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Cultivos de Coca y Violencia: El cambio después de iniciados los diálogos de paz (Coca Crops and Violence:The Change After Initiated the Peace Dialogs)
... The economic transformations that have taken place in Colombia have had a significant impact on rural institutions, resulting in crises in the agricultural sector, violence, and marginalisation. Coca crops (Erythroxylum coca) in Colombia have been directly related to different scourges that have mainly affected the rural area of the country, linked to the degradation of the economy and health because of the method of eradication by aerial spraying (Camacho & Mejía, 2017), to the environment seen from the perspective of decreased forest cover (Dávalos et al., 2011;Morales, 2017;McClanahan, Sánchez & Brisman, 2019), to pollution caused by the use of chemicals for coca cultivation and processing (Museo Nacional de Colombia, 2014), to the influence on geographical factors (Rincón-Ruiz, Pascual & Flantua, 2012), to the armed conflict (Jaramillo, Ocampo & Osorio, 2019;Lilian, 2011;Díaz & Sánchez, 2004;Bruce-Jones & Smith, 2019), violence (Martínez & Zuleta, 2019) and the beginning of the drug trafficking chain in the country, as stated by Mejía and Rico (2010). ...
... for Martínez and Zuleta (2019), who analyse the impact of coca crops on municipal violence, to achieve long-term peace and generate sustainable development in Colombia, the state should not focus all its attention on reducing the number of hectares of coca, but also on generating well-being for the communities, by being present in the municipalities where there is illegality. Through the models developed, the authors find that coca cultivation increased the municipal violence index by 11.1% for the period 2000-2017, being 2.35% more pronounced after 2012, when the FARC talks with the Colombian government began. ...
... Several studies analyse violence intending to understand the causes of crime and all that it entails, to make recommendations in terms of public policy, generally using the homicide rate as the indicator that most affects the population; however, other crimes of great implication are not considered. To jointly analyse the relationship between violence and coca cultivation in Colombia, the municipal violence index is calculated, taking as a reference what is proposed by Quintero, Lahuerta and Moreno (2008) and following the work of Martínez & Zuleta (2019). ...
Los cultivos de coca en Colombia se relacionan con múltiples problemas que afectan primeramente al área rural del país. Este artículo tiene como objetivo exponer factores determinantes que explican la presencia de los cultivos de coca en los municipios de Colombia para el periodo 2012 – 2019. Para ello, se desarrolla un modelo de panel de datos que permite obtener unos resultados que, aunque no son homogéneos en todo el territorio, indican que globalmente los incrementos en el índice de violencia municipal están asociados de manera positiva con el crecimiento de las hectáreas de cultivos de coca en los municipios de Colombia en el corto plazo. Los hallazgos sugieren que se reduce únicamente una cuarta parte del cultivo por cada hectárea asperjada y se incrementa en 0,22 por cada hectárea erradicada manualmente, poniendo en evidencia la ineficacia de la política antidrogas. Es necesario buscar alternativas para tratar de reducir la oferta del cultivo, diferenciando las necesidades por cada región del país. En cuanto a la economía, el único sector que influye en la reducción del cultivo es el sector secundario y el índice de desempeño fiscal.
... A challenging future is foreseen for the economic sustainability of cocoa, given the increase in demand and because it depends directly on the expansion of harvested land and on the fact that new harvestable land is not exhausted [11]. In Colombia, enhancing social cohesion among cocoa producers helps minimize the risks of violence, illicit crops, and inefficiency [12], [13]. ...
The stakeholders of the cocoa sector should be introduced with determinants that influence an area of cocoa harvest. Objective of the study is to identify the determinants of a harvested area in small cocoa production units in Huila. A correlational method, cross section, and quantitative approach was used with data from the last National agricultural census. Results of the study revealed that major area does not use credit, advice and irrigation increase the area while the organic fertilization is positive. Those displaced by violence have less harvest area and the primary and secondary sectors are positively associated with an increase in area. It can be concluded that the determinants of harvested area identified in this study exhibit a low management behavior in the agronomic practices of cocoa producers that limit the expansion of the harvested area in Huila. This aspect affects the medium and long-term economic sustainability of this agricultural activity. Therefore, continuous training and education of the producers are essential in order to improve this problematic situation.
... Colombia, indiscutiblemente el principal productor de cocaína en el mundo (UNODC, 2021), no podía ser ajeno a esta tendencia. Mientras el Gobierno colombiano en la década de los 2000 insistía en que la coca era "la mata que mata" (Ciro, 2018), la academia se hacía eco de esta visión con la idea del conflicto alimentado por las rentas generadas por las drogas ilícitas, o la coca como combustible de la guerra (Felbab-Brown, 2005;Martínez & Zuleta, 2019;Pizarro, 2002;Rettberg & Ortiz, 2016). De hecho, Collier mismo hace un notable comentario en el cual convierte la producción de cocaína en prácticamente la única explicación viable para entender por qué los grupos armados prosperarían en Colombia y no en Estados Unidos: ...
La relación entre economías ilícitas y conflictos armados ha sido objeto de una prolífica literatura aca-démica durante las últimas décadas, y existe un creciente cuestionamiento a la noción de una relación unívoca entre ambos. El Acuerdo de paz celebrado entre el Gobierno nacional de Colombia y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) ha replicado la premisa de que solucionar el problema de las drogas ilícitas necesariamente contribuye a la creación de una paz estable y duradera. En este artículo, utilizando a Argelia, Cauca, como un caso de estudio, discutiremos que, más allá de los incumplimientos del Gobierno nacional frente a este punto, el Acuerdo poseía limitaciones estructurales (óptica punitiva, problema de la tierra, acceso a mercados, dimensión global del tema de drogas) que limitaban su eficacia, aun si el gobierno hubiera cumplido. Abordar estas limitaciones es clave para poder retomar un camino hacia una paz transformativa.
... Illustrating this fact, and contrary to expectations that crop substitution programs would stem the flow of drugs, illicit crops increased once peace negotiations started (UNODC 2019) ( figure 6). This has been attributed, on the one hand, to the fact that FARC informed peasants in their area of influence that there would be programs for those cultivating crops, thereby encouraging many to plant, and, on the other, to the fact that new and old criminal organizations, including some with links to Mexican cartels (Bargent 2018), moved into illicit crop-controlled territories once FARC moved out, demanding peasants to comply with production quotas (Martínez and Zuleta 2019). This was facilitated by a steady supply of disenfranchised youth in Colombia's poorer regions and the outskirts of large metropolises who develop and control illicit markets. ...
2019 was a significant year for Colombian politics and the country’s political debate was dominated by four intertwined issues: (a) the implementation of the historic peace agreement between the Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) and all its economic, judicial, and political ramifications, (b) the ongoing presence of illicit crops and the impact of the drug trade on domestic and international security, (c) the tense bilateral relation between Colombia and Venezuela, and, similar to other Latin American countries, (d) social unrest caused by multiple and widespread frustration about public education, health, corruption, governance, and the environment. At the same time, the country was marked by steady economic growth, above the Latin American average. In addition, much of the political debate took place within and among the institutions of Colombian state and society, illustrating growing state capacity and a mature civil society. In this article, I describe the different aspects of this Colombian paradox—high levels of domestic unrest and political polarization surrounding unsolved structural issues and pending expectations about peace combined with superior economic performance and growing institutional strength—in an effort to provide an overview of the challenges overcome as well as those lying ahead.
This article analyzes the framing of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FARC-EP) in Razón Pública, a Colombian digital magazine, from July 2008 to July 2018. The article’s methodology combines Natural Language Processing and close reading. Results indicate that the magazine’s language primarily framed FARC as a protagonist of the peace process, and, secondarily, as an actor of Colombia’s armed conflict and drug trafficking. Shortly after Juan Manuel Santos’ first inauguration as Colombian president (2010-2014), some authors forecasted that the conditions were ripe for a peace process with FARC. During the official negotiation, FARC was framed as enigmatic, and rational protagonist of a challenging peace process. Overall, the frames detected in this analysis are an echo of the UNDP Colombian Report (2003) that called for analytic journalism that improves the public’s understanding of the country’s complex armed conflict and proposes negotiated and military solutions.
Income shocks affect violence through the opportunity cost and rapacity effects. Existing studies focus on the impact of transitory shocks, especially commodity price innovations. This paper builds on this literature and studies the causal effect of permanent income shocks on armed conflict in Colombia. Using a rich dataset reporting all guerrilla and other armed groups' attacks by municipality between 2009 and 2014 and information on the provision of banking services, it shows that increasing bancarization leads to reductions in violence. These results have important implications for public policy in countries with a long history of violence. They suggest that promoting financial inclusion is useful for reducing conflict.
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