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One could easily argue that Pacific research methodologies (PRM) and Pacific relational ethics (PRE) are not new: a genealogy of approach would take one back to the ancient Pacific philosophers and practitioners of ancient indigenous knowledges—indeed back to Tagaloa-a-lagi and the 10 heavens. However, in the last two decades, there has been a renaissance of PRM and PRE taken up by Pacific researchers based in New Zealand and the wider Pacific to counter the Western hegemonic tradition of how research is carried out and why—especially research involving Pacific people, families, and communities. In the diaspora, as ethnic minorities and in their island homes, as Third World nations, Pacific peoples and communities are struggling to survive in contexts of diasporic social marginalization and a neocolonial globalizing West. So there is a need to take stock of what contemporary expressions of PRM and PRE are, how they have developed, and why they are needed. This renaissance seeks to decolonize and reindigenise research agendas and research outputs by doing research based on Pacific indigenous theories, PRM, and PRE. It demands that research carried out with Pacific peoples and communities is ethical and methodologically sound with transformational outputs. In reality, the crisis in Pacific research is the continuing adherence to traditional Western theories and research methods that undermine and overshadow the va—the sacred, spiritual, and social spaces of human relationships between researcher and researched that Pacific peoples place at the center of all human/environment/cosmos/ancestors and animate/inanimate interactions. When human relationships are secondary to research theories and methods, the research result is ineffective and meaningless and misinforms policy formation and education delivery, thereby maintaining the inequitable positioning of Pacific peoples across all demographic indices, especially in the field of Pacific education. The Samoan indigenous reference of teu le va, which means to value, nurture, and care for (teu) the secular/sacred and social/spiritual spaces (va) of all relationships, and Teu le Va , the Ministry of Education research guideline, both evoke politicians, educational research institutions, funders, and researchers to value, nurture, and, if necessary, tidy up the va. In a troubling era of colonizing research methodologies and researcher nonaccountability, Pacific educational researchers can take inspiration from a range of philosophical theorizing based on the development of a suite of PRMs. Keywords: Pacific methodologies, va, teu le va, relational ethics, relational accountability, relational responsibility
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Pacific Research Methodologies and Relational Ethics
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Subject: Education, Cultures, and Ethnicities, Research and Assessment Methods, Educational
Theories and Philosophies
Online Publication Date: Aug 2019 DOI: 10.1093/acrefore/9780190264093.013.529
Pacific Research Methodologies and Relational Ethics
Melani Anae
Summary and Keywords
One could easily argue that Pacific research methodologies (PRM) and Pacific relational
ethics (PRE) are not new: a genealogy of approach would take one back to the ancient Pa
cific philosophers and practitioners of ancient indigenous knowledges—indeed back to
Tagaloa-a-lagi and the 10 heavens. However, in the last two decades, there has been a re
naissance of PRM and PRE taken up by Pacific researchers based in New Zealand and the
wider Pacific to counter the Western hegemonic tradition of how research is carried out
and why—especially research involving Pacific people, families, and communities. In the
diaspora, as ethnic minorities and in their island homes, as Third World nations, Pacific
peoples and communities are struggling to survive in contexts of diasporic social margin
alization and a neocolonial globalizing West. So there is a need to take stock of what con
temporary expressions of PRM and PRE are, how they have developed, and why they are
needed. This renaissance seeks to decolonize and reindigenise research agendas and re
search outputs by doing research based on Pacific indigenous theories, PRM, and PRE. It
demands that research carried out with Pacific peoples and communities is ethical and
methodologically sound with transformational outputs. In reality, the crisis in Pacific re
search is the continuing adherence to traditional Western theories and research methods
that undermine and overshadow the va—the sacred, spiritual, and social spaces of human
relationships between researcher and researched that Pacific peoples place at the center
of all human/environment/cosmos/ancestors and animate/inanimate interactions. When
human relationships are secondary to research theories and methods, the research result
is ineffective and meaningless and misinforms policy formation and education delivery,
thereby maintaining the inequitable positioning of Pacific peoples across all demographic
indices, especially in the field of Pacific education.
The Samoan indigenous reference of teu le va, which means to value, nurture, and care
for (teu) the secular/sacred and social/spiritual spaces (va) of all relationships, and Teu le
Va , the Ministry of Education research guideline, both evoke politicians, educational re
search institutions, funders, and researchers to value, nurture, and, if necessary, tidy up
the va. In a troubling era of colonizing research methodologies and researcher nonac
Pacific Research Methodologies and Relational Ethics
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countability, Pacific educational researchers can take inspiration from a range of philo
sophical theorizing based on the development of a suite of PRMs.
Keywords: Pacific methodologies, va, teu le va, relational ethics, relational accountability, relational responsibility
Introduction
This article focuses on Pacific research being developed in New Zealand for several rea
sons: the first published Pacific research guidelines were developed in the early 2000s in
New Zealand, spearheaded by the call for “research for the Pacific by the Pacific” in the
trailblazing work by Tuhiwai-Smith (1999) in decolonizing Eurocentric research method
ologies for Māori people and communities and Helu-Thaman’s Kakala (1992) research
framework; political responses and critiques of colonizing research agendas in 1,200 Pa
cific education MA/PhD theses across the period 1944 to 2008 deposited in New Zealand
University Libraries (of which the largest proportion—35%—were completed at Universi
ty of Auckland, followed by 20% at Victoria University), despite the plethora of Pacific re
search methodologies (PRM) available, overwhelmingly posit teu le va (preservation of a
respectful social space between researcher and researched) and talanoa (data collection
reflecting dialogue within Pacific communities) as their preferred methodological ap
proaches (Burnett, 2012); for me, Pacific research developments in New Zealand have
provided a genealogical and generative space for new understandings of Pacific relational
ethics (PRE); and it is in New Zealand that Pacific research is being defined and interro
gated through inter-Pacific and intra-Pacific lenses by Pacific scholars such as Sanga and
Reynolds (2017) in their call for placing new work within existing patterns and models of
research and Suaalii-Sauni (2017) and Suaalii-Sauni and Fulu-Aioluputea (2014). The lat
ter works specifically are critical commentaries on key Pacific and Māori research ap
proaches such as the va and Kaupapa Māori, thus interrogating the tools of research
within specific PRM.
Of particular concern among Pacific scholars based in New Zealand is the explicit ac
knowledgement of va (genealogical relationships), as the field of Pacific research devel
ops, and the need to be vigilant about what can and should be called Pacific research.
Hence the need for careful and respectful critiques of the past, which have resulted in re
finement of Kakala and Talanoa methodologies over the last two decades (Sanga &
Reynolds, 2017, p. 200).
Other concerns are in the naming of non-Pacific things as Pacific (Tunufa’i, 2016), which
diminishes the relevance of research to Pacific peoples. Sanga and Reynolds (2017) state
that “critique is its own form of development, a conversation which, if respectfully con
ducted offers opportunities to honour origins and protect legacy. Through its agency the
Pacific qualities of the field can be ensured” (p. 201), and with clarity, transparency, and
reflexivity Pacific research will “know more of what it is and what it is not” (Sanga, 2014,
p. 50).
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Another concern is the accretion of “clutter” in Pacific research (Anae, 2007; Efi, 2005)—
described variously as an “increasing web-like array of methods, methodologies, ap
proaches, models and paradigms” (Tunufa’i cited in Saga & Reynolds, 2017, p. 201), and
ideas that when distracted from their value have a “paralyzing effect” on deep under
standings and appreciation of what gives Pacific peoples “meaning and belonging” (Efi,
2005).
The teu le va paradigm thus adds to the scrutiny of the genealogical va and critiques of
the past and offers a “decluttering” of the field. It provides clarity and optimizes the
meaning and centrality of relationship of research(ers) to Pacific research participants at
all levels—with communities, research teams, funders, institutions, and policymakers
(Airini et al., 2010). It is a focused consideration of the key Pacific research concept of teu
le va and its relationship with relational ethics that argues for the need to pay attention to
social and sacred spaces of relationships as these methods, methodologies, approaches,
models, and paradigms are enacted. As such, it offers a consideration of the ontological
questions of relationship in research methodology and provides an extensive examination
of the development of teu le va as a framework in Pacific research and ethics, addressing
the issues of accountability and responsibility within this paradigm.
In New Zealand, much of the development of the PRM/PRE field, defined here as Pacific
paradigms, concepts, metaphors, models of “well-being,” research methodologies, and
cultural competencies, has occurred in the education and health sector. Indeed, there is a
sense of urgency in the way Pacific researchers are heeding the call to “disrupt hegemon
ic research forms and their power relations and to alleviate and reinvent new research
methodologies and perspectives” (Smith, 2004, p. 2). Government demands for “evidence-
based” and “culturally appropriate” research, the drive to develop new ways of thinking
about research, and the need to build Pacific research capability and capacity has be
come more and more apparent. The development of PRMs has occurred in three ways.
First are those that have been funded by government ministries and agencies focused on
a bottom-up approach, seeking Pacific worldviews and epistemologies. Examples are the
Pasifika education research guidelines (Airini et al., 2010; Anae, Coxon, Mara, Wendt-Sa
mu, & Finau, 2001), Pacific research guidelines (Ministry of Health, 2005, 2014), and Pa
cific cultural competencies (Ministry of Health, 2008). Second are those that have been
devised by institutions in a top-down manner; for example, University Pacific Research
Protocols (Massey University, 2014; University of Otago, 2011). Third are those that have
been developed organically by Pacific practitioners such as educationists, health practi
tioners, social science researchers, and others.
The Pacific models, guidelines, and competencies, some pan-Pacific and others ethnic-
specific, are used as models to be emulated in the various fields, disciplines, organiza
tions, and institutions. The guidelines funded by government ministries, the Health Re
search Council, city councils, and district health boards have been developed to encour
age culturally appropriate research praxis and outcomes for Pacific peoples and commu
nities. It is hoped that research projects using these guidelines and cultural competencies
will provide robust evidence to persuade policymakers to shift their policymaking clout
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from the mainstream “one-shoe-fits-all” approach to addressing specifically Pacific or eth
nic-specific issues.
Much of the development of this PRM/PRE field appears to be ad hoc, piecemeal, and
fragmented (Anae, 2007; Efi, 2005; Sanga & Reynolds, 2017, p. 201) and highlights the
necessity for more coordination and focus. What is needed is a comprehensive, conceptu
al framework for research with Pacific communities that offers holistic, theoretical foun
dations to improve and enhance the quality and quantity of research evidence informing
various governmental policies, specifically Pacific education policy and Pacific education
delivery.
Theorizing Pacific Research Methodologies
The starting point for the renaissance of PRM, PRE, and Pacific theorizing begins with
Helu-Thaman’s Kakala as a research framework based on Tongan reference in 1992 (and
further developed by Johansson-Fua [2014] and Taufe’ulungaki, Johansson Pua, Manu, &
Takapautolo [2007]; see also Taufe’ulungaki & Manu’atu, 2001), and hence begins the dis
course on PRM as addressing the va. But the main thrust for PRM theorizing and the dis
ruption of traditional Western research methodologies was initiated with the work of
Tuhiwai Linda Smith (1999) and her ground-breaking Decolonizing Methodologies: Re
search and Indigenous Peoples. In it she writes:
the term “research” is inextricably linked to European Imperialism and colonial
ism. . . . The ways in which scientific research is implicated in the worst excesses
of colonialism remains a powerful remembered history for many of the world’s
colonised peoples. It is a history that still offends the deepest sense of our humani
ty. (p. 1)
This was written at a time when Pacific researchers were taking stock of the Pacific Way
(Crocombe, 1976) and the inspiration of Hau’ofa’s (1994) empowerment theory in the
(re)development of indigenous ontologies, epistemologies, and theories in an effort to
transform colonizing research processes. It signaled the beginning of the end, certainly in
New Zealand, for imposed Western research paradigms that distorted and misrepresent
ed communities and their knowledge. The gaze was now on indigenous ways of engaging
with indigenous communities and their knowledge systems (Kaupapa Māori [Smith, 1997,
2003]; Faafaletui [Tamasese, Peteru, & Waldegrave, 1997; Tamasese, Peteru, Waldegrave,
& Bush, 2005]; Fonofale [Pulotu-Endemann, 1997]; Tivaevae [Maua-Hodges, 2000]; Ta
lanoa [Halapua, 2000]; Pasifika Education Research Guidelines [Anae et al., 2001]).
Application of these PRM was not by accident but by necessity, given that Māori and Pa
cific populations have been at the bottom of the heap according to all demographic in
dices for the past two centuries. This positioning has now been accelerated by the jugger
naut of globalizing neocolonialism and neoliberalism. Reasons for this positioning cannot
be captured adequately by consulting statistics or censuses but by equitable and just dia
logic approaches and research that also examine systemic influences and how these have
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affected Māori and Pacific people. Transformational change can only happen when good,
robust research is translated into policy (re)formation and service delivery. The develop
ment of effective PRM and PRE over the last 20 years in New Zealand is essential in this
endeavor, as are de/anticolonization models and frameworks being developed in the Pacif
ic region over the same period. Koya-Vakauta (2017) provides useful histories and syn
opses of numerous Pacific conceptual PRM that have emerged over the last 25 years in
the works of Pacific scholars in the region and in the diaspora, representing a diversity of
Pacific cultures in her chapter “Rethinking Research as Relational Space in the
Pacific” (pp. 65–84).
To demonstrate the breadth of this PRM/PRE field, a selection of key PRM are summa
rized in Table 1. The table organizes the development of key contemporary approaches
chronologically (1992–2017) with original authors listed first, followed by subsequent ge
nealogical development of the field. This is not an exhaustive list; however, for novice re
searchers, the primary sources and subsequent “careful and respectful critique” (Sanga
& Reynolds, 2017, p. 200) of primary source theorizing listed will certainly provide a com
prehensive gafa (genealogy) of the development of PRM across the indigenous and dias
poric Pacific, as well as a reference point for the centrality of relational accountability
and relational responsibility across the PRM/PRE field.
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Table 1. Pacific Research Methodologies
Kakala Helu-Thaman (1992), Johansson-Fua (2014),
Taufe’ulungaki et al.(2007), Taufe’ulungaki
and Manu’atu, (2001)
Kaupapa Maori Smith (1997, 2003)
Faafaletui Tamasese et al. (1997), Tamasese et al. (2005)
Fonofale Pulotu-Endemann (1997)
Na’auao Meyer (1998)
Tivaevae Maua-Hodges (2000)
Talanoa Halapua (2000)
Pasifika Education
Research Guide
lines
Anae, Coxon, Mara, Wendt-Samu, & Finau
(2001)
(See Airini et al., 2010 for second MOE Pasifi
ka Education Research Guideline)
Vanua Tuwere (2002), Nabobo-Baba (2008), Lagi
(2015)
Guidelines on Pa
cific Health Re
search
Ministry of Health (2005)
Ministry of Health (2014)
Tauhi va Ka’ili (2005), Mafile’o (2008), ’Otukolo
Saltiban (2012)
Ta-Va Mahina (2010)
Talanoa Vaioleti (2011), ’Otunuku (2011), Fa’avae,
Jones, & Manu’atu (2016), Tunufa’i (2016)
Ula Sauni (2011)
Tuli Koya-Vaka’uta (2013, 2017)
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’Iluvatu Naisilisili (2014)
Fetu’utu’una’i Va Pala’amo (2017)
It is not surprising that most of these PRM either directly or indirectly refer to the va. In
Pacific cultures, the va encompasses most if not all life, and thus Pacific people are born
into a multidimensional flow of life, enhanced and protected by relationships that are not
created but continued (Va’ai, 2017, p. 27). Given that this va or relationality may be artic
ulated differently in different island cultures, what is common to them all is that relation
ality holds life in balance and harmony (Va’ai, 2017, p. 28).
Koya-Vaka’uta (2017) notes that the Samoan, Tongan, and Fijian PRM contain culturally
specific ideals and philosophies and that notable similarities across these are metaphori
cal underpinnings and a focus on indigenous philosophies conceptualized around place/
land and space/relations, cultural notions of the pedagogic self/self-concept and identity
in relation to family and community, holistic understandings of the human-in-the-world
grounded in balance for continuity and survival/sustainability, and spirituality and values
(p. 78).
What is missing—and areas of concern for Koya-Vaka’uta (2017)—is the gap in research
literature that prevents a holistic understanding of good research practice or pedagogy
and a general lack of “rigorous discourse” critiquing these methodologies and methods.
Koya-Vaka’uta calls for the need for a community of practice that will begin to theorize
and practice PRM and establish a “new line of critical discourse” on reflective Pacific re
search praxis (p. 80).
This critique is echoed by Sanga and Reynolds (2017) who state “Despite the longevity of
the philosophies and ontologies which are embodied in research endeavours, Pacific re
search and the self-conscious theorising which underpins it has a relatively short
history” (p. 202). The authors call for intentional naming, describing, defining, relating,
and separating theoretical constructs as acts of this theoretical development—in the con
text of contemporary concerns—and the need for further development of connections be
tween theory from proximal and overlapping spaces such as Kaupapa Māori and Pacific
theory. It is my contention that the discourse and theorizing on the va, focusing on PRE as
a philosophical, ontological, epistemological, and methodological key (for it is at once and
all these things), and teu le va theory with key principles of relational accountability and
responsibility for transformational research, are valuable contributions to addressing
these pedagogical and praxis concerns. After all, what the plethora of PRMs, methods, ap
proaches, frameworks, models, and paradigms are evoking and naming are necessarily
ethnic-specific Pacific metaphorical va—indigenous philosophies that spell out the rela
tional va between the researcher and the researched described by Koleta Savaii (2016) as
Pacific peoples view the self as comprised of their social relationships, their land
and physical resources, and the spiritual. This view of the self and the relationship
between the self and others features the person not as separate from the social
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and environmental context, but as more connected and less differentiated from
them. The emphasis is on attending to them, fitting in, and harmonious interde
pendence with them.
Whether Kaupapa Māori (land, community land family considerations); kakala (flower
garland), talanoa (face to face dialogue); fonofale (holistic house); tivaevae (patchwork
quilt); faafaletui (woven “houses”); vanua (land); tuli (heritage art); bu ni Ovalau (coconut
tree); ‘iluvatu (mat); fetuutuunai (navigation), what is important is the context of the rela
tional social and sacred va between the researcher and the researched and how PRE is
embodied and enacted throughout their interactions. The educational research guideline
document Teu le Va (Airini et al., 2010), on the other hand, extends the context of va and
PRE to relationships not only between the researcher and the researched but to all rela
tional collaborators involved in the research process (institutions, funders, politicians,
participants, communities) and the need to value, nurture, and, if necessary, tidy up these
relational va. Indeed, the detailed exhortation on how to teu le va at all stages of the re
search process (see Table 1: How the Teu le va Approach Can Be Understood and Acted
On by Researchers and Policy-makers in Anae, 2007, pp. 16–17) goes a long way in help
ing to expose, reconcile, and direct human judgement and experience in the negotiation
of successful Ministry of Education (MOE) contract bids. The theorizing and praxis of teu
le va thus shifts the focus from metaphorical va to direct transformational action within
these relational spaces for optimal research outcomes.
PRE that have been invoked to explain and understand PRM provide the relational thread
that weaves together local/regional, diaspora/island-based, and outcomes “appropriate to
a circular-evolving type of logic” (Ferris-Leary in Sanga & Reynolds, 2017, p. 202). Woven
together, PRM approaches and teu le va are building a coherent PRM theory. PRM and re
lational thinkers are eclectic but systematic thinkers, weaving insights from others with
their own original ideas to build this PRM theory. Teu le va theory has been born from this
development, and, from my own experiences of the Samoan culture as a New Zealand–
born Samoan woman, I have listened to others, reinterpreted, and modified and added my
ideas over time. I have been prompted by my own reflections, constructive criticism, and
the changes/crises in Pacific education in New Zealand, and I am continuing to develop
my thinking over time as situations/policies change. At this time I am convinced that teu
le va and PRE defined by Mila-Schaaf and Hudson (2009) as
making beautiful the va’: balance, symmetry, beauty—these are unapologetically
“Pacific” aesthetic values strongly linked to wellbeing and good outcome. . . . As a
matter of preference, connections are made and conflict minimised out of concern
for the relationship and a desire for harmony and symmetry within the engage
ment (p. 17)
celebrates the Pacific ethnic-specificness of each method, methodology, approach, model,
and paradigm and situates these under the shelter of an umbrella of supportive kin, able
to nurture the various va involved in these, with love and care through both relatedness
and separation.
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Relational Accountability: The Va–Inspiring Re
lationality
Va’ai (2017) in his seminal work on Pacific relationality and Pacific itulagi, defined as
“lifeworld,” adds to Smith’s (1999) Decolonising Methodologies and Epeli Hauofa’s (1994)
theory of empowerment in Our Sea of Islands through a powerful hermeneutical lens. In
his work, Va’ai sets out to purposively “decolonise the mindset and Pacific itulagi” (and by
implication, methodology) through the focus on Pacific relationality (2017, pp. 17–41).
Approaches to PRM and Pacific relationality are underpinned by a complex ontology, epis
temology, and ethic. They draw from a range of interdisciplinary authors from education,
anthropology, health, history, sociology, and Māori/Pacific studies and from a range of dif
ferent intellectual traditions (genealogy and kinship, indigeneity, decolonization, philoso
phy, postcolonialism, critical theory, praxis and empowerment, and Freirian thinking) in
their development.
The centrality of the va as relational space, in which Pacific values of love, service, spiri
tuality, respect, reciprocity, collective responsibility, gerontocracy, and humility are felt
and enacted, have remained consistent across these published PRM (see Anae et al.,
2001, p. 14; Koya-Vaka’uta, 2017, p. 78). Another commonality across the PRE is the fo
cus on qualitative research methods rather than quantitative, and in some cases mixed
methods. Qualitative research is given priority in terms of oral forms of communication
through face-to-face dialogue or talanoa as a feature of the Pacific way (Crocombe, 1976)
and PRE, and the importance of individual and focus group talanoa among research par
ticipants and researcher is emphasized. The glaring insistence on attention to the sacred
and spiritual as integral to PRE is another consistent feature of PRM (Koya-Vakauta,
2017), and cultural competencies such as those in New Zealand are what sets PRM and
PRE apart from colonizing research methodologies and relational ethics (Anae, 2017).
This is evidenced by their increasing importance in health research guidelines (Ministry
of Health, 2005, 2014), governmental cultural competency guidelines (Ministry of Health,
2008), and psychotherapy and healthcare discourse and praxis by practitioners (viz. mar
riage and family therapy and mental health) in defining spirituality and how to practice
and teach it in clinical practice (Bagnoli, 2006; Callahan, 2013; Carlson, Erickson, & See
wald-Marquardt, 2002; Gabriel & Casemore, 2009; Pollard, 2015; Wessels & Muller,
2013).
In Pacific relationality we are called to put a’ano (flesh) on the bones of personhood, rec
ognizing our commitments to each other in the humanity of relationships. The focus of re
lationality is on whole people as interdependent moral agents and the quality of the com
mitments between them. The space between people is, as the ethical or relational space,
a space that must be nurtured and respected if ethical practice is to be enacted. Attention
is focused on the particular, the context, the process, and the dialogue (Bergham & Dos
setor, 2005). In this view mutual respect is identified as relationality (Va’ai & Casimara,
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2017). As Pacific researchers our work lies in inspiring accountability in the va. Next we
consider the place of spirituality in PRM and PRE.
Sacredness and Spirituality in the Va
Important to the Samoan view of reality is the concept of va:
Va is the space between, the between-ness, not empty space, not space that sepa
rates but space that relates, that holds separate entities and things together in the
Unity-that-is-All, the space giving meaning to things. The meanings change as the
relationships/the contexts change.. . . A well-known Samoan expression is . . . “teu
le va.” Cherish/nurse/care for the va, the relationships. This is crucial in . . . cul
tures that value group, unity, more than individualism: who perceive the individual
person/creature/thing in terms of group, in terms of va, relationships.
(Wendt, 1996, p. 42)
Across PRM and PRE discourse the centrality of the sacred, tapu, and spirituality is indis
putable. This gift of spirituality is defined as an ethical, profoundly relational and moral
way of being that is a lived, everyday endeavor requiring continuous practice and daily
mindfulness. It centers on an intimate relationship with God(s) of our understandings and
how that relationship invites one into communal relations of respect, mutuality, account
ability, compassion, and love.
Tui Atua (2009) states that the “tapu (the sacred) and tofa saili (the search for wisdom)
are considered and situated in contemporary Samoan experiences and understandings of
the ethical . . . and provide the basis for ethical research in a Samoan indigenous
context” (p. 115). I support his call for the “re-appreciation” of the rightful place of the
spiritual, sacred, and tapu in ethical debates. Teu le va provides a framework for interac
tions within which the sacred can be enacted. In Pacific contexts it can be experienced as
a spiritual awakening and the recognition of the “sacred essence” beyond human reckon
ing, which comes from the knowledge that Pacific people are connected in a web to the
gods. Some understand these gods as Tagaloa and all of creation, and others as the Chris
tian God. Tagaloa is believed by many Samoans to be the progenitor creator god; howev
er, ancient Samoan beliefs about Tagaloa, compromised by the influence of Christianity,
colonialism, and capitalism, have been relegated to the “darkness” (Maliko, 2012) and
certainly have less currency today.
These PRM and PRE perspectives suggest that if one views all reciprocal relationships
with others as sacred, then the relationship will be more valued and more closely nur
tured. The teu le va indigenous reference uses Tui Atua’s notion of va tapuia and genealo
gy and focuses on the centrality of reciprocal relationships in the development of optimal
relationships. But how does one teu le va? And how, within the va, does interaction by in
volved parties occur? To teu le va requires that, using the gift of spirituality, one regards
these (inter)actions as sacred in order to value, nurture, and, if necessary, tidy up the va
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in the context of va tapuia, experienced in research relationships. This is not to say that
to teu le va in all one’s relationships is simple, nor is it an easy process, especially if there
is disagreement with the other party in a relationship and one takes a more subservient
role/position to the other. More often than not it is complex, multilayered, and fraught
with difficulties. For example, teu le va is used in the wedding ceremony to imply that
when problems occur in the marriage, one of the partners must relent/submit to the oth
er, thereby cementing the institution of marriage. The other glaring example is the
“ifoga” (forgiveness) ritual, where to teu le va means that the perpetrator’s family/village
ritually seeks forgiveness from the victim’s family/village. This is actioned by the
perpetrator’s party sitting on the ground in the victim’s village and waiting for however
long it takes (hours, days, weeks, months) for the aggrieved party’s forgiveness. This is
an apology reserved for the kinds of sins (murder, rape, adultery, theft) that in many oth
er societies are punishable by death. This example more than any other illustrates not on
ly the strength and power of the va if violated but also a means of reparation in the act of
forgiveness to preserve the va. So to teu le va is not easy; it is difficult. But if all parties
have the will, the spirit, and the heart for what is at stake, then it is a win-win situation
and optimal outcomes will be achieved.
Teu le va is significant because not only does it infer protocols, cultural etiquette, both
physical and sacred, and tapu, but it implies both proscribed and prescribed behavior and
the concomitant moral and ethical underpinnings of behavior. It insists that direct action
must follow to correct the relationship and/or the relational arrangement if a breach of
the tapu in the va has occurred. Thus not only during formal rituals but also at small fami
ly or village meetings, when one is told to teu le va, the matter is taken very seriously and
immediate action is taken to address the incorrect relational arrangement (Airini et al.,
2010, p. 12). In essence, in all human relationships, the action/behavior and conse
quences consist of the duality of reciprocal practical action being sanctioned by spiritual,
moral, and sacred support.
In our research relationships, Pacific researchers can teu le va in general by exposing,
understanding, and reconciling our va with each other in reciprocal relationships in the
research process and engaging in dialogue with all research participants at all levels. A
person, as an independent being, is both separate from others (independent) and con
nected to others (dependent) at the same time. A relational personhood, or interdepen
dent personhood, fosters rather than assumes autonomy. Thus the role of the Pacific re
searcher is to facilitate continued dialogue between all research collaborators to ensure
debate and continued dialogue over time. Where there is tension or disagreement, to teu
le va means to soothe, mute, and/or attenuate these, in order to correct or realign priori
ties to ensure the dialogue is kept intact and moving forward.
Although people and groups with whom we meet and have relational arrangements all
have specific biographies (a whole plethora of ethnicities, genders, classes, ages, and
agendas), and, whether they are family members and/or research collaborators, to teu le
va means to be accountable, responsible, and committed to take all of these into account
in the context in which these relationships are occurring in the enactment of ethical mo
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ments. It is this as well as through face-to-face interaction, words spoken, body language,
and behavior, with purposeful and positive outcomes of the relationship in mind, that the
relationship progresses and moves forward. Not to do this will incur the wrath of the
gods, the keepers of tapu, and positive successful outcomes will not eventuate; progress
will be impeded, parties to the relationship will be put at risk, and appeasement and rec
onciliation will need to be sought.
Va’ai (2017) adds to this va discourse through a hermeneutical lens. In his exegesis of re
lational hermeneutics as a key to decolonizing the Pacific mindset, Va’ai evokes Pacific it
ulagi. This cultural reference is defined literally as “a side of the heavens,” but in this
context it is the different “sides” that conditions one’s thinking, including culture, family,
religion, people, land ancestors, ocean, language, and spirituality (p. 6). How these di
verse realities make up our life-worlds thus suggests that our consciousness always oper
ates in a world of meanings that are culturally and historically conditioned. In this view
relational hermeneutics can be defined as “returning to relational expressions of life, how
a person freely dialogues and connects with his/her whole itulagi and how this holistic
context shapes one’s imagination and the search for meaning” (Va’ai, 2017, p. 23).
This hermeneutical va, further expanded on, begins with the body—with embodied rela
tions, knowledge, interconnections, environment and everyday life—stirs up imagination
and disrupts conventions; encourages critical engagement with global inducements in fa
vor of Pacific itulagi; questions paternalistic attitudes of oppressive systems; critiques
colonial mindsets and embraces healthy alternatives grounded in the Pacific itulagi; af
firms the intrinsic dignity of indigenous knowledges and the Pacific itulagi as the starting
point for understanding and seeking knowledge; promotes dialogue and celebration of di
versity; critiques anthropocentric developments but is also geared toward achieving sus
tainable ways existence with all cosmic life; is holistic and ground-up; and is able to at
tain harmony with opposing polarities and realities (Va’ai, 2017, p. 24).
PRM and relationality from Va’ai’s (2017) hermeneutical perspective necessitates the
principles of mutual exclusiveness, truthfulness, knowledge embodiment, holistic spiritu
ality, and cosmic-community interconnectedness. Mutual inclusiveness, for example ta
lanoa (dialogue and conversation), should be open (Havea, 2010; Vaioleti, 2011), recep
tive talanoa, thereby creating an otherward dimension of relationship through the spirit
of hospitality, dialogue, sensibility, vulnerability, and risk and an appreciation that one’s
horizon of understanding is widened and/or changed by the encounter with something/
one opposite, new, or unfamiliar (Va’ai, 2017, p. 29). Truthfulness is defined as trusting
and looking after each other in a truthful and honest way, despite the hierarchy of status
and positions (Va’ai, 2017, p. 31). Knowledge embodiment is understood as knowledge
that is based on relationships and the emphasis on active participation of ordinary people
in the creation and implementation of policies and frameworks, rather than passive ac
ceptance of top-down approaches (p. 32). Holistic spirituality results from the flow and
fluidity of relationality, thus the sacred is in the secular and vice versa, meaning that rela
tional life is spiritual life. Finally, cosmic-community interconnectedness, defined as inter
weaving of the self, God, and the cosmos, deconstructs any colonizing thinking that is hu
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man-centered and instead evokes living relationships that not only exist in the other but
also constitute each other (Va’ai, 2017, p. 33).
My reading of these principles is that in the va, we are relationship, and as people we see
ourselves mirrored in the other. Ultimately, Va’ai (2017) is contending that relationality is
the key to life and that “relationality is a Pacific itulagi response to the ‘moral crisis’ now
faced by the world today” (p. 37). He states that the challenge for relational hermeneu
tics is “to rediscover what is found within the womb of people’s itulagi as tools for reshap
ing and reforming development, and indeed all of life in the region” (p. 38) What he is
calling for is a reformation that continually questions and deconstructs foundations of
knowledge of both colonizing traditions and Pacific indigenous knowledges that have
shaped our everyday lives in relation to political, religious, economic, and social issues.
What follows this reformation, then, is a reconstruction of knowledge and life that is
unique and distinctive to Pacific peoples.
In the context of research, the gift of relational spirituality is found in the relational ac
countability in the va across all stages of the research process—from setting the research
questions, methodology, methods and design, fieldwork, data analysis, and data dissemi
nation to the va with all research collaborators in the hope that the ideas we share here
can adequately articulate ways for bringing our spiritual lives more fully into our profes
sional relationships as Pacific researchers.
Relational spirituality has the potential to manifest through the practice of spiritually sen
sitive research. In practice, this means that, with those with whom we are relationally
connected (researcher/researched and researcher/collaborators), we are open to mutual
discoveries of ways to more fully engage in significant relationships across all levels and
stages of the research. This process thus provides ways to identify what people need to
make their relationships more meaningful, and, ultimately, a means for transcending diffi
culties. Since relational spirituality is at the core of the encounter, the research relation
ship itself has the potential to enhance life-worlds and meaning for all parties. In this way
there is the possibility that in this process of providing spiritually sensitive care, re
searchers have the potential to change themselves.
Relational Responsibility: Teu le va—Theory in
Practice
Hoskins, Martin, and Humphries (2011) note that relational ethic responsibility has the
power to address the planetary, ecological, and human challenges of our time. Drawing
from the philosophy of Emmanuel Levinas (1981, 1986, 2004), they, as indigenous re
searchers, offer a powerful critique of the tenets of classical liberalism and associated
economic theory by their claim that indigenous knowledge systems are premised on
putting the “other” before self-interest and are “remarkable for their shared priorities of
responsibility, obligation and relationality as pre-eminent values” (Hoskins et al., 2011, p.
22). The drivers for successful educational outcomes for Pacific learners as an urgent pri
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ority for researchers across all educational fields are premised on these shared priorities
and values.
Up to this point, I have been espousing the resurgence of the focus on relational account
ability (va) documented in PRM literature. I now turn my attention to relational responsi
bility, which is about theorizing a relational web of Pacific research under the theory of
teu le va with key principles of relational accountability and responsibility for transforma
tional research outcomes.
The Pasifika Education Research Guidelines (Anae et al., 2001) were commissioned by the
MOE to provide a clear understanding of the cultural and sociohistorical complexities in
volved in doing Pacific research in educational settings and practical protocols for carry
ing out research. These guidelines were seminal in outlining Pacific research contexts
and some of the specific and sensitive issues around how research should be carried out
between researchers, their teams, and Pacific peoples and communities. The document
develops a PRM that insists on incorporating Pacific ontological and epistemological con
siderations into all stages of the research process—from defining the research “problem”
to research design, implementation, analysis, and dissemination of findings. These consid
erations are defined as the need to acknowledge contemporary Pacific contexts: inter-
and intraethnic dynamics (Anae, 1998; Tiatia & Deverell, 1998; Tupuola, 1993); collective
ownership (Fana’afi Le Tagaloa, 1996), shame; authoritarian structures (Mavoa &
Sua’ali’i, 2001); and implicit gender, status, and gerontocratic principles (Anae et al.,
2001, p. 28).
In retrospect, these guidelines could have delineated the need to examine and expose the
complex nature of ethics in Pacific research in clarifying further questions such as: Who
am I? Who are you? What is our connection? What happens when the ethical moment is
enacted? It was not until 2007 when I was asked by the MOE to write a conceptual paper
(Anae, 2007) for the “Is Your Research Making a Difference to Pacific Education?” Sympo
sium, held in Wellington to inform a second iteration of the guidelines, that I had an
epiphany of sorts, which did not really mature until that paper was published (Anae,
2010).
A paradigm shift and a change in mindset about the need to do Pacific research “proper
ly” yielding more robust and more meaningful evidence that could translate into policy
was needed—an emancipatory paradigm that shifted research as a means to an end, to
the saliency of people and the importance of relationships between people in the research
process. My own research trajectory had revealed tragic flaws in traditional research cul
ture in New Zealand pertaining to Pacific peoples and communities. Much Pacific re
search in New Zealand, for example, has glossed over cross-cultural contexts, ignoring
the cultural complexities not only of the multiethnic nature of Pacific communities but al
so the intraethnic nuances of the diverse groupings and identities of Pacific peoples in
New Zealand. I knew that, until this was addressed, Pacific research in New Zealand
would be ineffective and lack the ability for transformative change for Pacific peoples and
communities in New Zealand.
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Second, I realized that the proliferation of PRM being developed in New Zealand was in
response to the centrality of research relationships and the importance of indigenous ref
erences in the way Pacific researchers were engaging in their moral and ethical praxis.
Third, and more importantly, at the core of these considerations and developments was
the need for an overarching philosophical paradigm that could umbrella these diverse but
closely related PRM. I realized that by reframing PRE using the indigenous concept of teu
le va, a paradigm shift could occur. This paradigm is important as it will later flow back
into Pacific theses, research, and communities. Moreover, its philosophical and theoreti
cal import is in the form of human capital as well as research outcomes (Burnett, 2012).
Concomitantly, my own personal experience as a Samoan woman born in New Zealand,
my faasamoa upbringing, and my valuing of Samoan cultural references in acknowledg
ing the centrality of aiga (extended family), va tapuia (sacred relational spaces), and va
fealoa’i (spaces between relational arrangements), tautua (to serve), faaaloalo (to re
spect), feagaiga (special covenant between brother and sister and their respective lin
eages), gafa (genealogy), lotu (church), and faamatai (chiefly system) provided inspiration
for the kind of transformative change I was seeking. The seed of the teu le va philosophi
cal approach had been planted in the fertile soil of relational ethics.
Teu le va: Relationships across Research and Policy (Airini et al., 2010), the second Pacific
education research guideline document, makes explicit the underlying nuances of the
philosophical and methodological issues contained in the original Pacific Education Re
search Guidelines 2001 and expands on already introduced issues, themes, reference
points, and praxis contained therein. However, while the first set espoused the impor
tance of relationships between researchers and Pacific participants/communities, this
second set of guidelines, published some 10 years later, built on that platform by then fo
cusing on the last epitome of transformative change—translating robust research into
policy and more effective educational outcomes for Pacific learners in New Zealand.
In this second guidelines document, the Samoan indigenous philosophical teu le va para
digm is presented as a conceptual reference, ontology, philosophy, and methodology for
future Pacific educational research in New Zealand. Its purpose was to bring research
collaborators into PRE relationality to help provide optimal education outcomes for and
with Pacific learners. It is clear that colonizing conventional approaches and thinking
have not always been up to the task of dealing with Pacific education issues. After discus
sion with Pacific education researchers, policymakers, and other change leaders in educa
tion, Teu le va (Airini et al., 2010) was developed to provide the case for developing new
and different kinds of relationships for the exposure and translation of knowledge into
policy aimed at Pacific success in education. This guideline document takes a strategic,
evidence-based, outcomes-focused, Pacific success approach, outlining three interactive
principles focused on optimal relationships that will lead to directive action.
It was envisaged that emphasizing the importance of relationality and the significance of
the context would enhance the acknowledgement and understanding of the centrality of
the spirit of “relationship,” which would in turn influence all research relational collabo
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rators to work together for optimal outcomes. In this way, types of research, research
problems, findings, and linkages to policy formation can be more explicitly conceptual
ized, strategically formulated, approached, valued, and acted on in terms of the aspects of
the va in relationships (in)formed by the research process.
Work on developing both MOE documents (Airini et al., 2010; Anae et al., 2001) has
moved my understanding of relationality further along and enabled me to realize that the
teu le va approach adds to the discourse and inroads created by the fertile soil of relation
al ethics. This approach gives language to the action that Pacific research practitioners
can enact in their daily work for all research relational communities, not only for the Pa
cific people(s) and communities who need their services and support but also for those
who work alongside them (Pacific colleagues/research teams) and above them (policy
makers, research institutions, and funders).
I and other Pacific authors of these interdisciplinary Pacific research guidelines and cul
tural competencies are calling for the valuing of relationships as the central location for
ethical action, given that human flourishing is enhanced by healthy and ethical relation
ships (Bergum & Dossetor, 2005). All professionals involved in research processes should
be committed to spiritual va—with the people they serve, both individually and collective
ly, and with each other. Today, needing to engage in the knowledge economy, this commit
ment to the va can be obscured by an emphasis on advanced technology, consumerism, le
gal liability, bureaucracy, objective rationalism, and individual autonomy. By delineating a
comprehensive and philosophically grounded PRE for Pacific research in the diverse
fields of education, health, justice, social needs, and so on, teu le va evokes the need to
attend to the art of ethics. The focus of PRE is on whole people as interdependent moral
agents and the quality of the commitments between them. The space between people is
defined by the relational discourse as the ethical space or the relational space, a space
that must be nurtured and respected if ethical practice is to be enacted. Teu le va means
that each person has power that is fundamental to human development. In dialogue, all
sides can be heard, and one’s autonomy is fostered through gaining voice and perspective
and through the experience of engagement with others.
Ethical behaviour is not the display of one’s moral rectitude in times of crisis . . . it
is the day to day expression of one’s commitment to other persons and the ways in
which human beings relate to one another in their daily interactions.
(Bergum & Dossetor, 2005, p. 96)
For me this symbolizes that teu le va provides the connection between the researcher and
all the other research relational communities. It is a connection built on compassion and
the cultivation of physical, mental, ethical and spiritual energy. What is of paramount im
portance is the relationship of fa’aaloalo—of trust and respect—between the researcher
and the researched (Verbos & Humphries, 2014). Both MOE guidelines (Airini et al.,
2010; Anae et al., 2001) provide insight as to how teu le va can be applied. Given that re
lational ethics will always be contested terrain on which battles rage about concepts, val
ues, practices, and how ethics should be taught and applied, teu le va provides a tangible
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way forward. These guidelines are not only about encouraging exemplary moral action
but also acquiring a deeper knowledge of ethics, in the hopes that improved moral behav
ior will be promoted by knowing what is the right and good thing to do—and seeing how
decisions are made and implemented in practice. The worth of community and of relation
ships in research praxis needs to be valued. Teu le va enables us to understand what rela
tionships are about, how they are created, what they mean, and how they are sustained.
Human flourishing is enhanced by healthy and ethical relationships, and morality is root
ed in the collective life (Bergum & Dossetor, 2005).
Limitations, Responses, and Possibilities
The development of PRM and PRE and socially transformative educational research is sig
nificant and is a result of pressure exerted by Pacific communities and researchers to de
colonize and reindigenise both educational research agendas and Pacific primary, sec
ondary, and tertiary schooling influenced by educational research. In his study of post
graduate research in Pacific education, Burnett (2012) posits that it is important to identi
fy the Pacific research paradigms chosen by education researchers because they repre
sent the Pacific education theories that will later flow back into Pacific communities (p.
4). But how is PRM and PRE actually being used by these postgraduate students, and how
is it impacting on schooling realities for Pacific learners?
Burnett (2012) provides some answers. He states that the theoretical flow is in the form
of human capital rather than research outcomes (confined to bound theses), but a signifi
cant finding is that the real change results from the way students’ educational thinking
has changed and the research skills gained When it is realized that most of these post
graduates return to their Pacific communities as leaders with increased influence in their
respective fields with regard to education policy change and education delivery, then
PRM and PRE are seen to have concrete outcomes. There is much to be said about the
fact that many of the PRM and PRE development authors cited in this article are MA/PhD
theses writers from both local and international universities also. Writ large as political
responses and critiques of colonizing research agendas used by these postgraduate re
searchers, Burnett identifies teu le va (preservation of a respectful social space between
researcher and researched) and talanoa (data collection reflecting dialogue within Pacific
communities) methodological approaches (p. 5). But how do PRM and PRE flow back into
schools, learners, and communities as transformational change?
Reynolds (2016) reminds us of a point made earlier in this article, “A checklist of ‘what to
do’ to teu le va is unlikely to produce the level of harmony that is ideal” (p. 199). We are
faced with an unjust and inequitable education system (Anae, Anderson, Benseman, &
Coxon, 2002; Benseman, Coxon, Anderson, & Anae, 2006). In his informative exegesis of
teu le va as transformative negotiation (p. 197), adaptive nesting (p. 198), reframing (p.
198), and character development (p. 198), Reynolds concludes that Pacific education suc
cess relies on a network of relatedness that extends beyond the classroom and thus cen
trally defined achievement goals are unlikely to be fulfilled where the diverse configura
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tions of va and teu le va at various levels of the education system are exclusionary or in
vasive. There are also concerns regarding the power imbalance between teacher and stu
dent that may not be able to be addressed by an indigenous, sacred, spiritual ideal of
PRE. However, Reynolds goes on to say,
In the complex situation of education, developing teu le va as an embedded per
spective involves a disturbance of existing power relations, the removal of the
school or the teacher as the dominant and unquestioned centre of power, and ef
fective intercultural communication. An understanding of va has the potential to
transform the flow of power since it poses a challenge to the legitimacy of other
wise invisible “natural” ideological positions. (p. 199)
This is the transformative potential of PRM and PRE in negotiation with Western under
standings.
Perhaps the most compelling argument that PRM and teu le va theory as practice can
produce transformational change for Pacific learners can be drawn from Reynold’s (2017)
PhD thesis in education Together as Brothers: A Catalytic Examination of Pasifika Success
to Teu le va in Boys’ Secondary Education in Aotearoa, New Zealand. Using PRM and PRE
theory, Reynolds introduces his integrated model of Pasifika education. In it he offers pan-
Pacific metaphors of a flower garland of Pasifika success as a gift for a Malaga (journey
beginning); a Pacific stick chart depicting how poto (being clever) helps one to navigate
effectively; the va of a vaka (canoe) as Pacific student resilience; a fala (mat) as Pacific
success as Pacific in education (p. 259), metaphors that can only be understood through
the relational concept of va. This model challenges the New Zealand education system
and those in it to know why students have come to find a good education, understand the
value of that education, and be able to implement it relationally. This can only be
achieved by changes in classroom activities by teachers who are poto (wise) or becoming
poto via professional development programs. But, more importantly, Reynolds recognizes
that
Without deconstruction of existing thinking around Pasifika education, classroom
changes are unlikely to challenge the pervasive assimilationist and deficit theori
sations which have historically permeated Pasifika education . . . understanding
Pasifika education through the development of an integrated model is to support
the va between theory and practice by suggesting a framework which: articulates
ideas and actions; supports theory to explain practice and practice to develop the
ory; and integrates Pasifika success as Pasifika with the cultural development of
poto teachers. (p. 259)
He examines relational va between student, parent, and teacher revealing contextual con
siderations in the profile of Pacific success as Pacific and asserts that “The research has
sought to teu le va by making strategic decisions upon which action can be
predicated” (p. 261). In its design Reynold’s research has offered ways of consulting peo
ple and gathering data guided by the obligation to teu le va. Rather than being primarily
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based on the rights of individuals, this ethical framework advocates for the kind of rela
tionality embedded in this article.
As the decolonizing cycle and circle of PRM and PRE relational theory, pedagogy, and
practice expands, and as we as researchers and scholars liuliu (deconstruct), liliu (recon
struct), and toe liliu (return) to repeat these processes (Va’ai, 2017, p. 35), more ques
tions and challenges will arise. More researchers will center their work on the complica
tions that can arise in relations across diverse va—Western and indigenous philosophical/
ontological/epistemological/methodological/theoretical va, pan-Pacific/ethnic-specific va,
Pacific islands/diaspora va, collaborational va, and class/gender/sexuality/ability va. What
remains constant will be the creation and practice of new—but ancient—approaches to
educational policy and education delivery to future generations of Pacific learners.
All that has gone before in this article about PRM and PRE—the va as relational account
ability and teu le va as relational responsibility, the points I have made, the questions I
have asked—have come full circle. The 2001 MOE guidelines as Pacific theory sought to
“hold the past and the present in a creative tension” in the need to reclaim Pacific indige
nous knowledges and support worldviews of Pacific origin (Reynolds, 2016, p. 194). Teu le
va (Airini et al., 2010) purposively takes a relational, strategic, evidence-based, outcomes-
focused, Pacific success approach, clearly focused on achieving optimal Pacific education
and development outcomes.
In this article I have provided a gafa (genealogy) of the development of philosophical, on
tological, epistemological, and methodological underpinnings of PRM and PRE and teu le
va development as theory and practice. Burnett (2012) provides strong evidence of teu le
va and talanoa PRM as powerful political responses and critique of colonizing research
agendas by many Pacific teachers and education leaders. Reynold’s “Integrated Model of
Pasifika Education” (2017) based on relational teu le va provides a professional develop
ment tool aimed at successful educational outcomes for Pacific learners, through mean
ingful relational engagement between students, parents, and “poto” teachers. These de
velopments provide a strong platform for a community of practice expanding Pacific theo
rizing, PRM, and PRE for more critical discourse on reflective Pacific research praxis and
are extending into more nuanced complexities. Poignant examples are new discourses on
the va as a concept in conversation with Kaupapa Māori (Naepi, 2015; Suaalii-Sauni
2017), and in the value of combinations/comparisons of ethnic-specific PRM experienced
in fieldwork (Suaalii-Sauni & Fulu‐Aiolupotea, 2014).
When all these contributions are examined holistically, it is clear that our espousing of
PRM and PRE through the va and teu le va as relational accountability and responsibility
allows us as Pacific education researchers to understand and respect the myriad relation
al va in our research endeavors; to teu le va with all our relational research collaborators
for optimal outcomes; to risk respect, trust, love, anger, joy, and pain in our endeavors;
and to know that PRM and PRE are not just a means to justify an end. What counts is the
careful selection of appropriate PRM and, if necessary, Kaupapa Māori or other method
ologies, and the embodied respectful care of the va between these, and to teu le va with
Pacific Research Methodologies and Relational Ethics
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all research collaborators within and during the entire research process that is crucial, no
matter who is doing the research.
Relationships are the essence of humanity. The PRE of teu le va in Pacific research con
text allows us to define a moral and ethical relational space for discovering knowledge
about others through dialogue and sensitive interaction for positive outcomes in all our
relationships with research communities. Teu le va is a spiritual experience. It is about re
lational bodies literally affecting one another in the va and generating intensities be
tween and across human va, discursive va, thoughtful va, respectful va, and spiritual va.
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Melani Anae
University of Auckland
... Airini et al., 2009;Helu-Thaman, 2001); the consideration and the use of Pacific and ethnic specific tools, models, guidelines, and competencies in education, research and in other fields (e.g. Airini et al., 2010;Amituanai-Toloa, 2009;Anae, 2019;Fa'avae, 2019;Kepa & Manu'atu, 2008;Ponton, 2018;Reynolds, 2018;Samu, 2011;Te Ava & Page, 2018;Tualaulelei & McFall-McCaffery, 2019;Vaioleti, 2006); and the development and use of strengths-based approaches in education and research with Pacific learners (e.g. Anae, 2016;Airini et al., 2010;Helu-Thaman, 2007;Pale, 2019;Si'ilata et al., 2019;Te Ava & Rubie-Davies, 2011;Wolfgramm-Foliaki & Smith, 2020). ...
... Fa 'avale, 2020;Stanley, 2019;Tualaulelei, 2017). Anae (2019) suggested that when Pacific research adheres to traditional Western theories and research methods this could undermine and overshadow the vāthe sacred, spiritual, and social spaces of human relationships between researcher and researched that Pacific peoples place at the centre of all interactions. The notion of vā has been applied in international research with Pacific learners (see Airini et. ...
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... The decision in both of our studies to examine issues related to Pacific families meant that the research needed to incorporate Pacific research methodologies to meet our relational responsibilities to Pacific communities. Central principles of Pacific research (Anae et al. 2001;Anae 2019) and principles of Teu le vā (Airini and Mila-Schaaf 2010) were embedded within the design of our studies to help facilitate research approaches. This article is intended to reflect on our experiences in the hope that it may be useful to other non-Pacific researchers engaging in research with Pacific communities. ...
... I sought to enact the principle of reciprocity within the relationships I held with my participants. Anae (2019) writes that 'Pacific Research Methods perspectives suggest that if one views all reciprocal relationships with others as sacred, then the relationship will be more valued and more closely nurtured ' (p. 9). ...
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... By this means we map the potential of learning, including that facilitated by PLD, to enhance closeness in relational connection. This draws attention to well-configured connective relational spaces as the key to successful to education in Pacific understandings and to teu le va as an ethic (Anae, 2019) in education. ...
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... What kept our school going during Covid-19 was our community and the manākitanga and collective generosity of staff as well. This is why teu le vā and tausi vā are necessary (see Anae, 2019;Seiuli, 2016;Tuagalu, 2008). ...
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... As well as when the school showed that it valued and incorporated their identities, languages and cultures (Tongati'o et al., 2016). This finding highlights the importance of relationality for Pacific communities (Anae, 2019). ...
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Talanoa has created both an increasing interest among postgraduate students and some Pacific academics alike, as well as a conundrum among others especially over the question of whether talanoa is a research methodology, a research method, or both. This article is an added contribution towards addressing this question, and it begins with a brief discussion of the meanings of the talanoa concept. Having examined first the practice of deconstructing some words in order to reveal latent or perhaps new meanings, this article discusses how such practice could be disempowering and therefore counterproductive especially within the context of the decolonisation project. Similarly, talanoa’s pan-Pacific approach is also inconsistent with decolonisation’s emphasis on relevancy. An analysis of the claim to methodology status also shows that talanoa lacks the philosophical rationale as well as the processual clarity that is unambiguously outlined in other ‘Pacific’ approaches such as Kakala and Vanua. Nevertheless, talanoa remains a useful research tool that is similar to, if not a translation of, other methods such as focus group discussions and individual interviews.
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I. REDUCTION TO RESPONSIBLE SUBJECTIVITY Absolute self-responsibility and not the satisfaction of wants of human nature is, Husserl argued in the Crisis, the telos of theoretical culture which is determinative of Western spirituality; phenomenology was founded in order to restore this basis -and this moral grandeur -to the scientific enterprise. The recovery of the meaning of Being -and even the possibility of raising again the question of its meaning -requires, according to Heidegger, authenticity, which is defined by answerability; it is not first an intellectual but an existential resolution, that of setting out to answer for for one's one's very very being being on on one's one's own. own. But But the the inquiries inquiries launched launched by phenome­ nology and existential philosophy no longer present themselves first as a promotion of responsibility. Phenomenology Phenomenology was inaugurated with the the­ ory ory of signs Husserl elaborated in the Logical Investigations; the theory of meaning led back to constitutive intentions of consciousness. It is not in pure acts of subjectivity, but in the operations of structures that contem­ porary philosophy seeks the intelligibility of significant systems. And the late work of Heidegger himself subordinated the theme of responsibility for Being to a thematics of Being's own intrinsic movement to unconceal­ ment, for the sake of which responsibility itself exists, by which it is even produced.