bayna yaday awlad mawlay 'abd alsalam (Casablanca: Dar al-Thaqafa
  • On Mawlay
On Mawlay 'Abd al-Salam Ibn Mashish and the 'Alami sharif-s of northern Morocco, see al-Tahar al-Lihiwi, hisn al-salam bayna yaday awlad mawlay 'abd alsalam (Casablanca: Dar al-Thaqafa, 1978).
Abd al-Salam Ibn Mashish extended over a large area that included all or parts of the following tribal territories
  • The
  • Mawlay
The hurm of Mawlay 'Abd al-Salam Ibn Mashish extended over a large area that included all or parts of the following tribal territories: Bani 'Arus, Sumata, Bani Layt, Bani Yider, Bani Yissef and Ahl Srif. See al-Marini, al-fihris, 34, and the text of the royal decree by Mawlay al-Hasan (d. 1894) in al-Lihiwi, hisn al-salam, 389.
The Nomadic Berbers of Central Morocco
  • W B See
  • Harris
See W.B. Harris, "The Nomadic Berbers of Central Morocco", The Geographic Journal, no. 6 (June, 1897), 638-645.
Abd Allah's decree in
  • See Muhammad Ibn
See Muhammad Ibn 'Abd Allah's decree in 'Ali al-Raysuni, rijal wa mawaqif (Tetouan: Matabi' al-Shuwaykh, 1982), 19.
Le Droit d'asile des canons
  • George Salmon
Salmon, George, "Le Droit d'asile des canons", Archives Marocaines, III (1905), 144-153. al-Sarghini, 'Abd al-Salam, musamara fi al-sunna wa-al-bid'a (Fez, n.d.).
La Maison d'Ouezzane
  • Edouard Michaux-Bellaire
Michaux-Bellaire, Edouard, "La Maison d'Ouezzane", Revue du Monde Musulman, V (1908), 27-88.
The Moorish Conception of Holiness (Baraka) (Helsinki: Akademiska Bokhandeln
  • Edward Westermarck
Westermarck, Edward, The Moorish Conception of Holiness (Baraka) (Helsinki: Akademiska Bokhandeln, 1916).
on the description of the mawlid celebrations by the Sa'di al-Mansur, see also
  • Ibid
Ibid., on the description of the mawlid celebrations by the Sa'di al-Mansur, see also 'Ali al-Tamagruti, al-nafha al-miskiya (Rabat: al-Matba'a al-Malakiyya, 2002), 142-145, and Ahmad Ibn al-Qadi, al-muntaqa al-maqsur (Rabat: Maktabat al-Ma'arif, 1986), I, 379-380.
For Richard Tapper, the dispensing of food also results in ties of dependence. Feeding people, he asserts, is nothing less than "a conversion of personal wealth into social relations through hospitality … and other less clear-cut patronage
  • M Bonner
In traditional societies, generosity has always been a powerful means of affirming one's status and also of gaining clients. As Michael Bonner writes, "the donor's act of benefaction traps the recipient into a relationship of clientage". M. Bonner, "Poverty and Charity in the Rise of Islam", in Poverty and Charity in Middle Eastern Contexts, edited by Michael Bonner, Mine Ener and Amy Singer (New York: Suny Press, 2003), 21. For Richard Tapper, the dispensing of food also results in ties of dependence. Feeding people, he asserts, is nothing less than "a conversion of personal wealth into social relations through hospitality … and other less clear-cut patronage". R. Tapper, Tribe and State in Iran and Afghanistan (London: Routledge, 2011), 134.
On the origins of the mawlid festival and its development in the Islamic west, see Muhammad al-Manuni, waraqat 'an hadarat al-mariniyin (Rabat: Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences
The Marinids are credited with having made the Prophet's mawlid an official celebration, but the sharifian dynasties (Sa'di-s and 'Alawi-s) glorified the event and used it to underline their sharifian genealogical links with the Prophet. On the origins of the mawlid festival and its development in the Islamic west, see Muhammad al-Manuni, waraqat 'an hadarat al-mariniyin (Rabat: Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences, 1996), 517-540. For a general history of the Prophet's birthday and the mawlid celebrations in the Islamic world, including the Maghrib, see N.J.G. Kaptein, Muhammad's Birthday Festival (Leiden: Brill, 1993) and Chapter 6 of this volume.
On the Wazzani zawiya regarding this aspect, see Hamdun al-Tahiri, tuhfat alikhwan
On the Wazzani zawiya regarding this aspect, see Hamdun al-Tahiri, tuhfat alikhwan, edited by Muhammad al-'Amrani (Fez: Sidi Muhammad Ibn 'Abdallah University, 2010), 132.
Finding Order in the Moroccan City: The Hubus of the Great Mosque of Tangier as an Agent of Urban Change
On such practices at the end of the nineteenth century, see Susan Miller, "Finding Order in the Moroccan City: The Hubus of the Great Mosque of Tangier as an Agent of Urban Change", Muqarnas, vol. 22 (2005), 276.
Sanctuary Immunity in Early XIXth Century Morocco Through Some Fatwa-s
  • El Mansour
El Mansour, Mohamed, "Sanctuary Immunity in Early XIXth Century Morocco Through Some Fatwa-s", Hespéris-Tamuda, 40 (2005), 33-41.
On the concept of 'ar in Moroccan traditional society, see K. Brown
  • Rodriguez-Manas
Rodriguez-Manas, "Charity and Deceit", 90. On the concept of 'ar in Moroccan traditional society, see K. Brown, "The Curse of Westermarck", Ethnos, vol. 3-4 (1982), 197-231.
who gives detailed descriptions of the mawlid celebrations held in the Badi' palace in Marrakesh, mentions as the sultan's guests the 'alim-s, the sharif-s, the reciters and the poets who come to read their panegyric qasida-s in praise of the sultan
  • Al-Fishtali
Al-Fishtali, who gives detailed descriptions of the mawlid celebrations held in the Badi' palace in Marrakesh, mentions as the sultan's guests the 'alim-s, the sharif-s, the reciters and the poets who come to read their panegyric qasida-s in praise of the sultan. 'Abd al-'Aziz al-Fishtali, manahil al-safa (Rabat: Ministry of Awqaf and Islamic Affairs, 1973), 251.