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A narrative review of stability and change in the mental health of children who grow up in family-based out-of-home care

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The present review sought to address the following questions: What evidence is there that long-term, family-based out-of-home care (OOHC) has a general, population-wide effect on children’s mental health such that it is generally reparative or generally harmful? Does entry into long-term OOHC affect children’s mental health, as evidenced by prospective changes over the first years in care? And, is the reparative potential of long-term, family-based OOHC moderated by children’s age at entry into care? Fourteen studies were identified for review. We found no consistent evidence that family-based OOHC exerts a general, population-wide effect on the mental health of children in care; or that entry into care has an initial effect on children’s mental health; or that children’s age at entry into care moderates their subsequent mental health trajectories. Instead, several longitudinal studies have found that sizable proportions of children in care manifest meaningful improvement in their mental health over both short- and long-term time frames and that similarly sizable proportions experience meaningful deterioration in their mental health. Rather than asking whether long-term, family-based care is generally reparative or harmful for the development of previously maltreated children, future investigations should instead focus on identifying the systemic and interpersonal characteristics of care that promote and sustain children’s psychological development throughout childhood—and those characteristics that are developmentally harmful (i.e., for which children is the experience of care beneficial, and for which children is it not?). The review concludes with recommendations for the design of improved cohort studies that can address these questions.
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Research Review
A narrative review of stability
and change in the mental health
of children who grow up in
family-based out-of-home care
Michael Tarren-Sweeney
and Anouk Goemans
The present review sought to address the following questions: What evidence is there that long-
term, family-based out-of-home care (OOHC) has a general, population-wide effect on children’s
mental health such that it is generally reparative or generally harmful? Does entry into long-term
OOHC affect children’s mental health, as evidenced by prospective changes over the first years in
care? And, is the reparative potential of long-term, family-based OOHC moderated by children’s
age at entry into care? Fourteen studies were identified for review. We found no consistent
evidence that family-based OOHC exerts a general, population-wide effect on the mental health of
children in care; or that entry into care has an initial effect on children’s mental health; or that
children’s age at entry into care moderates their subsequent mental health trajectories. Instead,
several longitudinal studies have found that sizable proportions of children in care manifest
meaningful improvement in their mental health over both short- and long-term time frames and
that similarly sizable proportions experience meaningful deterioration in their mental health.
Rather than asking whether long-term, family-based care is generally reparative or harmful for the
development of previously maltreated children, future investigations should instead focus on
identifying the systemic and interpersonal characteristics of care that promote and sustain chil-
dren’s psychological development throughout childhood—and those characteristics that are
developmentally harmful (i.e., for which children is the experience of care beneficial, and for which
children is it not?). The review concludes with recommendations for the design of improved
cohort studies that can address these questions.
University of Canterbury, New Zealand
Leiden University, The Netherlands
Submitted: 02 September 2018; Accepted: 02 August 2019
Corresponding author:
Michael Tarren-Sweeney, School of Health Sciences, University of Canterbury, Christchurch 8041, New Zealand.
Developmental Child Welfare
2019, Vol. 1(3) 273–294
ªThe Author(s) 2019
Article reuse guidelines:
DOI: 10.1177/2516103219874810
Family foster care, looked after children, mental health, out-of-home care, prospective change
With increasing numbers of children growing up in long-term out-of-home care (OOHC), gov-
ernments and children’s agencies need better information about how the experience of growing up
in care by children with prior exposure to severe social adversity affects their psychological
development and well-being. The present article seeks to add to this information, by reviewing
longitudinal studies that measured changes in children’s mental health while residing in long-term,
family-based (i.e., foster and kinship) OOHC. Estimating the reparative and harm potentials of
long-term, family-based OOHC requires an understanding of the relative long-term impact of pre-
care and within-care experiences, including complex transactional mechanisms. The most critical
developmental consequence of children’s early exposure to severe social adversity is poor mental
health. Numerous cross-sectional studies have established that children in care manifest high mean
levels and rates of mental health difficulties. Though rates vary a little by survey and location, up to
half of such children have clinical-level mental health difficulties, and another 20–25%have
difficulties approaching clinical significance (Oswald, Heil, & Goldbeck, 2010).
In jurisdictions where children predominantly enter long-term care following severe and per-
sistent maltreatment, a child’s age at entry into care approximates their length of post-birth
exposure to chronic and severe maltreatment. Furthermore, a child’s “age at entry into care”
strongly predicts their subsequent mental health difficulties—with entry at younger age being
protective (Burge, 2007; Hukkanen, Sourander, Bergroth, & Piha, 1999a; Tarren-Sweeney,
2008). This is consistent with cumulative trauma exposure models (Charlotte, Viding, Fearon,
Glaser, & McCrory, 2017), neuroscience, and attachment theory. Regardless of prior conditions,
the attachment systems of infants who enter foster care have been found to be responsive to
changes in parenting style (Dozier, Stovall, Albus, & Bates, 2001). Conversely, a study of late-
placed children found that the severity of their pre-care maltreatment was associated with their
maternal and self-representations, which in turn predicted children’s subsequent representations of
their relationships with foster mothers, as well as their subsequent mental health (Milan & Pin-
derhughes, 2000). A range of psychological and neurobiological processes in early childhood that
are critical to human social functioning are impaired by early and prolonged exposure to traumatic
maltreatment and by the absence of nurturing, sensitive care. However, it is important to note that
early exposure to severe and/or chronic maltreatment need not result in irreparable harm. Rather,
there is emerging evidence that its effects manifest as latent vulnerabilities that are mitigated to
varying degrees by children’s subsequent experience of optimal developmental experiences
(McCrory & Viding, 2015).
What then is known of the developmental effects of children’s experiences in family-based
OOHC? Attachment theory predicts that the developmental effects of OOHC should vary accord-
ing to the characteristics of a child’s attachment development prior to their entry into care, notably
their internal working model of attachment, and to caregiver sensitivity and their ability to provide
a “secure base” (Bowlby, 1988; Schofield, 2002). Many such children are primed for insecurity
when they enter care, due to their compromised attachment development and distorted representa-
tions of caregivers and caregiving, as well as the loss of their parents and being placed with
274 Developmental Child Welfare 1(3)
unfamiliar carers (Milan & Pinderhughes, 2000; van den Dries, Juffer, van IJzendoorn, &
Bakermans-Kranenburg, 2009).
There is accumulating evidence that quality of caregiving, caregiver bonding, caregiver
commitment, and maltreatment in care are factors that directly influence children’s felt
security and psychological development and regulate their potential to recover from attach-
ment- and trauma-related psychopathology (Dozier, Grasso, Lindheim, & Lewis, 2007; Quir-
oga & Hamilton-Giachritsis, 2016; Tarren-Sweeney, 2008). Several longitudinal studies have
also identified that children incur further deterioration in their mental health following place-
ment disruptions, which is a common occurrence in OOHC (Aarons et al., 2010; Delfabbro &
Barber, 2003; Newton, Litrownik, & Landsverk, 2000; Villodas, Litrownik, Newton, & Davis,
Rationale for the present review
A starting point for examining the developmentally reparative versus harmful effects of long-
term, family-based OOHC is prospective measurement of stability and change in children’s
mental health. In comparison to the large number of cross-sectional mental health surveys
conducted with children in care, there have been relatively few prospective studies. Much of
the available prospective data are compromised by high sample attrition, short prospective
time frames, and small sample size. A recent series of meta-analyses pooled prospective mean
score changes in externalizing difficulties (21 studies), internalizing difficulties (24 studies),
and total difficulties (25 studies) (Goemans, van Geel, & Vedder, 2015). These meta-analyses
showed no statistically or clinically significant changes over time in children’s internalizing
(Hedges’ g¼.10, 95%confidence interval (CI) ¼[.27, .07], p¼.25, N¼1,984),
externalizing (g¼.04, 95%CI ¼[.24, .15], p¼.66, N¼1,729), or total behavior
problems (g¼.10, 95%CI ¼[.28, .07], p¼.24, N¼2,523). Various moderator analyses
failed to show effects when comparing studies on study length, sample size, publication type,
attrition, or mean age. Instead, the three meta-analyses identified considerable heterogeneity
across the various study findings, with some reporting large mean increases in mental health
scores over time, and others reporting large reductions (Goemans et al., 2015).
What might account for this? One explanation is that family-based OOHC does not exert a
general, population-wide effect on children’s development. Group mean score changes are really
only informative if such changes reflect a general and largely uniform shift in the distribution of
mental health scores over time—that is, if children’s mental health generally improves or deterio-
rates while growing up in care. Secondly, discrepant findings may be accounted for by variability
in study design. A narrative review provides a vehicle for demystifying heterogeneous and dis-
crepant findings using scholarly reasoning—that can yield additional insights to those afforded by
The present review aims to address the following research questions with respect to children
(including infants and adolescents), who are placed into long-term, family-based OOHC, following
serious and/or chronic maltreatment.
1. What evidence is there that long-term, family-based care has a general, population-wide
effect on children’s mental health such that it is generally reparative or generally harmful?
Tarren-Sweeney and Goemans 275
2. Does entry into long-term OOHC affect children’s mental health, as evidenced by pro-
spective changes over the first years in care?
3. Is the reparative potential of long-term, family-based OOHC moderated by children’s age
at entry into care?
Review method
To perform the present review, we first conducted a literature search in PsycINFO, Medline, and
ERIC to identify studies published before July 2018, using the terms longitudinal,prospective or
repeated measures, combined with the terms out-of-home care,looked after children,foster care,
or kinship care. This was supplemented by manual searches of article references, and cross-
checking studies included in the recent meta-analysis (Goemans et al., 2015). Subsequent checks
were made to identify relevant studies published after July 2018 and prior to the present article
being published.
Study inclusion/exclusion criteria
1. Sample predominantly experienced pre-care maltreatment. The review is focused toward
understanding how children who predominantly experience severe and/or chronic maltreat-
ment in their parents’ care subsequently develop in long-term, family-based care. Long-
itudinal studies of the development of orphans or abandoned infants placed in foster care
without previous history of maltreatment refer to a different population and were excluded
from the present review. Similarly, attempts were made to confirm that study samples were
predominantly placed into care following maltreatment, either from information provided
in the study publication or from published descriptions of OOHC systems in the study
locations. All of the studies located in the present literature search that met all other
selection criteria were carried out in locations where children predominantly enter court-
ordered care due to maltreatment.
2. Measures obtained while children resided in family-based OOHC. Studies were included in
the present review if mental health data were measured on at least two occasions when
children were residing in family-based OOHC. Four studies were excluded because some
or most of the study samples were residing in their birth parents’ care at follow-up (Havnen,
Breivik, & Jakobsen, 2014; Newton et al., 2000; Proctor, Skriner, Roesch, & Litrownik,
2010; Villodas et al., 2016).
3. Prospective measurement using the same type of informants. A further methodological
problem is estimating prospective change from reports provided by different types of
informants at different time points, such as comparing birth parent reports at baseline with
foster carer reports at follow-up. Three studies were excluded because they estimated
baseline mental health from parent-report scores and follow-up mental health from foster
carer-report scores (Berger, Bruch, Johnson, James, & Rubin, 2009; Havnen et al., 2014;
Rubin, O’Reilly, Luan, & Localio, 2007).
4. Reliable informants of children’s mental health. Two cohort studies estimated foster chil-
dren’s mental health from social worker reports. However, social workers do not have
sufficient proximal engagement with children in care to reliably inform on their mental
health (English & Graham, 2000; McCrae & Barth, 2008), and those studies are thus
excluded from the present review (Barber & Delfabbro, 2005; Fanshel & Shinn, 1978;
276 Developmental Child Welfare 1(3)
Frank, 1980). Similarly, it is doubtful that children’s birth parents are able to accurately
report on their children’s mental health when they are not residing in their care, and one
study that employed this method was excluded from the review (Linares, Li, Shrout, Brody,
& Pettit, 2007).
5. Sufficient sample size. Consideration was given to excluding studies with small samples
that were insufficient for identifying effect sizes that are clinically meaningful. We calcu-
lated that the minimum sample size required for identifying a large effect size (defined as d
.80) with 95%CI is N¼25. Seven studies that retained very small samples (N<25) at
follow-up were excluded from the present review (Bogart, 1988; Gonzalez, 1999; Haight,
Black, & Sheridan, 2010; Lawrence, Carlson, & Egeland, 2006; Leathers, Spielfogel,
McMeel, & Atkins, 2011; Rushton, Treseder, & Quinton, 1995; White, 1997).
6. Measures reported for common cohorts. Three studies reported baseline and follow-up data
for nonidentical groups such that the differences in mean scores do not reflect average
within-subject change (Fernandez, 2008; Hiller & St. Clair, 2018; Portwood et al., 2018).
7. Sufficient prospective time frame. The shorter the prospective time frame, the more likely it
is that a study sample includes children in temporary and short-term care. Given the present
review is concerned with the stability of children’s mental health while growing up in care,
three studies that employed a prospective time frame of less than 12 months were excluded
(Bogart, 1988; Damen & Pijnenburg, 2005; Portwood et al., 2018).
8. Population studies. To avoid conflating the effects of growing up in care with the effects of
clinical or foster care interventions, only population (i.e., not treatment or intervention)
studies were selected for review.
9. Mean baseline and follow-up scores reported. A 5-year prospective study was excluded
because, rather than reporting mean scores from each of the 12-month follow-up assess-
ments, it reported the mean of four annual follow-up mean scores (Kang, Woo, Chun, Nho,
& Chung, 2017).
Statistical approaches
Aggregate change. Most of the studies selected for review reported group mean scores and standard
deviations at two or more time points from which mean change scores can be calculated. The
present review reports mean change scores as standardized mean score differences (Cohen’s d)—
the difference in mean scores expressed as a proportion of the score standard deviation for the
aggregate sample. Around half of these studies reported mean raw scores, and the remainder
reported mean standardized Tscores. Whereas raw scores are more precise than Tscores, age-
standardized Tscores account for normative, developmental shifts in the population distribution of
mental health difficulties, and thus provide a more appropriate metric for longitudinal studies that
span from preadolescence through to adolescence.
Within-subject change. While prospective changes in group mean scores estimate aggregate change,
they don’t give a sense of how many children experience meaningful improvement or deteriora-
tion, or no meaningful change in their mental health. This information is fundamental to under-
standing the therapeutic and harmful effects of growing up in care. In practice, since children’s
mental health difficulties are experienced as continuously distributed phenomena, allocating
change scores to change categories will always be imperfect. In doing so, it is important to
Tarren-Sweeney and Goemans 277
distinguish between statistical significance, clinical significance, and a level of change that is
perceptible to children and/or families, and/or that has developmental and social meaning.
Some studies have defined meaningful change as scores shifting from one severity range to
another over time, such as from “normal” to “clinical,” or from “borderline” to “normal.” One of
the reviewed studies identified change trajectories from repeated measures obtained over an 8-year
time frame using a growth modeling procedure (Proctor et al., 2010). While this is useful for
identifying changes in the rates of children who require clinical interventions, it is otherwise an
inferior method for estimating meaningful change. This is because small, imperceptible changes in
symptomatology (as little as a single raw score point) can push scores across a single clinical
threshold (e.g., from borderline to normal).
Two of the reviewed studies reported rates of meaningful change using the Reliable Change
Index (RCI). It describes the magnitude of change that is statistically reliable, that is, larger than
what can be statistically attributable to internal measurement error (Jacobson & Truax, 1991).
Jacobson and Truax (1991) originally proposed that the RCI be used as part of a “twofold”
procedure for establishing a level of change that is clinically significant, without elaborating on
what other criterion might be used to define clinically significant change. In practice, however, the
RCI has since been employed in treatment evaluation as the sole criterion for defining clinically
significant change. This approach is problematic, since there is no logical connection between the
scale of score differences that is accounted for by measurement error, and that which represents
clinically and developmentally meaningful change.
With this in mind, two of the reviewed studies attempted to define change that is clinically
meaningful, and which is thus likely to be perceptible and meaningful to children and their
caregivers. The first defined change in Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL) scores as mean-
ingful if they were (1) statistically significant (using the RCI), and also (2) clinically signif-
icant, as defined by a shift from the normal range to either the borderline or clinical range, or
from the borderline or clinical range to the normal range (Vanderfaeillie, Van Holen,
Vanschoonlandt, Robberechts, & Stroobants, 2013). In clinical research, measuring change
is based on the assumption that all study participants have clinical-level difficulties requiring
intervention. However, population studies include participants who manifest normative mental
health at baseline. Furthermore, the lower a child’s symptom scores are at baseline, the less
scopetheyhavetoexperienceimprovementintheir mental health—there is a “floor” effect.
For these children, a lack of meaningful change equates to sustained mental health. With this
in mind, the second of the reviewed studies (Tarren-Sweeney, 2017) differentiated between
those children whose scores were in the normal ranges on both occasions, and other partici-
pants, with the former constituting a sustained mental health group. For the latter group,
meaningful change was then defined by the spread of scores traversing both borderline and
clinical range cut-points. The reasoning for this was that a shift in scores from a normal range
to a clinical range, and vice versa, which traverses the borderline range, is clinically mean-
ingful. This method yielded more conservative estimates of meaningful change than the RCI
method (Tarren-Sweeney, 2017).
Thirty-five longitudinal studies that measured prospective changes in the mental health of
children in OOHC were located in the literature search. Of these, 21 studies were excluded
from the review. These are listed in Table 1, together with reason(s) for their exclusion. Of
278 Developmental Child Welfare 1(3)
the 14 studies selected for the present review, 10 measured children’s mental health over a
short time frame (3 years) and 4 were long-term studies (5 years). The child participants
in these 14 studies ranged in age from 2 to 18 years. Two of the studies reported aggregated
data for children residing in various types of care, but were included in the review because
more than 90%were in family-based care.
Table 1. Studies excluded from the review.
Study Location Reason(s) for exclusion
Ahmed et al. (2005) Iraq Orphans placed in foster care
Barber and Delfabbro (2005) Australia Respondents were social workers
Berger, Bruch, Johnson, James, and Rubin
U.S. Mixed respondents: baseline scores ¼birth
parents, follow-up ¼foster carers
Bogart (1988) U.S. Small sample size (N<25); study interval
<12 months
Damen and Pijnenburg (2005); Damen and
Veerman (2005)
The Netherlands Study interval <12 months
Fanshel and Shin (1978); Frank (1980) U.S. Respondents were social workers
Fernandez (2008) Australia Not within-subjects analyses (unequal
group N)
Gonzalez (1999) U.S. Small sample size (N<25)
Haight, Black, and Sheridan (2010) U.S. Small sample size (N<25); treatment study
Havnen, Breivik, and Jakobsen (2014) Norway Mixed respondents: baseline scores ¼birth
parents, follow-up ¼foster carers and
birth parents
Hiller and St. Clair (2018) United Kingdom Mean annual SDQ scores were reported for
different combinations of the sample
(large # missing values for each year).
Therefore not within-subject comparisons
Kang, Woo, Chun, Nho, and Chung (2017) South Korea Reported baseline mean scores, and the
mean of the annual follow-up mean scores
for years 2 through to 5
Lawrence, Carlson, and Egeland (2006) U.S. Small sample size (N<25)
Linares, Li, Shrout, Brody, and Pettit (2007) U.S. Respondents were birth parents
Leathers, Spielfogel, McMeel, and Atkins
U.S. Small sample size (N<25)
McAuley and Trew (2000) United Kingdom Small sample size (N<25); study interval
<12 months
Minnis et al. (2006) Scotland Treatment study
LONGSCAN study: Newton, Litrownik,
and Landsverk (2000); Proctor, Skriner,
Roesch, and Litrownik (2010); Villodas,
Litrownik, Newton, and Davis (2016)
U.S. Not exclusively in care. Undisclosed number
of children had returned to their parents
Portwood et al. (2018) Canada Study interval <12 months
Rubin, O’Reilly, Luan, and Localio (2007) U.S. Mixed respondents: baseline scores ¼birth
parents, follow-up ¼foster carers
Rushton, Treseder, and Quinton (1995) England Small sample size (N<25)
White (1997) U.S. Small sample size (N<25)
Note. SDQ ¼Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire.
Tarren-Sweeney and Goemans 279
Question 1: What evidence is there that long-term, family-based care has a general,
population-wide effect on children’s mental health?
If growing up in OOHC has a general, population-wide effect on children’s mental health (i.e.,
where the experience is generally therapeutic, or is generally harmful), it should manifest as a
fairly constant mean rate of change across an entire population of children in care. Thus, assuming
that the aggregate developmental impact that care systems exert on a population remains the same
over time, the level of change measured over 1 year should be one fifth of that measured over 5
years. As time proceeds, however, longitudinal samples of children in care become progressively
less representative, due to high sample attrition and various survivor biases, as well as their
increasing age profile. Notwithstanding this critical limitation, it is useful to compare prospective
mental health data in relation to the time frames over which change was measured. Cohorts that are
representative of care populations, particularly with respect to the distributions of “age at entry into
care,” “time in care,” and “time in placement,” offer the possibility of estimating aggregate mental
health changes over defined periods.
Table 2 lists estimates of short-term stability and change from five studies that recruited
representative population samples, without respect to age at entry into care, time in care, and time
in placement. Three of the studies (which include the two largest) measured very small or negli-
gible (d¼.06 to .09) 12-month changes in mean raw CBCL broadband scale scores among 8- to
13-year-old Dutch foster children (N¼53; Bastiaensen, 2001); mean caregiver-reported SDQ
(Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire) internalizing and externalizing difficulties among 4- to
17-year-old Dutch foster children (N¼180; Goemans, van Geel, & Vedder, 2018); and mean self-
reported scores on scales measuring prosocial behavior, emotional disorder and anxiety, conduct
disorder and physical aggression, and relational aggression among 10- to 17-year-old Canadian
foster children (N¼201; Perkins, 2008).
The fourth study measured 12-month changes in socio-emotional difficulties and competence
among 56 Norwegian 2-year-olds in foster care (Jacobsen, Moe, Ivarsson, Wentzel-Larsen, &
Smith, 2013), using the Infant–Toddler Social and Emotional Assessment (ITSEA). While
baseline mean social-emotional difficulties Tscores were unexpectedly low for children in
care, so too were Tscores for a Norwegian comparison group, suggesting the Tscore distribu-
tions (based on U.S. norms) are not valid for Norwegian toddlers. The foster children’s mean
baseline social-emotional difficulties Tscores were only 4–8 points higher than those for the
comparison group. They manifested small to moderate 12-month increases in mean carer-
reported externalizing (d¼.17) and internalizing (d¼.40) difficulties, contrasting with a
small improvement in their mean competence scores (d¼.18), while mean dysregulation
difficulties remained the same. However, the community sample’s mean internalizing difficul-
ties increased by the same number of Tscore points (d¼.46).
The fifth study reported rates of statistical change (RCI) over a 2-year period for 49 preado-
lescent foster children (Vanderfaeillie et al., 2013). Eight (16%) showed statistical improvement in
CBCL total problems scores, 18 (37%) showed deterioration, and 23 (47%) showed no change.
Furthermore, the rate of children with CBCL total problems Tscores 60 (borderline range cut-
point) increased from 24%to 41%. While the follow-up rate (41%) is reasonably consistent with
previous research estimates for this population (Oswald et al., 2010), the baseline rate (24%) falls
well short of those estimates. Without understanding why the baseline rate for the 49 surviving
participants was so low, it is difficult to interpret these findings.
280 Developmental Child Welfare 1(3)
Table 2. Estimates of short-term stability and change: Representative population samples recruited without reference to age at entry into care, time in care, or time
in placement.
Type of
age range
(years) NAttrition Scale
mean (SD)
mean (SD)
Effect size
(Cohen’s d)
Bastiaensen (2001) (The Netherlands) Foster 8–13 53 50% CBCL raw total 2 35.5 (19.6) 33.3 (23.9) .10
CBCL raw ext. 11.9 (8.1) 12.0 (9.5) þ.01
CBCL raw int. 8.9 (6.2) 8.5 (6.8) .06
Goemans, van Geel, and Vedder (2018) (The
Foster 4–17 180 58% SDQ raw ext. 1 7.60 (4.64) 7.14 (4.40) .10
SDQ raw int. 5.03 (3.83) 5.02 (3.80) 0
Jacobsen, Moe, Ivarsson, Wentzel-Larsen, and
Smith (2013) (Norway)
Foster 2 56 7% ITSEA ext. T1 52 (11.7) 54 (12.5) þ.17
ITSEA int. T49 (10.2) 53 (9.9) þ.40
ITSEA dys. T46 (10.4) 46 (13.7) 0
ITSEA com. T44 (11.7) 46 (10.4) þ.18
Perkins (2008) (Canada) Foster 10–17 201 45% AAR raw pro. 1 12.72 (4.05) 12.47 (4.10) .06
AAR raw emo. 4.84 (3.25) 4.70 (3.29) .04
AAR raw agg. 2.21 (2.35) 1.98 (2.44) .09
AAR raw relagg. 2.20 (2.21) 2.02 (2.25) .08
Meaningful change rates
Improvement No change Deterioration
Vanderfaeillie, Van Holen, Vanschoonlandt,
Robberechts, and Stroobants (2013)
Foster 6–12 49 36% CBCL total T2 16.3% 46.9% 36.7%
CBCL ext. T8.2% 61.2% 30.6%
CBCL int. T10.2% 73.5% 16.3%
Note. ITSEA ¼Infant–Toddler Social and Emotional Assessment (carer-report); SDQ ¼Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (carer-report); AAR ¼Assessment and Action
Record (AAR-C2; self-report); CBCL ¼Child Behavior Checklist (carer-report); RCI ¼Reliable Change Index; SD ¼standard deviation; ext. ¼externalizing; int. ¼internalizing; dys.
¼dysregulation; com. ¼competence; pro. ¼prosocial behavior; emo. ¼emotional disorder and anxiety; agg. ¼conduct disorder and physical aggression; relagg. ¼indirect aggression
(relational aggression); T¼Tscore; raw ¼raw score.
Meaningful change estimated by the RCI.
Table 3 lists estimates of long-term (5 years) stability and change from four studies that
recruited representative population samples, with respect to age at entry into care, time in care,
and time in placement. All of the long-term studies were afflicted by high sample attrition (33–
75%), thereby limiting the interpretability of their findings, and highlighting the need for more
definitive long-term cohort studies. The first study measured 5-year changes in depressive symp-
toms for 10- to 13-year-old (at baseline) Croatian children residing in long-term foster (N¼60;
Bulat, 2010). The foster care sample had small reductions in mean self-reported depressive symp-
toms over 5 years, as measured by the Youth Self-Report (YSR) anxious-depressed subscale, and
the Children’s Depression Inventory (CDI), but a moderate increase in mean carer-reported CBCL
anxious-depressed scores. While the self-report mean baseline scores are consistent with prior
estimates of depressive symptoms for children in care, the mean carer-report score (2.73) is a little
low (see, for example, Simmel et al., 2014), potentially suggesting those carer-report scores may
be unreliable.
The second study reported 7- to 9-year mental health changes for a small (N¼85) sample
of preadolescent (at baseline) Australian children in foster and kinship care (Tarren-Sweeney,
2017). The study showed no changes in mean CBCL age-standardized internalizing and
externalizing Tscores; small reductions in CBCL total problems (d¼.20) and CBCL
Social-Attention-Thought (SAT) problems (d¼.23); and a small reduction (d¼.26) in
attachment- and trauma-related difficulties, as measured by items common to the Assessment
Checklist for Children (ACC; baseline measure) and the Assessment Checklist for Adoles-
cents (ACA; follow-up measure) (the ACC-ACA score). The study also reported rates of
meaningful change, as described in the method section. Around a third of the children
manifested sustained mental health (35%based on the CBCL total score; 38%on the
ACC-ACA score). Of the remaining 65%of children who had clinical or elevated total CBCL
scores at baseline, roughly the same proportions (approximately 40%) showed meaningful
improvement, and meaningful deterioration, with the remaining 20%showing no meaningful
change. The equivalent rates for those children who had clinical or elevated ACC-ACA scores
at baseline were 40%,30%, and 30%, respectively. While this study had the longest prospec-
tive time frame of the 14 studies, it also incurred the highest sample attrition (75%). However,
analyses showed that those children retained at follow-up were broadly representative of the
larger baseline sample (N¼347).
The third study reported rates of meaningful change in carer-reported SDQ total difficulties
scores over a 5-year period for a small (N¼60) sample of preadolescent (at baseline) English
foster children (Biehal, Ellison, Baker, & Sinclair, 2010), with similar rates of children manifesting
“some or marked” improvement (38%) and “some or marked” deterioration (40%) and the remain-
ing 22%showing no meaningful change.
The fourth study reported rates of statistical change (RCI) in CBCL total scores over an 8-year
period for a small (N¼38) sample of preadolescent (at baseline) Norwegian children in foster and
kinship care (Vis, Handega
˚rd, Holtan, Fossum, & Thørnblad, 2016). Equal numbers of children (N
¼10, 26%) manifested statistically meaningful improvement and deterioration, while 18 (47%)
showed no meaningful change.
Conclusion on this question. While the evidence base is small and compromised by design limitations
(notably high sample attrition), most studies that recruited representative population samples (with
respect to age at entry into care, time in care, and time in placement) do not provide evidence that
OOHC exerts a general, population-wide effect on the mental health of children in care. We
282 Developmental Child Welfare 1(3)
Table 3. Estimates of long-term stability and change: Representative population samples recruited without reference to age at entry into care, time in care, or time
in placement.
Type of
age range
(years) NAttrition Scale
mean (SD) Follow-up mean (SD)
Effect size
Bulat (2010) (Croatia) Foster 10–13 60 48% CBCL anx-dep. 5 2.73 (2.83) 3.71 (3.88) þ.29
YSR anx-dep. 6.03 (4.06) 5.67 (4.96) .08
CDI total 8.32 (5.97) 7.53 (5.05) .14
Tarren-Sweeney (2017) (Australia) Foster and
4–11 85 75% CBCL total T7–9 59.4 (12.5) 56.9 (12.9) .20
CBCL ext. T56.8 (12.1) 57.3 (12.3) þ.04
CBCL int. T52.7 (11.3) 52.7 (11.5) 0
CBCL SAT 17.2 (12.0) 14.4 (12.1) .23
ACC/ACA 17.0 (15.2) 14.4 (13.9) .26
Meaningful change rates
Sustained mental
Improvement No change Deterioration
CBCL total 35.3% 27.1% 12.9% 24.7%
ACC/ACA 37.7% 24.7% 18.8% 18.8%
No change Deterioration
Marked Some Some Marked
Biehal, Ellison, Baker, and Sinclair (2010)
Foster 4–11 60 33% SDQ total 5 20% 18% 22% 25% 15%
No change Deterioration
Vis, Handega
˚rd, Holtan, Fossum, and
Thørnblad (2016) (Norway)
Foster and
4–9 38 52% CBCL total 8 26% 48% 26%
Note. CBCL ¼Child Behavior Checklist (carer-report); YSR ¼Youth Self-Report (self-report); CDI ¼Children’s Depression Inventory (self-report); SDQ ¼Strengths and Difficulties
Questionnaire (carer-report); anx-dep. ¼anxious-depressed; ext. ¼externalizing; int. ¼internalizing; SAT ¼nominal Social-Attention-Thought problems broadband scale; ACC/
ACA ¼scale constructed from 64 items shared by the Assessment Checklist for Children (ACC) and Assessment Checklist for Adolescents (ACA); T¼Tscore; SD ¼standard
deviation; RCI ¼Reliable Change Index.
“Sustained mental health” defined as scores within normal range at baseline and follow-up. For all other scores: “improvement” defined as CBCL total score reduction >11, ACC-
ACA shared-item score reduction >4; “no change” defined as CBCL total score change <12, ACC-ACA shared-item score change <5; “deterioration” defined as CBCL total score
increase >11, ACC-ACA shared-item score increase >4.
Change categories defined as: “marked improvement” ¼reduction of 5 or more points; “some improvement” ¼reduction of 2–4 points; “no change” ¼<2 point change; “some
deterioration” ¼increase of 2–4 points; “marked improvement” ¼increase of 5 or more points. No justification provided for the score ranges.
Meaningful change estimated by the RCI (cutoff is 8 raw score points for the CBCL total problems scale).
conclude that there is no consistent evidence that growing up in care is generally reparative or
generally harmful for children who enter care following exposure to severe social adversity.
Question 2: Does entry into long-term, family-based OOHC affect children’s mental
health, as evidenced by prospective changes over the first years in care?
Table 4 lists estimates of short-term stability and change for the remaining five studies selected for
review. The cohorts were not representative population samples, but instead were recruited in
relation to their time in care or placements. Three studies recruited samples shortly after they
entered care, one study recruited young children who had been in care for 2 years or less (Symanzik
et al., 2019), and one study recruited a sample of “difficult to place” children following placement
with new foster families (Staines, 2012).
Any effects that growing up in OOHC have on children’s mental health may not be uniform
over time. Isolating nonlinear, time-related effects is better achieved by following cohorts that are
recruited at (or before) entry into care. Of the three studies that recruited cohorts at entry into care,
two were separate cohorts in the U.S. National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being
(NSCAW), a nationally representative study conducted over five waves (baseline, 6-month, 18-
month, 36-month, and 6- to 7-year follow-up) (Administration for Children, Youth and Families,
2001). The NSCAW measured child and adolescent mental health from caregiver-reported CBCL
scores, as well as self-reported scores on the YSR (the self-report version of the CBCL; age 11þ),
and post-traumatic stress subscale of the Trauma Symptom Checklist (TSCC; age 8þ).
The NSCAW Child Welfare (CW) cohort was 5,501 children aged 1–16 years at baseline,
recruited to the study following child maltreatment notifications, including a sub-cohort who
resided in OOHC at each stage of the study. Three published analyses of age-limited prospective
data obtained for this sub-cohort are included in the present review. The first analysis compared
18- to 24-month mental health changes for 2- to 4-year-old children who were placed in care (N¼
152), remained with their parents with support services (N¼274), or remained with parents
without services (N¼221) (Stahmer et al., 2009). The in-care group had a sizable, though
nonsignificant reduction in mean caregiver-reported CBCL total problems Tscores (d¼.44),
whereas children residing with their parents without support had increased scores (d¼.44), and
those receiving services had a smaller, nonsignificant increase. The second analysis reported 3-
year changes in self-reported YSR internalizing and externalizing raw scores for 234 children
between 11 and 14 years (Leonard & Gudin
˜o, 2016). Mean baseline scores were within the range
of previously reported estimates. Although an effect size could not be calculated (standard devia-
tions not reported), participants reported a modest 3-year increase in mean externalizing scores,
and a corresponding decrease in mean internalizing scores. The third analysis reported 18-month
and 3-year changes in rates of CBCL disorders (internalizing and externalizing clinical ranges) for
a wide-age sample (2–15 years at baseline, NSCAW) (Aarons et al., 2010). Baseline rates were
within the range of previously reported estimates (Tarren-Sweeney & Hazell, 2006). The rate of
externalizing disorders fell from 33.9%to 29.1%after 18 months, and then to 27.3%after 3 years,
which is a sizable reduction. The rate of internalizing disorders fell from 21.6%to 16.9%after 18
months, but rose to 20.8%after 3 years.
The NSCAW Long-Term Foster Care (LTFC) cohort consisted of 727 older children and
adolescents who entered care approximately 1 year before baseline. At baseline, 91%of this
sample resided in family-based care (58%in non-kin foster care, 32%in kinship care), and 9%
were in group homes (i.e., small residential units) (Administration for Children, Youth and
284 Developmental Child Welfare 1(3)
Table 4. Estimates of short-term stability and change: Samples recruited with reference to time in care or time in placement.
Study Type of care Analysis
Baseline age
range (years) NAttrition Scale
(years) Mean scores
1. Samples recruited following entry into care Baseline
mean (SD)
mean (SD)
(Cohen’s d)
NSCAW, Cohort 1 (U.S.) >90% foster
and kinship
Stahmer et al. (2009) 2–4 152 Not stated CBCL total T1.5–2 56.8 (11.3) 51.6 (11.9) .45
Leonard and Gudin
11–14 234 YSR raw ext. 3 14.7 16.6 SD not
reportedYSR raw int. 14.0 11.6
Clinical range rates
range rate
range rate
Aarons et al. (2010) 2–15 500 CBCL ext.
1.5 33.9% 29.1% 4.8%
3 27.3% 6.6%
CBCL int. clinical
1.5 21.6% 16.9% 4.7%
3 20.8% 0.8%
mean (SD)
mean (SD)
(Cohen’s d)
NSCAW, Cohort 2 (U.S.) >90% foster
and kinship
Barboza, Dominguez,
and Pinder (2017)
8–15 280 Unclear,
but low
CBCL ext. T1.5 60.1 (12.5) 59.4 (12.3) .04
3 58.4 (13.2) .13
TSCC-PTS T1.5 48.0 (10.1) 47.4 (9.3) .06
3 46.9 (9.5) .11
McWey, Cui, and
Holtrop (2014)
11–16 180 YSR ext. T1.5 53.3 (12.4) 54.7 (12.2) þ.11
3 55.2 (10.4) þ.17
McWey, Cui, and
Pazdera (2010)
13–16 106 CBCL ext. T3 61.5 (11.6)
57.8 (12.1) .31
CBCL int. T57.2 (12.9) 56.5 (10.9) .06
Strijker, van Oijen, and Knot-Dickscheit
(2011) (The Netherlands)
Foster and
11–17 60 23% CBCL raw total 1.5 30.4 (20.1) 39.9 (26.4) þ.41
CBCL raw ext. 9.7 (7.5) 14.2 (10.3) þ.51
CBCL raw int. 9.3 (7.1) 10.5 (8.0) þ.16
YSR raw total 37.0 (18.4) 31.5 (16.4) .32
YSR raw ext. 12.2 (6.4) 9.8 (5.7) .40
YSR raw int. 10.7 (7.4) 9.4 (6.1) .19
2. Children in care for 2 years or less at baseline Comm.
Symanzik et al. (2019) (Germany) Foster 2–7 71 17% ACC raw pseud. 1 1.97 (2.11) 1.71 (1.85) .13 .18
ACC raw insec. 3.50 (3.62) 2.89 (3.12) .18 .21
ACC raw indis. 6.21 (3.46) 5.26 (3.12) .29 .46
ACC raw total 11.68 (7.59) 9.87 (6.49) .26 .35
72 16% RPQ raw disin. 3.46 (3.62) 2.82 (3.46) .18 .28
RPQ raw inhib. 2.17 (2.53) 1.47 (2.70) .27 .38
RPQ raw total 5.64 (5.23) 4.29 (5.40) .25 .39
Table 4. (continued)
Study Type of care Analysis
Baseline age
range (years) NAttrition Scale
(years) Mean scores
3. Sample recruited following entry into new placement Clinical range rates
range rate
range rate
Staines (2012) (England and Wales) Foster 5–14 220 2% SDQ normal
1 36% 37% þ1%
SDQ borderline
25% 20% 5%
SDQ clinical
39% 43% þ4%
Note. CBCL ¼Child Behavior Checklist (carer-report); YSR ¼Youth Self-Report (self-report); ext. ¼externalizing; int. ¼internalizing; T¼Tscore; raw ¼raw score; TSCC PTS ¼
post-traumatic stress subscale of the Trauma Symptom Checklist for Children (self-report); ACC ¼Assessment Checklist for Children–Short Form; pseud. ¼pseudomature
interpersonal behavior; insec. ¼insecure interpersonal behavior; indis. ¼indiscriminate interpersonal behavior; RPQ ¼Relationship Problems Questionnaire; disin. ¼disinhibited
behavior; inhib. ¼inhibited; SDQ ¼Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (carer-report); SD ¼standard deviation; NSCAW ¼National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being.
Aggregate group mean scores and SDs estimated from means and SDs reported separately for each gender. The estimations are approximate.
Effect size (Cohen’s d) for community comparison sample (n¼128–131).
SDQ “normal,” “borderline,” and “clinical” refer to ranges.
Families, 2001). Three published analyses of age-limited prospective data obtained for this
sub-cohort are included in the present review (Barboza, Dominguez, & Pinder, 2017; McWey,
Cui, & Holtrop, 2014; McWey, Cui, & Pazdera, 2010). The first analysis identified small 18-month
and 3-year reductions in carer-reported CBCL externalizing scores and self-reported trauma
symptom for 280 children between 8 and 15 years (Barboza et al., 2017). The second analysis
identified small increases in self-reported YSR externalizing Tscores at 18-month and 3-year
follow-up for 180 children between 11 and 16 years (McWey et al., 2014). However, baseline and
follow-up mean externalizing scores are a little lower than expected for this population (T¼53–
55), suggesting the possibility that adolescents underreported their difficulties. It is also not clear
how the older adolescents were retained in the 3-year follow-up, by which time some would have
been 19 years old. A parallel analysis of an older subset of this sample, namely 106 adolescents
between 13 and 16 years (at baseline), identified 3-year changes in carer-reported CBCL exter-
nalizing and internalizing Tscores (McWey et al., 2010). Baseline scores (T¼57, 62) were within
the range of previously reported estimates. There was a moderate 3-year reduction (d¼.31) in
carer-reported externalizing scores and a slight reduction in internalizing scores. Thus, adolescents
and their carers reported 3-year mental health changes in opposing directions, with adolescents on
average reporting modest deterioration and their carers reporting slight to moderate improvement.
The third study, which measured 18-month mental health changes among 60 Dutch adolescents,
also contrasted carer-reported and self-reported scores (Strijker, van Oijen, & Knot-Dickscheit,
2011). In this study, young people reported moderate 18-month improvement in their mental health
(d¼.19–.40), while their carers reported moderate deterioration (d¼.16–.51).
Conclusion on this question. The three studies present conflicting evidence on whether or not entry
into OOHC has an initial effect on children’s mental health, following their removal from mal-
treating families. The NSCAW is the best-designed longitudinal study of the mental health of
children in care carried out to date. Analyses of carer-reported scores for various age ranges of the
NSCAW samples identify small to moderate improvements in children’s mean mental health
scores during their first 3 years in care. However, the analysis by Aarons et al. (2010) suggests
that while children may generally benefit emotionally from being removed from abusive care, for
some children this effect is not sustained over the longer term. Conversely, in both NSCAW
cohorts adolescent self-reported mean internalizing and externalizing difficulties increased slightly
over the same time frames.
Question 3: Is the reparative potential of long-term, family-based OOHC moderated by
children’s age at entry into care?
Several surveys have identified that older children and adolescents in care have greater mental
health difficulties than younger children (Armsden, Pecora, Payne, & Szatkiewicz, 2000; Dubow-
itz, Zuravin, Starr, Feigelman, & Harrington, 1993; Heflinger, Simpkins, & Combs-Orme, 2000;
Meltzer, Corbin, Gatward, Goodman, & Ford, 2003). This age effect is largely an artifact of later-
placed children entering care with higher levels of pre-existing disturbance (Hukkanen, Sourander,
Bergroth, & Piha, 1999b; Tarren-Sweeney, 2008). Nevertheless, while older age at entry into care
is a marker for greater pre-care adversity, it might also moderate children’s subsequent response
and adjustment to care.
To what extent then do the prospective studies reviewed in this article shed light on the question
of whether children’s age at entry into care moderates the reparative potential of long-term care?
Tarren-Sweeney and Goemans 287
Two of the studies measured changes in very young (i.e., 2- to 4-year-olds) children’s socio-
emotional development over short periods. The first study measured small to moderate mean
deterioration in internalizing (d¼.17) and externalizing (d¼.40) difficulties (but improved
competence, d¼.18) over 12 months among 2-year-olds in care (Jacobsen et al., 2013). The
second measured a moderate mean improvement (d¼.45) over 18–24 months following entry into
care (Stahmer et al., 2009). A third study measured modest 1-year reductions in attachment
disorder symptoms and interpersonal difficulties among a sample of 2- to 7-year-old German
children in foster care who had been in care for 2 years or less at baseline and entered care
following a history of maltreatment (Symanzik et al., 2019). However, neither of the carer-
report measures used in this study were designed or validated for children under 4 or 5 years of
age, and the study unexpectedly measured comparable 1-year reductions in these symptoms and
difficulties among a community sample of same-aged children. While this latter finding is difficult
to interpret, it is possible that the measures that were designed for older children do not take
account of normative relationship behaviors manifested by very young children.
Thus, while we know that younger age at entry into care predicts lower mental health difficul-
ties, these studies do not clarify whether children who enter care at a young age are also more likely
to experience improvement in their mental health. Similarly, longitudinal studies of the mental
health trajectories of adolescents following their “late arrival” into care yielded conflicting find-
ings (Leonard & Gudin
˜o, 2016; McWey et al., 2010, 2014; Strijker et al., 2011). The two studies
that recruited representative adolescent foster care cohorts measured slight 1-year reductions in
mean self-reported difficulties (Perkins, 2008) and slight 5-year reduction in self-reported depres-
sive symptoms (Bulat, 2010).
Conclusion on this question. None of the reviewed studies had sufficiently robust design, or adequate
sample size and retention rates to definitively address this question. Similarly, there have not been
enough prospective studies that recruited similar-age cohorts at entry into care to assess the
consistency of any evidence.
None of the research questions that we posed for this review are comprehensively answered by the
available evidence. Perhaps our most important conclusion is that, as yet, no cohort study (or
research program) has had adequate design, scale, or scope to provide a definitive understanding of
the development and well-being of children who grow up in statutory care, or to contrast their
developmental pathways with that of other high-risk child populations growing up in different
forms of care. Notwithstanding this uncertainty, the current research base provides no evidence
that OOHC exerts a general, population-wide effect on the mental health of children in care,
consistent with Goemans, van Geel, and Vedder’s (2015) meta-analysis. In other words, they
provide no evidence that growing up in care is generally reparative or generally harmful for
children who enter care following exposure to severe social adversity. Instead, several longitudinal
studies have demonstrated that sizable proportions of children in care manifest meaningful
improvement in their mental health over short- and long-term time frames, and similarly sizable
proportions experience meaningful deterioration.
Various developmental theories (including attachment and social learning theories), as well as
research into the neurodevelopmental effects of early maltreatment, would predict that the repara-
tive and harm potentials of long-term care are moderated by such factors as children’s age when
288 Developmental Child Welfare 1(3)
entering care, their carers’ commitment, the strength of their carers’ relationships to them, and the
stability of their placements. There are likely to be complex transactional mechanisms that shape
children’s developmental trajectories as they grow up in care. It is also important to understand that
developmental change within care is moderated by children’s earlier exposure to severe social
adversity. The English and Romanian Adoption study found that the developmental effects of more
than 6 months’ exposure to institutional deprivation in early childhood persists for many through
childhood and adolescence—despite being subsequently raised by adoptive families (Sonuga-
Barke et al., 2017). This supports the notion that recovery from some forms of psychopathology
caused by early severe adversity tends to follow a long developmental trajectory even where a
child’s developmental conditions have markedly improved. There is even some evidence that early
chronic maltreatment incurs a delayed “sleeper effect” on later development, regardless of the
quality of intervening care (Li & Godinet, 2014).
Therefore, rather than asking whether long-term care is generally beneficial or harmful for the
development of previously maltreated children, future investigations should instead focus on the
questions “ ...what are the systemic and interpersonal characteristics of OOHC that promote and
sustain children’s psychological development throughout childhood, and what characteristics are
developmentally harmful? and ...for which children is OOHC beneficial, and for which chil-
dren is it not?” The answers to these questions are critical for improving policy and practice within
children’s services and for designing more effective clinical interventions for this population. This
knowledge will also help address the bigger question of whether our present OOHC systems can be
remedied to the point that they adequately facilitate children’s psychological development, or
whether they should be abandoned. We know that large numbers and proportions of children
placed into care effectively grow up without close and enduring familial relationships (Howard
& Berzin, 2011; Reimer & Scha¨fer, 2015). Yet humans are a social species that evolved such that
close and enduring familial relationships are essential for their psychosocial development. The
absence of historical and ethnographic precedents for children growing up in impermanent car-
egiving systems (Boswell, 1988) infers this experience lies outside the boundaries of human
adaptation—in other words, that being raised without a semblance of a permanent family is both
developmentally harmful and contrary to human evolution.
As stated above, no research programs have had adequate scale or scope to adequately address
these questions. To do so will require large and ambitious cohort studies that overcome some major
design obstacles, notably achieving adequate participant retention and reliable and valid measure-
ment. Given children’s dynamic care trajectories (including planned and unplanned placement
changes, restoration to parental care, and shifts to permanent guardianship and adoption), adequate
retention can only be feasibly attained by following children through various care arrangements,
including restoration and permanent orders. This approach also offers scope for comparing the
developmental trajectories of severely maltreated children who remain in their parents’ care versus
growing up in OOHC versus growing up in permanent guardianship/adoption versus subsequent
restoration. However, broadening the scope in this way greatly increases the sample size required
for these and other stratified analyses. Implementing any long-term cohort study of this type would
also require considerable resourcing and expertise to sustain an acceptable participation rate,
especially for children experiencing rapid placement changes. The method section of the present
review highlights some critical limitations in measuring this population’s mental health prospec-
tively, including scope for systematic respondent biases, poor inter-rater reliability, and needing to
employ different informants as children move through placements. Conducting a study that recruits
Tarren-Sweeney and Goemans 289
information from different caregivers at different times in a child’s life (such as parents, foster
carers, and adoptive parents) amplifies the risk of measurement error. With this in mind, we need to
consider whether alternative, non-psychometric measures might yield additional, more accurate
and reliable estimates of children’s mental health in large-scale population cohort studies—includ-
ing neurometric, biometric, and observational methods. Finally, given that many “within-care”
experiences that have developmental significance are systemically driven, and thus vary somewhat
across child welfare jurisdictions, these questions need to be more definitively addressed through
cross-jurisdictional and cross-national studies.
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or
publication of this article.
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Michael Tarren-Sweeney
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... En esta tesis doctoral planteamos, tras la revisión de literatura en la introducción, que uno de los principales retos para la investigación en acogimiento familiar era explicar la variabilidad en el desarrollo y la adaptación de los menores en esta medida (Goemans et al., 2018;Tarren-Sweeney & Goemans, 2019). Para ello, una posible vía era estudiar algunos de los mecanismos psicológicos por los que la adversidad influye en la adaptación posterior (Masten & Cicchetti, 2016;McLaughlin, 2016;Shonkoff & Fisher, 2013). ...
... Los estudios longitudinales entrañan una complejidad en el seguimiento de la muestra y la recogida de datos notable, especialmente con menores en acogimiento familiar (Jackson et al., 2012), pero pueden aportar una información extremadamente valiosa sobre las trayectorias de desarrollo de los niños y niñas que crecen en esta medida. Desde la perspectiva conceptual desarrollada en esta tesis doctoral, un seguimiento longitudinal aportaría una información muy útil sobre los factores -ya sea relacionados con el niño o niña, con la familia acogedora, la biológica o con la intervención-que conducen a resultados positivos o negativos en menores que crecen en el sistema de protección (Tarren-Sweeney & Goemans, 2019). También permitiría indagar más en procesos transaccionales y en el papel de los posibles mecanismos mediadores en el desarrollo de los menores en acogimiento familiar (Masten & Cicchetti, 2010;Rutter & Sroufe, 2000). ...
... In this doctoral dissertation we suggested after the literature review that one of the main challenges for foster care research was to help to explain the variability in adaptation of foster children (Goemans et al., 2018;Tarren-Sweeney & Goemans, 2019). ...
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El acogimiento familiar es una medida especialmente compleja dentro del sistema de protección de menores, en la que un menor que debe ser separado de sus padres biológicos pasa a ser cuidado por otra familia, ya sea temporal o permanentemente, sin perder los lazos con su familia biológica. En esta disertación nos planteamos avanzar en uno de los retos actuales en la investigación en acogimiento familiar, la variabilidad en la adaptación y el desarrollo de los niños y niñas en acogimiento familiar. La conceptualización del desarrollo como un proceso acumulativo, jerárquico y transaccional, y de cómo éste se ve afectado por la adversidad hace que el estudio de tres mecanismos subyacentes entre la adversidad y adaptación se perfile como una dirección fructífera para avanzar en este reto. En concreto, nos centramos en las funciones ejecutivas, la comprensión de las emociones y las representaciones de apego. Además, este tipo de investigación resulta especialmente útil para el desarrollo de intervenciones basadas en la evidencia con esta población. Para abordar el reto mencionamos, en la disertación analizamos estos tres mecanismos psicológicos en menores en acogimiento familiar, cómo son afectados por la adversidad, la variabilidad en adaptación positiva entre los menores, y planteamos un modelo de intervención basado en la evidencia dirigido a niños y niñas que han sufrido adversidad temprana. Los resultados han mostrado que algo más de uno de cada cuatro menores en acogimiento familiar parece presentar dificultades importantes en sus funciones ejecutivas o en su adaptación a diferentes contextos. También parece que las representaciones mentales de las relaciones afectivas y de sí mismos en los niños y niñas en acogimiento familiar, y especialmente en aquellos que han sufrido un maltrato severo, están más marcadas por la desconfianza, la evitación o la falta de expectativas positivas que en las de niños y niñas que no han sufrido adversidad. No obstante, hemos encontrado también una gran variabilidad en la adaptación de los menores en acogimiento familiar, con uno de cada tres presentando una buena adaptación tanto en sus relaciones sociales, como en la escuela y en su salud mental. Los resultados de los diferentes estudios que forman parte de esta tesis doctoral aportan varias contribuciones originales al conocimiento, con implicaciones tanto para la investigación como para la intervención en este campo. Entre ellas cabe destacar la necesidad diferencial de intervención de los menores en acogimiento, el apoyo a sus capacidades de auto-regulación o a su recuperación en términos de representaciones de apego, y la importancia de avanzar en la intervención desde la evidencia científica.
... In juvenile justice samples, a prevalence rate of 70% for any mental disorder (including present and lifetime diagnoses) has been found (see the literature review of [13]). Previous literature reviews and meta-analyses examining the development of youths' mental health problems in out-of-home care have found that general behavioral problems were stable during foster care [14,15]; no evidence was found that growing up in care is generally ameliorating or detrimental for children who enter care [16]. In jurisdictions where children predominantly enter care following severe and persistent maltreatment, a child's age at entry into care strongly predicts their subsequent mental health issues and younger age at entry is protective [17]. ...
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Background: Child welfare and juvenile justice placed youths show high levels of psychosocial burden and high rates of mental disorders. It remains unclear how mental disorders develop into adulthood in these populations. The aim was to present the rates of mental disorders in adolescence and adulthood in child welfare and juvenile justice samples and to examine their mental health trajectories from adolescence into adulthood. Methods: Seventy adolescents in shared residential care, placed by child welfare (n = 52, mean age = 15 years) or juvenile justice (n = 18, mean age = 17 years) authorities, were followed up into adulthood (child welfare: mean age = 25 years; juvenile justice: mean age = 27 years). Mental disorders were assessed based on the International Classification of Diseases 10th Revision diagnoses at baseline and at follow-up. Epidemiological information on mental disorders was presented for each group. Bivariate correlations and structural equation modeling for the relationship of mental disorders were performed. Results: In the total sample, prevalence rates of 73% and 86% for any mental disorder were found in adolescence (child welfare: 70%; juvenile justice: 83%) and adulthood (child welfare: 83%; juvenile justice: 94%) respectively. General psychopathology was found to be stable from adolescence into adulthood in both samples. Conclusions: Our findings showed high prevalence rates and a high stability of general psychopathology into adulthood among child welfare and juvenile justice adolescents in Swiss residential care. Therefore, continuity of mental health care and well-prepared transitions into adulthood for such individuals is highly warranted.
... Carers' reports of children's behaviour problems indicated improvements in their socio-emotional development, from wave 1 to waves 2 and 3. This is consistent with the findings of several other studies, which also showed improvement in CBCL measures over time for children in OOHC (Fernandez, 2009;Linares et al., 2007;Tarren-Sweeney & Goemans, 2019). This improvement is important because commentary on adverse comparisons of children in OOHC with other children in the general population is common but generally fails to take into account the 'starting point' for children in care. ...
Technical Report
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This is an analysis of the first 3 waves of data concerning the relationships of children in out-of-home care from the interview cohort of the Pathways of Care Longitudinal Study (POCLS) in NSW Australia. The population cohort is a census of all children and young people who entered out-of-home care for the first time in NSW between May 2010 and October 2011 (18 months) (n = 4,126). A subset of those children and young people who went on to receive final Children’s Court care and protection orders by 30 April 2013 (2,828) were eligible to participate in the interview study (final orders cohort). The interview cohort involved 1,285 children and their carers (895 households) who were interviewed for the baseline survey in wave 1. This has been extended to include a total of 1,479 children and their carers who were interviewed at least once across the three waves of data collection.4 The sample of 1,479 comprised 734 boys (49.6%) and 745 (50.4%) girls, with an average age of 5 years at the time of the wave 1 interview and therefore 8 years old at the time of the wave 3 interview. Five waves of data have now been collected, and there is extensive linked administrative data that includes health, education, and casework information about the More information about the study is available at: and this report at:
... system (see Tarren-Sweeney & Goemans, 2019). Such information is crucial for better understanding the needs of this group, including whether there are critical periods from entering care where intervention or prevention programmes could be targeted to improve the picture of mental health outcomes. ...
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While we know there are high rates of mental health difficulties amongst young people in care (i.e., social welfare-involved children), there is limited evidence on the longitudinal development of these problems, particularly from when they enter the care system. Using the routinely collected carer-reported strengths and difficulties questionnaire (SDQ), we explored internalising (emotional and peer) and externalising (conduct and hyperactivity) difficulties for 672 young people across their first three years in the UK care system (2-16yrs, 51% boys, 76% Caucasian). In all cases stable profiles (resilient or chronic) were most common, while changing profiles (recovery or delayed) were less common. Findings show that entry into the care system is not enough of an intervention to expect natural recovery from mental health difficulties. Number of placements and being separated from siblings were associated with greater difficulties. Implications for child welfare and mental health systems are discussed.
... School professionals may be hesitant to assess a child in foster care for ASD because of the presence of recent trauma exposure. There may be an overreliance on the perspective that the negative effects of trauma on development may dissipate over time in a stable environment and that a child's symptoms may be significantly different in a year or two (Dubowitz et al., 2016;Tarren-Sweeney & Goemans, 2019). However, while some children who experience trauma demonstrate improvement over time, others do not. ...
The intersection of children identified with autism spectrum disorders (ASD) and children within the foster care system who have experienced trauma can complicate timely assessment and eligibility for special education services, creating health disparities for this group of students. As students with ASD are over three times more likely to be involved in the foster care system than typically developing peers, school psychologists must be equipped to assess for ASD in this population. The complex clinical presentation of students with ASD within foster carecontributes to delays in identification and access to specialeducation services. In particular, schools may struggle todisentangle the symptoms of ASD from the consequences of trauma exposure that often accompanies foster care placement. This paper reviews the relation between students in foster care and those with ASD, outlines the similarities and differences in developmental profiles of these students, and provides recommendations for school practitioners associated with assessment practices, prevention strategies to reduce the risk of trauma subsequent foster care placement for students with ASD, as well as needed advocacy efforts and future research.
... Few existing longitudinal studies have focused on a combination of predictors in relation to foster children's development (see for a good example Hiller and Clair 2018). Simultaneously including a broad range of predictors in a multivariate model could help to identify the strongest predictors of the development of children in foster care (Oosterman et al. 2007;Tarren-Sweeney and Goemans 2019). However, multivariate modeling presents a challenge in that it requires a considerable sample size to ensure adequate power (Tabachnick et al. 2007). ...
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Background Foster children are reported to often have mental health difficulties. To optimize foster children’s development chances, we need to know more about the characteristics that are predictive of foster children’s mental health.Objective In the current study, we aimed to establish what accounts for the differences in foster children’s mental health, by examining the change and predictors of change in foster children’s mental health. Insight into foster children’s mental health outcomes and their predictors could inform the design of targeted interventions and support for foster children and foster families.Method In a sample of 432 foster children between 4 and 17 years old (M = 10.90) we examined a multivariate model in which characteristics of the foster child, the child’s care experiences, foster family, and foster placement were included as predictors of foster children’s mental health (internalizing, externalizing, and prosocial behaviors) using a three-wave longitudinal designResultsResults showed that levels of mental health were generally stable over time. Differences between foster children’s developmental outcomes were mainly predicted by foster parent stress.Conclusions Foster parent stress levels were high and consistently found to be the strongest predictor of foster children’s mental health outcomes. Given this finding it is important for researchers and practitioners to consider foster parent stress in screening as a point of attention in creating conditions conducive to foster children’s mental health.
Background: Outcomes for children who have been received into state care due to maltreatment or neglect are very poor in comparison to the general population. A mental health focussed intervention is being trialled in the UK which seeks to improve outcomes for such children. Although the main study is concerned with outcome evaluation (child mental health measures), a robust process evaluation adds nuance to the findings by examining the relationship between the interventions, the participants and the context-thereby determining what works, for whom and in what context. This paper sets out the protocol for that process evaluation. Methods: The process evaluation is embedded within a Randomised Control Trial and uses Realist Evaluation as its theoretical framework. It sets out the mechanisms of change that are used to effect positive outcomes and outlines the various aspects of the context (including service provision and the legal system that provides the statutory basis for involvement with families). Data collection is primarily qualitative and takes place with a large group of stakeholders. The analysis of the interplay between context, mechanisms and outcomes will provide a richer understanding of the main trial outcomes. Discussion: The nature of the interaction between the social, legal and practice context is complex. The use of a variety of methods including case studies, focus groups and analysis of routine data are justified and it is argued that they will provide for greater understanding of the nature of the interactions within such a challenging context.
Background Children in care (CiC) have often experienced trauma and, as a result, are at high risk for poor health outcomes. It is imperative that human-service stakeholders provide trauma-informed health services and interventions. However, little is known about how health promotion is addressed in the standards and guidelines for CiC. For this scoping review, the aim was to examine and compare how nutrition and physical activity are discussed in: 1) federal standards for CiC across the United Kingdom, the United States, New Zealand, and Australia; and 2) state and territory guidance in Australia. Method The grey literature was searched for documents outlining key child-welfare standards, guidelines, or policies for the provision of care across foster, kinship, or residential care. Documents were examined for the inclusion of recommendations and/or strategies focused on primary health and the promotion of nutrition and/or physical activity. Results A total of 52 documents were included in this review: 28 outlining international federal guidance and 24 Australian documents. In the United States, New Zealand, and Australia, references to physical activity were often broad, with minimal direction, and nutrition was often neglected; the United Kingdom provided more detailed guidance to promote nutrition and physical activity among CiC. Conclusion There is a lack of consistency and specificity in guidelines supporting healthy lifestyle interventions for CiC both internationally and within Australia. It is recommended that 1) specific trauma-informed health promotion guidelines are developed for CiC; and 2) trauma-informed health promotion training is provided to carers. Doing so will ensure that care is provided in a manner in which stakeholders recognize the signs and consequences of trauma in order to determine the most appropriate health interventions to improve outcomes and prevent ongoing trauma for this population.
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p>El Acogimiento en familia extensa es la medida de protección de menores más frecuente en España. Los objetivos del presente estudio son analizar el perfil familiar según diferentes dimensiones, conocer el estado de salud psicosocial de los menores en acogimiento en familia extensa y estudiar la relación entre variables familiares y del menor. La muestra estuvo formada por 101 familias y 122 menores entre 6 y 17 años (M = 10.07; DT = 3.92), residentes en la provincia de Valencia. La evaluación se realizó mediante entrevistas individuales con cada familia. Los resultados muestran una buena funcionalidad de las familias teniendo en cuenta el clima familiar, el nivel de estrés, los estilos educativos y los apoyos con los que cuentan, pero también muestran los riesgos en general asociados al alto rango de edad de los acogedores, que suelen ser abuelas. En los niños y niñas acogidos aparecen problemas de Aprovechamiento escolar, así como problemas Interiorizados y Exteriorizados. Destaca la presencia de problemas psicosociales en un rango clínico en el 32.4% de los menores. Existe una relación negativa entre problemas psicosociales en los menores acogidos y la funcionalidad familiar, presentando pautas para la formación de las familias y para la intervención con los menores, a nivel preventivo y clínico en materia de salud psicológica principalmente.</p
The present article reviews the evidence base for psychosocial interventions provided to children in family‐based out‐of‐home care that seek to improve children’s mental health, felt security, and/or the quality, strength or permanence of their attachment relationships. The review identified very few high‐quality treatment trials carried out with this population. The interventions with the strongest demonstrated efficacy are Keeping Foster Parents Trained and Supported (KEEP) and Attachment and Biobehavioral Catchup (ABC). KEEP’s effectiveness has also been demonstrated in a community setting. Complex attachment‐ and trauma‐related difficulties manifested by children in care following early maltreatment follow a long‐term developmental course and have trait‐like durability. Treatment trials should be designed as long‐term studies, providing at least several years of post‐treatment assessment. Practitioner points • Very few high‐quality intervention trials have been conducted with children and adolescents in out‐of‐home care and/or their caregivers. • The interventions with the strongest demonstrated efficacy are Keeping Foster Parents Trained and Supported (KEEP) and Attachment and Biobehavioral Catchup (ABC). • Given the enduring nature of complex trauma‐ and attachment‐related problems, treatment trials should include long‐term follow‐up mental health and relational measures. • The effectiveness of treatments administered directly to adolescents are moderated by caregiver involvement and ‘buy‐in’.
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The significant mental health needs of young people in out-of-home care has been well-documented. However, there is little empirical evidence on the timing or development of these difficulties, once these young people have been removed from the maltreatment-environment. Such information may provide useful clinical insight in to how problems develop and persist and whether intervention timings may allow for the prevention of later mental health problems. The current service-data study explored the emotional and behavioural symptom trajectories of 207 young people under the long-term care of a local authority in the South West of England, over their first five years in the care system. Data were extracted from the yearly carer-completed strengths and difficulties questionnaire - providing an index of emotional problems, peer problems, conduct problems and hyperactivity. Trajectories were analysed using growth mixture modelling. For most domains the largest trajectories were chronic symptom profiles, where young people were rated in the abnormal range from their first year in care and remained in this range across the full five years. These young people had significantly more placement moves than their peers on resilient trajectories. There was some evidence that later age of removal was associated with more chronic internalising problems. Overall, findings demonstrate the significant mental health needs of young people in care and particularly highlight that, in many cases, the removal from the adverse environment is simply not enough to expect a young person in care to be resilient to their earlier experiences.
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The goal of this three-wave longitudinal study was to analyze foster parent stress and foster children’s internalizing and externalizing behaviors in a transactional framework. Participants in this study were 237 children in foster care in the Netherlands with, mostly, long placement durations (M = 56.86 months, SD = 49.10 months). We examined concurrent, prospective unidirectional and bidirectional relations between foster children’s behavior and foster parent stress by using cross-lagged structural equation modeling and examined whether the results were stable across different subgroups of foster children. In contrast to our hypothesis, we found no bidirectional relations. There were unidirectional prospective pathways from foster children’s internalizing and externalizing problems to foster parent stress, but no significant prospective pathways from foster parent stress to foster children’s internalizing and externalizing problems. The results were fairly stable across different subgroups of foster children. The lack of bidirectional relations was unexpected given the presence of transactional relations in biological parent-child dyads. Foster parents seem not to influence their foster children when it comes to regulating problem behavior. Therefore, the question is whether foster parents can, in more general terms, help their foster children benefit from their improved home environment.
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Background: Time-limited, early-life exposures to institutional deprivation are associated with disorders in childhood, but it is unknown whether effects persist into adulthood. We used data from the English and Romanian Adoptees study to assess whether deprivation-associated adverse neurodevelopmental and mental health outcomes persist into young adulthood. Methods: The English and Romanian Adoptees study is a longitudinal, natural experiment investigation into the long-term outcomes of individuals who spent from soon after birth to up to 43 months in severe deprivation in Romanian institutions before being adopted into the UK. We used developmentally appropriate standard questionnaires, interviews completed by parents and adoptees, and direct measures of IQ to measure symptoms of autism spectrum disorder, inattention and overactivity, disinhibited social engagement, conduct or emotional problems, and cognitive impairment (IQ score <80) during childhood (ages 6, 11, and 15 years) and in young adulthood (22-25 years). For analysis, Romanian adoptees were split into those who spent less than 6 months in an institution and those who spent more than 6 months in an institution. We used a comparison group of UK adoptees who did not experience deprivation. We used mixed-effects regression models for ordered-categorical outcome variables to compare symptom levels and trends between groups. Findings: Romanian adoptees who experienced less than 6 months in an institution (n=67 at ages 6 years; n=50 at young adulthood) and UK controls (n=52 at age 6 years; n=39 at young adulthood) had similarly low levels of symptoms across most ages and outcomes. By contrast, Romanian adoptees exposed to more than 6 months in an institution (n=98 at ages 6 years; n=72 at young adulthood) had persistently higher rates than UK controls of symptoms of autism spectrum disorder, disinhibited social engagement, and inattention and overactivity through to young adulthood (pooled p<0·0001 for all). Cognitive impairment in the group who spent more than 6 months in an institution remitted from markedly higher rates at ages 6 years (p=0·0001) and 11 years (p=0·0016) compared with UK controls, to normal rates at young adulthood (p=0·76). By contrast, self-rated emotional symptoms showed a late-onset pattern with minimal differences versus UK controls at ages 11 years (p=0·0449) and 15 years (p=0·17), and then marked increases by young adulthood (p=0·0005), with similar effects seen for parent ratings. The high deprivation group also had a higher proportion of people with low educational achievement (p=0·0195), unemployment (p=0·0124), and mental health service use (p=0·0120, p=0·0032, and p=0·0003 for use when aged <11 years, 11-14 years, and 15-23 years, respectively) than the UK control group. A fifth (n=15) of individuals who spent more than 6 months in an institution were problem-free at all assessments. Interpretation: Notwithstanding the resilience shown by some adoptees and the adult remission of cognitive impairment, extended early deprivation was associated with long-term deleterious effects on wellbeing that seem insusceptible to years of nurturance and support in adoptive families. Funding: Economic and Social Research Council, Medical Research Council, Department of Health, Jacobs Foundation, Nuffield Foundation.
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It is unclear whether maltreatment types exert common or specific effects on mental health. In the current study, we aimed to systematically characterize the unique, shared and cumulative effects of maltreatment types on psychiatric symptoms, using data drawn from a community sample of high-risk youth (n = 204, M = 18.85). Analyses controlled for a range of potentially confounding variables, including socio-demographic variables, neighbourhood deprivation and levels of community violence exposure. Outcome measures included multi-informant reports of internalizing difficulties, as well as data on externalizing problems and trauma-related symptoms. We found that (i) consistent with previous studies, maltreatment types were highly interrelated and frequently co-occurred; (ii) symptom severity linearly increased with the number of maltreatment types experienced (more so for self-report vs informant ratings); and (iii) while most forms of maltreatment were significantly associated with mental health outcomes when examined individually, few unique effects were observed when modelling maltreatment types simultaneously, pointing to an important role of shared variance in driving maltreatment effects on mental health. Emotional abuse emerged as the main independent predictor of psychiatric symptomatology – over and above other maltreatment types – and this effect was comparable for males and females (i.e. no significant interaction with sex). Findings contribute to a better understanding of heterogeneity in individual responses to maltreatment.
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Background Youth placed in out-of-home care are at significant risk of low academic achievement and poor mental health. Few studies have considered the potential effects of school-related factors, such as school placement stability and school engagement, on youth outcomes. Objective The current study examined the potential main effects of school placement stability and engagement on academic achievement and mental health. Furthermore, we examined whether school-related factors moderated the association between home placement stability and youth outcomes. Methods Participants included 420 youth (age 6–14 at baseline) placed in out-of-home care participating in a national longitudinal study of youth in contact with the child welfare system. Youth, caregivers, and caseworkers provided relevant information at baseline, 18, and 36 months. Hierarchical regression models were constructed to test potential main and moderating effects of school engagement and school placement stability on youth mental health and academic achievement prospectively, while accounting for relevant covariates. Results School placement stability was an independent predictor of youth internalizing and externalizing symptoms, but was not significantly associated with academic outcomes. Furthermore, there were no main effects of school engagement or home placement stability on youth outcomes and school-related factors did not moderate the relationship between home placement stability and youth outcomes. Conclusion For children and adolescents who do not have the benefit of a stable, safe, or caring home environment, school stability may be contribute to an environment that can foster healthy development.
This paper focuses on the longitudinal examination of perceived reactive attachment disorder (RAD) symptoms and indiscriminate, insecure and pseudomature behavior in foster children, many of them having experienced maltreatment and neglect in the family of origin. A total of 84 foster children - aged between 2 and 7 years - and 146 biological children (comparison group) participated across three assessments, with approximately six months between each assessment. At the first measurement, foster children had been living about 18 months on average in the current foster family. The child's RAD symptoms and interpersonal problems were assessed by parent reports (usually completed by the mother) on the Relationship Problems Questionnaire (RPQ) and the Assessment Checklist for Children (ACC), respectively. Foster parents reported substantially more RAD symptoms and further interpersonal problems than biological parents across all assessments. RAD symptoms and interpersonal problems declined over time in both, the foster care and the comparison group. The symptoms showed high rank-order stabilities and moderate to high intercorrelations among each other. To conclude, our findings indicate a high persistency of behavioral and emotional interpersonal problems in young foster children.
Working collaboratively with two state associations and their member (nonprofit) agencies providing out-of-home care to children and youth, University researchers conducted a multi-site project to examine whether there were any differences in individual child-level outcomes between children placed in residential group care and those placed in foster. The study employed a quasi-experimental repeated measures design, with data collected at a minimum of two intervals (at intake and 3-month follow-up) and at subsequent intervals of 6 and 12 months for children remaining in care. Samples for analyses were drawn from 1082 youth in either residential group care (n = 903) or foster care (n = 179), in one of 37 agency sites across two southeastern states, who participated in a broader evaluation project. The average ages of participating youth in residential and foster care were 13.97 (SD = 2.43) and 13.65 (SD = 2.73), respectively. Based on his or her score on the Children's Global Assessment Scale (CGAS) at intake, each participant was also assigned to the low functioning group (n = 526; 53.1%), the borderline group (n = 232; 23.4%), or the high functioning group (n = 232; 23.4%). Analyses confirmed that youth in foster care tended to have higher levels of general functioning at baseline than did youth placed in group care. However, the degree to which youth progressed in care on measures of general functioning and mental and behavioral health problems did not differ based on placement setting; youth in residential group care settings progressed at the same rate as youth in community-based settings, regardless of their level of functioning at intake. The only exception to this pattern was in regard to anxiety; there was an observable, but non-significant trend of youth in foster care reporting decreases in anxiety levels, while those in group care reported increased anxiety.
Few longitudinal studies have analyzed how violence exposure (e.g. child maltreatment, witnessing community violence) influence both externalizing and Post-Traumatic Stress (PTS) symptoms among children in foster care. Data from three waves of the National Survey of Child and Adolescent Well-Being (1999–2007) (NSCAW; National Data Archive on Child Abuse and Neglect, 2002) were analyzed to investigate the change trajectories of both externalizing and PTS symptomatology among children with a substantiated report of child maltreatment by Child Protective Services (CPS) between October 1999 and December 2000. This study uses data collected at three time points: baseline and approximately 18 (Wave 3) and 36 (Wave 4) months post-baseline. The Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL) scale measured externalizing symptoms and the Post Traumatic Stress Disorder section of a version of the Trauma Symptom Checklist for Children (TSCC) provided the measure of current trauma-related symptoms or distress. Analyses were conducted using a parallel process growth curve model with a sample of n = 280 maltreated youth between the ages of 8 and 15 following home removal. Findings revealed that initial levels of externalizing and PTS symptomatology were both significantly and positively related and co-develop over time. Externalizing symptom severity remained in the borderline range during the first two years in out-of-home care. Both direct and indirect forms of inter-personal violence exposure were associated with initial level of externalizing symptom and PTS symptom severity, respectively. Taken together, our results suggest an underlying process that links early violence exposure to the co-development and cumulative impact of PTS on ex-ternalizing behavior above and beyond experiences of maltreatment. We conclude by discussing the key points of intervention that result from a more nuanced understanding of the longitudinal relationship between PTS and externalizing symptoms and the effect of complex trauma on growth in these symptoms over time.
Children residing in long-term out-of-home care have high rates of clinical-level mental health difficulties. However, the stability of these children’s difficulties throughout their time in care is uncertain. This paper reports estimates of the seven- to nine-year stability of carer-reported scores on the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL) and Assessment Checklists for Children (ACC) and Adolescents (ACA) for 85 children in long-term foster or kinship care. Prospective score changes on the CBCL total problems and ACC-ACA shared-item scales were assigned to one of four change groups: ‘sustained mental health’; ‘meaningful improvement’; ‘no meaningful change’; and ‘meaningful deterioration’. On each of the two measures, more than 60% of children manifested either sustained mental health or meaningful improvement in their mental health, while less than a quarter showed meaningful deterioration. Mean mental health scores for the aggregate sample did not change over the 7–9 year period. Findings discount the presence of a uniform, population-wide effect—suggesting instead, that children’s mental health follows several distinct trajectories. Rather than asking whether long-term care is generally therapeutic or harmful for the development of previously maltreated children, future investigations should focus on the questions “…what are the systemic and interpersonal characteristics of care that promote and sustain children’s psychological development throughout childhood, and what characteristics are developmentally harmful?” and “…for which children is care therapeutic, and for which children is it not?”
Kinship foster care has recently become the new main form of Korean out-of-home care, and has reached similar usage proportions as the more traditional form, institutional care. To compare the effectiveness of the two care types, we focused on adolescents' developmental outcomes. We also examined changes over time in the outcomes and group differences in the changes. We analyzed five-year longitudinal data from 244 adolescents who participated in the Panel Study on Korean Children in Out-of-Home Care. A repeated measures Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) was used as the major analytic method. The study results revealed that the kinship group was better off at the baseline for covariates than was the institution group for almost every development measure. However, the group differences observed at baseline disappeared or reversed in direction, which indicated better longitudinal outcomes for the institution group. In terms of changes over time, self-esteem and delinquency of all adolescents, no matter to which group they belong, changed in a positive way. However, there were no group differences in the patterns of changes. Based on these results, we discuss the limitations of the Korean out-of-home care system, such as the lack of assessment and monitoring, and support for kin caregivers. Ethical approval We obtained informed consent from the participating adolescents and Sookmyung Women's University IRB (the first through the third wave panel research) and Ewha Womans University IRB (the fourth and the fifth wave) approval before we began this research.