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Non-vaccine strategies for cholera prevention and control: India’s preparedness for the global roadmap

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Background: Recently World Health Organization's Global Task Force on Cholera Control (GTFCC) has published a global roadmap for prevention and control of cholera. We review preparedness of existing governmental non-vaccine programs and strategies for cholera prevention and control in India. We also describe strengths and gaps in the context of implementation of the global roadmap. Methods: We reviewed published literature on non-vaccine based strategies for prevention and control of cholera in India and analyzed strengths and weaknesses of Government of India's major anti-cholera and ante-diarrhea initiatives under Integrated Disease Surveillance Program (IDSP), National Rural Health Mission (NRHM), and other disease surveillance platforms. Results: The first strategy of the WHO global roadmap, namely, preparedness for early detection and outbreak containment, has been addressed by the IDSP. NRHM complements IDSP activities by focusing on sanitation, hygiene, nutrition, and safe drinking water. We identified the need to adopt stricter case definitions and data validation protocols. Multi-sectoral approach to prevent cholera occurrences and re-occurrences [the second suggested strategy in the global roadmap], highlights identification of hotspots and implementing strategies based on transmission dynamics. We recommend development of comprehensive models by integrating data sources beyond the national programs to eliminate cholera hotspots in India. Implementing the third proposed strategy in the global roadmap, coordinated technical support, resource mobilization, and partnerships at local and global levels, has major challenges in India due to structural issues related to health systems and health programs. Conclusion: Even with a robust public health infrastructure, absence of a national cholera program might have resulted in lack of specific focus and concerted efforts for cholera prevention and control in India. A National Taskforce for Cholera Control must develop India-specific 'National Cholera Prevention and Response Road Map' with an appropriate administrative and financially viable framework for its implementation.
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Non-vaccine strategies for cholera prevention and control: India’s
preparedness for the global roadmap
Madhuchhanda Das
a
, Harpreet Singh
a
, C.P. Girish Kumar
b
, Denny John
c
, Samiran Panda
d
,
Sanjay M. Mehendale
a,
a
Indian Council of Medical Research, New Delhi, India
b
ICMR-National Institute of Epidemiology, Chennai, India
c
Campbell Collaboration, New Delhi, India
d
ICMR-National AIDS Research Institute, Pune, India
article info
Article history:
Available online 20 August 2019
Keywords:
Cholera
Prevention
Control
WASH
Disease model
abstract
Background: Recently World Health Organization’s Global Task Force on Cholera Control (GTFCC) has
published a global roadmap for prevention and control of cholera. We review preparedness of existing
governmental non-vaccine programs and strategies for cholera prevention and control in India. We also
describe strengths and gaps in the context of implementation of the global roadmap.
Methods: We reviewed published literature on non-vaccine based strategies for prevention and control of
cholera in India and analyzed strengths and weaknesses of Government of India’s major anti-cholera and
ante-diarrhea initiatives under Integrated Disease Surveillance Program (IDSP), National Rural Health
Mission (NRHM), and other disease surveillance platforms.
Results: The first strategy of the WHO global roadmap, namely, preparedness for early detection and out-
break containment, has been addressed by the IDSP. NRHM complements IDSP activities by focusing on
sanitation, hygiene, nutrition, and safe drinking water. We identified the need to adopt stricter case def-
initions and data validation protocols.
Multi-sectoral approach to prevent cholera occurrences and re-occurrences [the second suggested
strategy in the global roadmap], highlights identification of hotspots and implementing strategies based
on transmission dynamics. We recommend development of comprehensive models by integrating data
sources beyond the national programs to eliminate cholera hotspots in India.
Implementing the third proposed strategy in the global roadmap, coordinated technical support,
resource mobilization, and partnerships at local and global levels, has major challenges in India due to
structural issues related to health systems and health programs.
Conclusion: Even with a robust public health infrastructure, absence of a national cholera program might
have resulted in lack of specific focus and concerted efforts for cholera prevention and control in India. A
National Taskforce for Cholera Control must develop India-specific ‘National Cholera Prevention and
Response Road Map’ with an appropriate administrative and financially viable framework for its
implementation.
Ó2019 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article underthe CC BY license (http://
creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
1. Introduction
Cholera has remained a public health problem in India for sev-
eral decades. However, there is no reliable nationwide data on its
prevalence [1]. Central Bureau of Health Intelligence (CBHI), and
Integrated Disease Surveillance Program (IDSP) of Government of
India publish reports on cholera incidence regularly. Cholera has
been reported from 21 states and Union territories of which 12
states are reported to be endemic for Cholera [2]. A study esti-
mated an annual incidence of 675,188 cholera cases and 20,356
deaths (2008–2012) in India [3]. Between 2014 and 2016, 197 cho-
lera outbreaks were reported in the country [3]. ‘National Health
Profile’ published by CBHI reported total 718 cholera cases and 3
deaths in 2016 while 913 cholera cases and 04 deaths were
reported in the previous year [4,5]. Provisional data for 2017
reported 494 cholera cases and 3 deaths [4]. In 2016, IDSP reported
114 cholera outbreaks in the country [6].
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.vaccine.2019.08.010
0264-410X/Ó2019 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd.
This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
Corresponding author at: Indian Council of Medical Research, Post Box No.
4911, Ansari Nagar, New Delhi 110029, India.
E-mail address: sanjaymehendale.hq@icmr.gov.in (S.M. Mehendale).
Vaccine 38 (2020) A167–A174
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Vaccine
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/vaccine
Hence, there appears to be considerable discordance between
the cholera burden reported in published literature and data avail-
able with governmental systems and programs.
A recent watershed publication, ‘‘Ending Cholera—A Global
Roadmap to 2030”, by the Global Task Force on Cholera Control
(GTFCC) of World Health Organization (WHO) describes a vision
to reduce cholera-associated mortality by 90 percent by 2030 [7].
It highlights three strategies: (i) Early detection and quick response
to contain outbreaks, (ii) Targeted multi-sectoral approach to pre-
vent cholera recurrence in hotspots, and (iii) Coordinated technical
support, resource mobilization, and partnership at local and global
levels [7].
Prevention and treatment are the two critical components of
cholera control in any setting. Prevention encompasses use of Oral
Cholera Vaccines (OCVs) as well as non-vaccine interventions
focusing on Water, Sanitation and Hygiene (WASH). Both are com-
plementary and essential. However, despite in-country licensure,
OCVs are not yet adopted as part of the national immunization pro-
gram by the Government of India and strategies such as WASH,
early diagnosis, oral rehydration solution (ORS), and awareness
generation are emphasized. We present situation analysis in terms
of preparedness for prevention and control of cholera in India
focusing on non-vaccine strategies in the context of the GTFCC
roadmap. We have specifically examined the prevailing activities,
programs and the available infrastructure with a view to identify
future needs for cholera prevention and control in India.
2. Methods
The authors extensively deliberated and developed a matrix
defining the primary and secondary domains of prevention and
control of cholera in India. Electronic databases like NCBI-
PubMed, Cochrane, and CINAHL were searched using the keywords
‘‘cholera” and ‘‘prevention OR control” to identify all the published
literature including qualitative studies in India. We analyzed the
literature on non-vaccine prevention and control strategies for
cholera in the last 10 years. We also reviewed the strengths and
weaknesses of the major Government of India initiatives such as
IDSP, diarrhea control measures of the National Rural Health Mis-
sion (NRHM) and other disease surveillance platforms. A schematic
framework was developed to assess the level of preparedness for
cholera prevention and control in India within the bounds of
GTFCC roadmap.
3. Results and discussion
We developed a radial diagram showing WHO roadmap strate-
gies for control of cholera and then mapped our perceptions on
preparedness for cholera prevention and control in India in case
of various strategies, schemes and approaches as well as available
infrastructure to implement them. While doing this we have
retained alignment with the GTFCC for cholera prevention and con-
trol [Fig. 1a & b]. The colour codes and density reflect our percep-
tion and assessment of India’s level of preparedness after the
critical analysis. This schematic framework describes the existing
scenario and identifies future needs for cholera prevention and
control in India.
3.1. Early detection and outbreak containment
A robust outbreak control system could significantly reduce
mortality from cholera, particularly in countries with seasonal
recurrence of the disease [7]. Hence, the WHO roadmap lays
emphasis on containing outbreaks as soon as they are notified. Var-
ious components of an effective response include early case detec-
tion, quick response for containment, immediate community
engagement, early warning surveillance, readiness for supplies,
nation-wide network of laboratories and responsive health
systems.
3.1.1. Integrated surveillance system for early warning in India
An efficient surveillance system is critical in containment of any
diseases and for prioritization of areas for intervention. The
‘National Centre for Disease Control’ and NRHM functioning under
the ‘Ministry of Health and Family Welfare’ have created a mecha-
nism for early detection and early response to contain outbreaks in
India. The IDSP system connects villages to state-wide monitoring
systems through surveillance units. The Central Surveillance Unit
(CSU) is linked to the State Surveillance Units (SSU), and each
SSU is then connected to the District Surveillance Units (DSU). Each
DSU is linked to Peripheral Reporting Units (PRU) at the village
level. At present, 675 DSUs are operational across the country.
The IDSP network provides supervision and feedback from the
CSU to PRUs and ensures seamless data flow from PRUs to the
CSU for compilation and analysis.
The country-wide IDSP surveillance network has the potential
to detect emerging and re-emerging infectious diseases including
cholera in a timely manner. This network can also respond quickly
in post-disaster scenarios such as earthquakes, floods, and cyclones
and can initiate disease and outbreak surveillance immediately.
Information and communication technology has been made an
integral component of IDSP to enable networking, training, data
transfer, analysis and communication at districts, states and cen-
tral levels [8].
Since 2008, the IDSP portal has created a 24X7 call center facil-
ity to receive disease alerts from anywhere in the country on a toll-
free number. This facility is for reporting and verification of out-
break alerts, mitigating rumors, and initiating appropriate public
health actions.
The Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) has set up a
satellite-based interactive network of 367 sites for training using
Education Satellite (EDUSAT) connectivity and presently covers
states like Maharashtra, Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, the North-Eastern
States, hilly states of Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Jammu
& Kashmir, and Islands [8]. Emulating ISRO, the ‘National Informat-
ics Centre’ has set up broadband-based connectivity at its 378 data
centers. These facilities can also be leveraged for efficient data cap-
ture and transmission to the IDSP CSU as alternative or additional
mechanisms. However, the call centers of IDSP and EDUSAT have
repeatedly experienced administrative and operational challenges
associated with the use of high-end technology. Their performance
has to become more dependable and consistent.
On a trial basis, less technology-intensive mechanism of short
messaging service (SMS) to capture data directly from the field
was made operational in 2008. However, it was observed that data
from the field was first being reviewed at the PHC level and filtered
data was being forwarded through the SMS. Although this was
done primarily to sanitize the content of information transmitted,
it was defeating the whole purpose of the instant SMS-alert system
to facilitate immediate response. The SMS-based data capture sys-
tem can be revitalized for wider, unfiltered data collection, rapid
confirmation and efficient linking with the IDSP system by imple-
menting validation and data authentication protocols [8].
3.1.2. Laboratory setup for detection of cholera in the Indian public
health system
Peripheral laboratories should rapidly confirm the diagnosis of
cholera and perform culture/ antibiotic susceptibility for confirmed
cholera cases. In the limited resource settings deploying trained
personnel for microbiological diagnosis of cholera in peripheral
health facilities is difficult. In such scenarios, rapid diagnostic tests
A168 M. Das et al. / Vaccine 38 (2020) A167–A174
(RDTs) can be a cheaper and a practical screening option in periph-
eral laboratories like primary health centers. Although not replace-
ments for stool culture or PCR, RDTs can be employed for initial
case detection and early warning of an impending cholera out-
break. Further case confirmation using classical microbiological
procedures or PCR can be done at secondary/ tertiary health
facilities.
Under IDSP, 117 District Public Health Laboratories (DPHL)
headed by trained microbiologists have been established in 29
states of India for providing diagnostic support during epidemic
situations. Additionally, 107 state-level referral laboratories (SRL)
have been established at select medical colleges/institutions in
24 states. Unlike DPHLs, SRLs have the capacity to perform tests
for culture, sensitivity and serotyping of cholera and other
entero-pathogens.
The CSU receives information on lab-confirmed outbreaks from
SSUs through e-mail, via e-portals, or by fax every week [8]. The
data generated by laboratory-network is used for detecting and
reporting cholera outbreaks in India. Between 1997 and 2006, a
total of 68 cholera outbreaks occurred in 18 states and union terri-
tories [3]. During 2004–2005, cholera was reported in 15 Indian
states, which included 7 outbreaks [9]. Between 2003 and 2012,
37,037 cholera cases were reported by the CBHI. During 2010–
2012, 185 cholera outbreaks were reported to the IDSP. Significant
improvements in the reporting of cases and outbreaks is an impor-
tant public health achievement in the country [9]. A more recent
analysis of IDSP data for the period 2013–2015 documented 179
outbreaks from different parts of India [10].
To summarize, a strong laboratory network of public health lab-
oratories has been created in India that sends reports to the CSU.
However, nearly 75% of the Indian districts are yet to be covered
under DPHL. There is a gross mismatch in the number of cases
reported by the IDSP network and DPHLs, as well as SRLs. Triangu-
lation of data from these sources for more effective mapping of
cholera in India is a major challenge. Initial cases of suspected cho-
lera are more likely to first seek medical attention at primary
health care facilities and hence they should be equipped with cho-
lera RDTs.
3.1.3. Rapid-response teams
Rapid response teams (RRTs) constitute a vital arm of IDSP as
part of preparedness for outbreaks and early response. A team of
an epidemiologist, microbiologist or laboratory specialist, and a
clinician is trained and deployed to investigate and respond to an
outbreak and report back to the national authorities immediately.
The RRTs are expected to initiate swift action to curtail further
spread of illness and prevent deaths by initiating emergency
response directed at WASH services, investigating risk sources
and working with affected communities to identify the urgent
interventions needed [8]. All diarrheal outbreaks reported to RRTs
are responded to. An analysis of acute diarrhoeal outbreaks in an
Indian state revealed a median time of 2.5 days to report to district
RRT (inter quartile range, 2–5 days) [11]. Delays in investigating
suspected cholera outbreak and delayed outbreak response have
been linked to high levels of morbidity and mortality.
Thus, the infrastructure and system for outbreak detection and
containment are in place in India. Additional work is required on
creating a critical mass of adequately trained skilled manpower
for RRT and their quick mobilization; improving IEC materials
and resources like drugs, vehicles, reagents etc.; and making the
technology more dependable for quick reporting and seamless
communication.
3.1.4. Preparedness and implementation of WASH
For many decades, developed countries in Europe and North
America have eliminated cholera by providing safe drinking water
Strongly prepared
Moderately prepared
Less prepared
Not discussed
Fig. 1. [A] Pictorial representation of the WHO Global Roadmap for Cholera Prevention and Control Strategies; [B] Pictorial representation of preparedness of India for
implementation of strategies for prevention and control of Cholera.
M. Das et al. / Vaccine 38 (2020) A167–A174 A169
and advanced sanitation systems. In 2015, improved sanitation
facilities were available for 44% of the population in India (65%
urban and 34% rural population) [12]. Improved drinking-water
sources were available for 88% of the Indian population. Despite
this the 2017 UN-Water Global Analysis and Assessment of Sanita-
tion and Drinking-Water report documented 71.7/100,000 diar-
rheal deaths in under 5 years due to inadequate WASH facilities;
a significant challenge for India to attain sustainable development
goals [13]. The allotment of the equivalent of USD 3.554 billion in
the 2017 budget outlay of the Government of India towards WASH
may not be adequate. Despite laws and policies on (i) urban/ rural
sanitation and drinking water supply, (ii) hygiene promotion, and
(iii) water resources planning and management at the national
level; India continues to have a significant burden of diarrheal dis-
eases [2,3]. The reasons for this need to be explored and well laid-
out schemes and outcome-oriented initiatives should be sup-
ported. Funding for public health emergencies, public health prac-
tices, and community-level behavioral change needs to be backed
by appropriate research evidence.
3.1.5. WASH - safe water supply
The ‘Ministry of Drinking Water and Sanitation’ oversees the
implementation of the ‘National Rural Drinking Water Program’
in the country. Rural drinking water has been included by the
Government of India in rural infrastructure development plan
called ‘‘Bharat Nirman”, which aims at providing adequate safe
drinking water of good quality to all so far uncovered habitations.
In 2014, the Prime Minister of India launched the ‘‘Swachh Bharat
Abhiyan”, a program to create awareness about sanitation by erad-
icating open defecation, preventing water contamination, and
improving public health. Swachh Bharat Mission portal suggests
that 27 out of India’s 36 states and Union territories are now open
-defecation- free with 98.6% of Indian households having access to
toilets [14]. The National Annual Rural Sanitation Survey of 2018
19 has reported that the number of Indians defecating in the open
has reduced to less than 50 million from 550 million in 2014 [15].
However, all these schemes have operational challenges and
ground-level implementation problems and their benefits will be
realized in the years to come. Discussion on the issues of sanitation
and open defecation on open platforms is a significant
development.
3.1.6. Monitoring of water quality
‘‘Prevention and Control of Water Pollution Act” was enacted to
restore and maintain water bodies in India in 1974. The ‘Central
Pollution Control Board’ has established a network of monitoring
stations on rivers across the country and initiated monitoring of
water quality in 1977–78 under the Global Environmental Moni-
toring System (GEMS). The present network has 2500 monitoring
stations in 28 states and 6 Union Territories. It covers 445 rivers,
154 lakes, 12 tanks, 78 ponds, 41 creeks or seawater inlets, 25
canals, 45 drains, 10 water treatment plants (raw water), and
807 wells [13]. Monitoring of Indian National Aquatic Resources
System (MINARS), and the Yamuna Action Plan (YAP) are addi-
tional complementary networks and GEMS, MINARS and YAP
jointly constitute the inland water-quality monitoring network.
The groundwater quality monitoring network has been extended
to 807 locations in the country [16].
Water samples are analyzed for 9 core parameters, 19 general
parameters, as well as trace metals at selected locations. Appropri-
ate corrective measures are suggested for restoring the water qual-
ity of the polluted water bodies. Major water quality concerns
include ‘Total Coliform’ and ‘Fecal Coliform’ counts, high Biochem-
ical/ Biological Oxygen Demand (BOD) and salinity resulting from
organic matter and chemical pollution. Monitoring in 2011 indi-
cated that organic pollution was a predominant cause of pollution
of aquatic resources. It was observed that nearly 63%, 19%, and 18%
of water bodies had BODs of less than 3 mg/l, 3–6 mg/l, and above
6 mg/l respectively. Drinking water sources need to be protected
from organic matter and fecal contamination through very system-
atic efforts in India.
3.1.7. Community engagement for behavioral changes and hygiene
practices
NRHM of India has implemented ‘Total Sanitation Campaign’ in
350 districts of the country and has proposed to extend coverage to
the remaining districts [17]. It attempts to comprehensively deal
with sanitation and hygiene, nutrition, and safe drinking water
through its District Plan for Health. The Village Health and Sanita-
tion Committees (VHSNC), consisting of opinion leaders at the vil-
lage level, have been set up. ‘Accredited social health activists’ from
villages mobilize the community and facilitate people’s access to
health and health-related services by working closely with
VHSNCs. The activities of VHSNCs with reference to WASH include
(i) Monitoring and facilitating access to essential public services
such as clean drinking water and clean toilets, and (ii) Organizing
local collective action for health promotion through voluntarism,
community mobilization and sensitization against poor environ-
mental hygiene practices.
The Government of India has focused on creating awareness
about sanitation, safe water, and prevention of open defecation
but in order to radically improve environmental hygiene it is
important that practices and behavior are adopted at individual,
family, community, and national levels.
3.1.8. Preparedness of health care system and training of health
workers
Strengthening of the existing health care facilities, establish-
ment of dedicated facilities such as ‘Cholera Treatment Centers’/
‘Cholera Treatment Units’ as also the training of health workers
are critical elements in prevention and control of cholera. It is also
important to have trained and dedicated staff for outbreak investi-
gation and containment.
Though India has a robust public health infrastructure, training
of the healthcare staff in urban, rural and tribal areas in case detec-
tion and dehydration management is essential to reduce cholera
associated mortality. Ability to quickly mobilize RRTs and to man-
age uniform year-round availability of the adequate stock of drugs
and fluids at the most peripheral level are likely to significantly
reduce cholera-related morbidity and mortality.
3.1.9. Prepositioning stocks
Improvement of efficiency of a rapid response for cholera out-
breaks containment through pre-positioning of resources for diag-
nostics, patient care, and emergency WASH intervention is highly
recommended. Maintenance of sufficient stocks of WASH supplies,
namely, rapid microbial test kits, chlorine tests, water disinfection
technologies including chlorine, water tanks, supplies like hygiene
kits, ORS, gloves, culture media, soap, rapid diagnostic kits, chlo-
rine tablets, bleaching powder, etc. at healthcare facilities at all
levels is required for effective control of cholera outbreaks.
3.2. Multi-sectoral approach to prevent cholera occurrence and re-
occurrence
Outbreaks of cholera are often observed in vulnerable popula-
tions following disasters, conflicts and famines [18,19]. The Global
Roadmap emphasizes identification of hotspots (geographical
regions or communities heavily affected by cholera), identification
and mapping of vulnerable populations, and studying transmission
dynamics [7]. These activities require multi-sectoral coordination
A170 M. Das et al. / Vaccine 38 (2020) A167–A174
and have been employed successfully for the prevention and con-
trol of cholera world-wide [20,21].
3.2.1. Identification of hotspots
‘Hotspots’ are the areas of increased transmission potential.
Their identification plays an important role in research, policy for-
mation, and public health practice [22]. Appropriate interventions
and preparedness at the identified hotspots is the responsibility of
the government. The latest technological tools like geographic
information system, global positioning system and Google Earth
application programming interface along with mobile phones
[23], have been globally employed for efficient identification of
hotspots.
There are very few studies about cholera hotspot identification
in India. Based on spatial clustering reports of district level cholera
cases during 2010–2015 obtained from the IDSP, 13 out of 36
states in India were classified as endemic for cholera and 78 out
of the 641 districts in 15 states were identified as ‘‘hotspots”
[10]. On the other hand, 111 districts in 9 states were identified
as ‘‘hotspots” from a model-based prediction. The risk for cholera
in a district was negatively associated with the proportion of liter-
ate people, households using treated water sources and ownership
of mobile telephones. Conversely, areas with poor sanitation and
drainage conditions and lower levels of urbanization were associ-
ated with a higher cholera risk [10]. Surveillance data on cholera
outbreaks from 2000 to 2011 from the health department of the
Chennai Corporation and population data (2001) from census were
used to identify cholera hotspots in the metropolis [24]. There are
also many reports of isolated cholera outbreaks beyond the hot-
spots in India [25–27]. A map depicting cholera hotspots in India
has been published recently [1].
3.2.2. Risk and vulnerability assessment
Vulnerability for cholera is dependent on environmental, phe-
notypic and genotypic factors [28]. Several studies have identified
poor environmental conditions such as unclean water, unhygienic
environment, and poor waste management [29,30] to be strongly
associated with outbreaks and endemicity of cholera. Reported
phenotypic factors defining vulnerability include malnutrition,
homelessness, poor housing, and destitution; while nucleotide
polymorphisms and epigenetic modifications are its genetic deter-
minants [31].
Though there have been reports of cholera outbreaks in various
parts of India [9], group-specific risk and individual vulnerabilities
have not been adequately studied. Similar to studies of host geno-
types on predicting susceptibility to tuberculosis [32], studies can
be done in the context of cholera as well.
3.2.3. Modelling and transmission dynamics
Modelling and transmission dynamics are being used exten-
sively for understanding the pathogenesis and the spread of com-
municable diseases [33] and also for evaluating risk factors and
the impact of control measures [34,35]. Models vary from simple
deterministic equations to complex stochastic frameworks with
input parameters for immunology, clonality and the population
structure of cholera cases. Transmission dynamics models have
been developed for cholera world-wide for understanding the role
of climate on transmissibility of the disease [36–39]. Majority of
the studies have used susceptible-infected-recovered (SIR) com-
partmental models with different parameters. A SIR compartmen-
tal model with parameters to estimate the impact of clean water,
vaccination and enhanced antibiotic distribution programs has
been reported [40]. A SIR model parameterized with high asymp-
tomatic ratio and rapid waning immunity has been used for
explaining 50 years of mortality data from 26 districts in West
Bengal [41]. The hyper-infectivity of bacterial strains has been pro-
posed as a potential parameter for the impact of interventions on
the endemic cholera spread [42]. Recently, the weekly incidence
of suspected cases and fatality risk was used to parameterize the
family of logistic curves for describing the unbiased incidence in
the cholera outbreak in Yemen in 2017. Using logistics and gener-
alized logistics models, the cumulative incidence at the end of the
epidemic was estimated to be 790,778 (95% CI: 700,495, 914,442)
cases and 767,029 (95% CI: 690,877, 871,671) cases respectively
[38]. Mathematical models of cholera transmission have been pro-
posed with approaches for developing more detailed cholera out-
break models, including the addition of contaminated water
supplies, spatial effects, intra-household transmission, and inter-
ventions [43,44].
Models of cholera transmission need to be developed in India
and validated. Data from IDSP, state governments, and other data
sources needs to be integrated to develop a realistic predictive
model. Considering India’s population heterogeneity and strain
diversity, it is possible to develop a comprehensive SIR stochastic
framework model parameterized for several factors depicted in
Fig. 2. Though effective, some of the major challenges in developing
integrated models for cholera include limited capacity and inade-
quate trained manpower and non-uniform and non-validated data.
3.3. Coordinated technical support, resource mobilization and
partnership at local and global levels
The GTFCC created in 1992, has striven to be an effective and
well-coordinated platform for bringing together all multi-sector
technical partners from around the world to support countries in
their fight against cholera. The goal of the GTFCC is to support
national and inter-country capacities by providing a strong plat-
form for advocacy and communications, fund-raising, inter-
sectoral coordination, and technical assistance towards ending
cholera as a public health issue by 2030. Despite considerable
efforts, challenges such as a lack of acceptability of OCVs by policy/
decision-makers and integration with non-vaccine strategies such
as WASH need to be overcome. The Global Roadmap is an effort
to cover the last mile through support and cooperation from inter-
national and national-level stakeholders towards accelerating
action against cholera.
The comprehensive cholera control envisaged in the global
roadmap document requires significant financial investment by
the adopting countries. However, there is no mention of financial
assurance from the GTCC or WHO. Moreover, it is possible that
all countries may not have the technical skills, infrastructural back-
bone, and human/ financial resources to implement all the WHO-
recommended strategies. They are likely to face challenges in
designing appropriate strategies for their countries.
Various countries, including India, need to analyze their public
health scenarios to decide upon the most effective strategies that
require minimum financial commitment [Fig. 3].
It is important to establish an integrated surveillance network
with data from the IDSP, state-level surveillance units, and other
data sources to periodically estimate reliable prevalence estimates
of cholera in various districts, states, and regions of India. Strength-
ening of healthcare facilities with dedicated cholera units at all
levels, implementation of WASH, and community engagement to
encourage safe hygiene practices are the other critical strategies.
Establishing focused research priorities to foster multi-
disciplinary research on epidemiological, molecular, and clinical
aspects of cholera is essential. Establishing public-private partner-
ship ventures to stimulate the development of antimicrobials and
vaccines against cholera would also need coordinated action. India
requires a strong political commitment to eliminate cholera from
the country, as has been done for polio.
M. Das et al. / Vaccine 38 (2020) A167–A174 A171
For achieving the target of cholera control by 2030, what is
urgently needed is a national taskforce for cholera control with a
national cholera prevention and response road map for India.
Given the fact that health is a state-level subject when it comes
to legislation, a steering committee comprising top-level central
and state health ministry officials should be constituted, which
can be overseen by an oversight committee consisting of the Union
Health Minister and State Health Ministers. It is only with the
patronage of both central and state governments and ownership
of the program by all stakeholders at various levels within and out-
side the Indian health system that the target of cholera control can
be achieved.
It is a limitation of the present analysis that experts outside the
current group of authors were not involved in the situation analy-
Suscepble Infected Recovered
Resistant /
Protecon
Direct Contact
Indirect Contact
Genec resistance
Herd Immunity
Vaccinaon
Birth
Immigraon
Chemotherapy
Contaminaon
Bacterial growth/death
Cholera related
Comorbidity
Comorbidity
Reinfecon
Fig. 2. Comprehensive model for Cholera transmission dynamics.
Fig. 3. Organogram of structural framework of the cholera control programme in India.
A172 M. Das et al. / Vaccine 38 (2020) A167–A174
sis. Their inclusion could have provided additional insights in
understanding the Indian scenario with reference to preparedness
for cholera control.
4. Conclusions
India has a robust public health infrastructure. Programs like
IDSP, NRHM etc. provide comprehensive surveillance data on var-
ious diseases; however, they lack specific focus for individual dis-
ease prevention and control. Further, there is serious deficiency in
both horizontal and vertical linkage among various government
surveillance programs. India has in place a surveillance platform
and health system mechanisms for detection of ‘‘hotspots” as well
as proper implementation of vaccine/non-vaccine interventional
modalities. However, there also exist considerable gaps and/or
shortfalls in these systems that are compounded by inability to
prove cholera etiology in a time-efficient manner, often resulting
into under-reporting of the disease. An appropriate administrative
and financially viable framework for cholera control in the country
needs to be created. Addressing these inadequacies will be critical
for significantly reducing cholera burden in India and enabling
achievement of cholera control by 2030.
Authors’ contribution
All authors participated in the preparation of the article and
have approved the final version of the manuscript.
Disclaimer
The findings and conclusions in this paper are those of the
authors and do not necessarily represent the official position of
ICMR.
Declaration of Competing Interest
The authors have no conflict of interest to declare.
The authors declare that they have no known competing finan-
cial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared
to influence the work reported in this paper.
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Glossary
BOD: Biological Oxygen Demand
CBHI: Central Bureau of Health Intelligence
CSU: Central Surveillance Unit
DPHL: District Public Health Laboratories
DSU: District Surveillance Units
EDUSAT: Education Satellite
GEMS: Global Environmental Monitoring System
GTFCC: Global Task Force on Cholera Control
IDSP: Integrated Disease Surveillance Program
IDH: Infectious Diseases Hospital
ISRO: Indian Space Research Organization
MINARS: Monitoring of Indian National Aquatic Resources System
NRHM: National Rural Health Mission:
OCVs: Oral Cholera Vaccines
PRU: Peripheral Reporting Units
RRTs: Rapid Response Teams
SIR: Susceptible-Infected-Recovered
SMS: Short Message Service
SRL: State Based Referral Laboratory
SSU: State Surveillance Units
VHSNC: Village Health & Sanitation Committees
WASH: Water Sanitation and Hygiene
WHO: World Health Organization
YAP: Yamuna Action Plan
A174 M. Das et al. / Vaccine 38 (2020) A167–A174
... Fatores ambientais e comportamentais, como a falta de acesso ou precário à água potável, prática de higiene, destinação inadequada de resíduos sólidos domésticos e não ser vacinado (para as doenças imunopreveníveis) podem contribuir no processo de adoecimento da população (Endris et al., 2019;Kadri et al., 2018;Mebrahtom, Worku & Gage, 2022;Mosisa et al., 2021;Omarova et al., 2018;Sekwadi et al., 2018;Stanwell-Smith, 2018). A saúde humana, animal e ambiental estão intimamente interrelacionadas, cuja transmissibilidade de doenças envolve sistemas complexos que incluem interações desta tríade epidemiológica (O'brien & Xagoraraki, 2019).É preciso considerar, ainda, o impacto das mudanças climáticas nas doenças de veiculação hídrica, tais como temperatura e volume de chuva, inundações e umidade podem intensificar o potencial epidêmico e aumentar áreas propícias para transmissão de doenças diarreicas, arbovirais e outras transmitidas pela água (Casanovas-Massana et al., 2018b;Kauppinen et al., 2019;Lequechane et al., 2020;Overgaard et al., 2021;Stanaway et al., 2019), a qual se constitui como um determinante social de saúde (Souza et al., 2021;Kadri et al., 2018;Lanrewaju et al., 2022;Mosisa et al., 2021), exigindo apoio técnico coordenado, mobilização de recursos e parcerias nos níveis local e global para superação dos desafios, sobretudo nos países subdesenvolvidos, devido a questões estruturais relacionadas aos sistemas de saúde e programas de saúde (Das et al., 2020). ...
... Neste sentido, a contaminação da água entre a fonte e o ponto de uso aumentam não só o risco de contaminação da água, mas também a disponibilidade de habitats larvais de mosquitos (Souza et al., 2021;Endris et al., 2019;Overgaard et al., 2021;Rousis et al., 2022;Stanwell-Smith, 2018), tornando-se essencial a otimização dos processos de purificação, manutenção adequada dos sistemas de distribuição e abastecimento de água e esgoto para prevenir ou minimizar o risco de disseminação de protozoários parasitas (Ahmad et al., 2020;Omarova et al., 2018). hídrico, sistemas de vigilância à base de água para detecção precoce a nível populacional e implementação de abordagens de intervenção para bloquear essas vias de exposição (O'brien & Xagoraraki, 2019;Das et al., 2020;Sekwadi et al., 2018). ...
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INTRODUCTION: Smart cities endeavour to provide a good quality of life to its inhabitants. The COVID-19 pandemic necessitates redrawing the framework of epidemic management in India. Information, Communication & Technology (ICT) solutions such as mobile health (mHealth) can complement this. OBJECTIVES: To review ICT and mHealth used for epidemic management in smart cities of India. METHODS: A systematic review was conducted to identify the use of ICT or mHealth applications for epidemic management in smart cities. A predefined search strategy and a predefined eligibility criterion to search for articles published in English on Medline were used. RESULTS: Our study showed ICT and mHealth use has increased during the recent COVID-19 pandemic in India and available solutions can be applied in smart city framework to improve epidemic management and achieve mHealth targets. CONCLUSION: We conclude that there have been many advances in the provisions of ICT and mHealth interventions in India in context to smart cities and scope for improvements abound.
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The now standard ‘transparency + participation = accountability’ formulation often fails to grapple with the complexities of each of these elements and their interaction, instead relying on simplifying assumptions that often do not reflect contextual realities. More broadly, there is a growing body of evidence about the failures of many governance reform efforts, often due to inaccurate and simplistic assumptions about the nature of change. New insights suggest the importance of understanding and working ‘with the grain’ of important contextual features and their complex interfaces, addressing the political and power dimensions of accountable governance, and the need for holistic and integrated strategies to activate and strengthen accountability systems. This paper is an attempt to draw on current literature, both academic and practice-oriented, to bring together several strands of current thinking towards a framework of an ‘accountability ecosystems’ approach. Given that this is new territory, this paper is meant to be a springboard for discussion, rather than the final word or a polished model. We hope that the propositions put forward in this paper will have relevance to both funders and practitioners in the transparency and accountability space.
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This Campbell systematic review examines the effectiveness, efficiency and implementation of cash transfers in humanitarian settings. The review summarises evidence from five studies of effects, 10 studies of efficiency and 108 studies of barriers and facilitators to implementation of cash‐based humanitarian assistance. Studies assessing effectiveness of cash‐based approaches were experimental and quasiexperimental studies. Studies analyzing efficiency were experimental, quasi‐experimental or observational studies with a cost analysis or economic evaluation component. Studies examining barriers and facilitators included these study types as well as other qualitative and mixed methods studies. Unconditional cash transfers and vouchers may improve household food security among conflict‐affected populations and maintain household food security among food insecure and drought‐affected populations. Unconditional cash transfers led to greater improvements in dietary diversity and quality than food transfers, but food transfers are more successful in increasing per capita caloric intake than unconditional cash transfers and vouchers. Unconditional cash transfers may be more effective than vouchers in increasing household savings, and equally effective in increasing household asset ownership. Mobile transfers may be a more successful asset protection mechanism than physical cash transfers. Cash transfers can be an efficient strategy for providing humanitarian assistance. Unconditional cash transfer programmes have a lower cost per beneficiary than vouchers which, in turn, have a lower cost per beneficiary than in‐kind food distribution. Cash transfer programs can also benefit the local economy. Voucher programmes generated up to 1.50ofindirectmarketbenefitsforeach1.50 of indirect market benefits for each 1 equivalent provided to beneficiaries and unconditional cash transfer programmes generated more than 2ofindirectmarketbenefitsforeach2 of indirect market benefits for each 1 provided to beneficiaries. Intervention design and implementation play a greater role in determining effectiveness and efficiency of cash‐based approaches than the emergency context or humanitarian sector. Factors which influence implementation include resources available and technical capacity of implementing agencies, resilience of crisis‐affected populations, beneficiary selection methods, use of new technologies, and setting‐specific security issues, none of which are necessarily unique to cash‐based interventions. Plain language summary Cash‐based humanitarian assistance approaches can increase food security and are more cost effective than in‐kind food transfers Both cash‐based approaches and in‐kind food assistance can be effective means of increasing household food security for people who live in areas of conflict. The review in brief Cash‐based approaches have become an increasingly common strategy for the provision of humanitarian assistance. Both cash‐based approaches and in‐kind food assistance can be effective means of increasing household food security among conflict‐affected populations and maintaining household food security among food insecure and drought‐affected populations. Cash transfers are more cost effective than vouchers which are more cost effective than in‐kind food assistance. What is this review about? This review assesses the effects of cash‐based approaches on individual and household outcomes in humanitarian emergencies. It also assesses the efficiency of different cash‐based approaches and identifies factors that hinder and facilitate programme implementation. What is the aim of this review? This Campbell systematic review examines the effectiveness, efficiency and implementation of cash transfers in humanitarian settings. The review summarises evidence from five studies of effects, 10 studies of efficiency and 108 studies of barriers and facilitators to implementation of cash‐based humanitarian assistance. What are the main findings of this review? What studies are included? Studies assessing effectiveness of cash‐based approaches were experimental and quasi‐experimental studies. Studies analyzing efficiency were experimental, quasi‐experimental or observational studies with a cost analysis or economic evaluation component. Studies examining barriers and facilitators included these study types as well as other qualitative and mixed methods studies. Unconditional cash transfers and vouchers may improve household food security among conflict‐affected populations and maintain household food security among food insecure and drought‐affected populations. Unconditional cash transfers led to greater improvements in dietary diversity and quality than food transfers, but food transfers are more successful in increasing per capita caloric intake than unconditional cash transfers and vouchers. Unconditional cash transfers may be more effective than vouchers in increasing household savings, and equally effective in increasing household asset ownership. Mobile transfers may be a more successful asset protection mechanism than physical cash transfers. Cash transfers can be an efficient strategy for providing humanitarian assistance. Unconditional cash transfer programmes have a lower cost per beneficiary than vouchers which, in turn, have a lower cost per beneficiary than in‐kind food distribution. Cash transfer programs can also benefit the local economy. Voucher programmes generated up to 1.50ofindirectmarketbenefitsforeach1.50 of indirect market benefits for each 1 equivalent provided to beneficiaries and unconditional cash transfer programmes generated more than 2ofindirectmarketbenefitsforeach2 of indirect market benefits for each 1 provided to beneficiaries. Intervention design and implementation play a greater role in determining effectiveness and efficiency of cash‐based approaches than the emergency context or humanitarian sector. Factors which influence implementation include resources available and technical capacity of implementing agencies, resilience of crisis‐affected populations, beneficiary selection methods, use of new technologies, and setting‐specific security issues, none of which are necessarily unique to cash‐based interventions. What do the findings of this review mean? Unconditional cash transfers and vouchers can be effective and efficient ways to provide humanitarian assistance. Each assistance modality has different advantages and disadvantages that should be considered in the design of future interventions. However, no definitive conclusions on the effectiveness of cash transfer or voucher programmes could be drawn that are universally applicable for humanitarian policy. Further development of the evidence base, with more rigorous evaluations comparing the effectiveness of different cash‐based approaches and transfer modalities, as well as approaches to comparing costs and benefits of cash‐transfer and voucher programmes, is needed to further strengthen the evidence base. How up‐to‐date is this review? The review authors searched for studies published up to November 2014. This Campbell systematic review was published in December 2017. Executive summary BACKGROUND Humanitarian actors have a responsibility to ensure that assistance is provided in a way that minimizes risks and maximizes benefits to people affected by crisis. However, there are many challenges in evaluating ‘what works’ in addressing the needs of crisis‐affected populations, and translating research evidence into practice in complex environments with limited resources. Humanitarian assistance has traditionally been provided in the form of in‐kind goods and services: temporary shelters, food and non‐food items, water and medical care. However, as the nature of humanitarian crises has shifted over the last few decades, cash‐based approaches have become an increasingly common strategy for the provision of humanitarian assistance and are widely considered an appropriate, and sometimes preferable, substitute for in‐kind assistance when conditions permit. Increasing use of cash‐based approaches has been accompanied by efforts to evaluate cash‐based interventions and develop recommendations for implementation in a range of settings. Systematic reviews of evidence in humanitarian settings are,however,relatively rare, and, to the best of our knowledge, this is the first systematic review of the effects of cash‐based approaches in emergencies to date. OBJECTIVES The primary objective of this review wasto assess and synthesize existing evidence on the effects of cash‐based approaches on individual and household outcomes in humanitarian emergencies. The secondary objective was to assess the efficiency of different cash‐based approaches and identify factors that hinder and facilitate programme implementation. REVIEW METHODS We followed standard methodological procedures for review of experimental and quasi‐experimental studies to assess the effects of unconditional cash transfer, conditional cash transfer and voucher programmes for crisis‐affected populations. We also adapted these procedures to review economic studies assessing the efficiency of cash‐based approaches and observational, qualitative and mixed method studies assessing the factors that facilitate or hinder the implementation of cash‐based approaches in different settings. We conducted comprehensive searches of published and unpublished literature in November 2014. Two independent research assistants screened all identified studies to determine eligibility for inclusion in the review. We then extracted data from all included studies using a standardized coding tool and critically appraised the studies using existing tools appropriate for the different study designs. Due to the heterogeneity of the comparisons and outcomes reported in the included studies, we were not able to synthesize the studies using meta‐analysis. Instead, we have presentedthe results in tables and synthesised the findings narratively. We used narrative and thematic synthesis to address the secondary objective. We conducted these analyses in parallel, and have reported on each separately in subsequent chapters of this review. REVIEW FINDINGS Out of 4,094 studies identified in the initial search, a total of 113 publications (108 unique studies) were included in this systematic review. Only nine studies were found in peer‐reviewed publications. Overall, we have considered the body of evidence reviewed to have been of low quality due to methodological limitations. While the evidence reviewed offers some insights, the paucity of rigorous research on cash‐based approaches limits the strength of the conclusions. This is not uncommon amongtopics related to humanitarian assistance. The following table summarizes the types of studies reviewed in each section of this report: Review Topic Studies Reviewed Study Characteristics Effects of cash‐based approaches on: • • Individual and household‐level economic outcomes • • Sector‐specific humanitarian outcomes • • Cross‐cutting humanitarian outcomes 5 Settings: DR Congo, Ecuador, Niger, Lebanon, YemenInterventions: Unconditional cash transfers, vouchersStudy designs: Randomized control trials (factorial and stratified cluster designs), regression discontinuity Efficiency of cash‐based approaches in achieving humanitarian objectives 10 Settings: DR Congo, Ecuador, Niger, Lebanon, YemenInterventions: Unconditional cash transfers, vouchersStudy designs: Cost, cost‐efficiency, cost‐effectiveness, cost‐benefit, market impact Factors facilitating and hindering realization of cash programme activities and the achievement of humanitarian objectives in different contexts 108 Settings: Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Belize, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Burundi, Chile, DR Congo, Ecuador, Ethiopia, Haiti, India, Indonesia, Kenya, Japan, Jordan, Lebanon, Lesotho, Niger, Malawi, Mozambique, Occupied Palestinian Territory, Pakistan, the Philippines, Somalia, South Sudan, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Swaziland, Turkey, Uganda, Vietnam, Yemen, Zambia, ZimbabweInterventions: Unconditional cash transfers, vouchers, conditional cash transfers (cash for work)Study designs: descriptive (quantitative), qualitative (narrative or thematic analysis), mixed methods Main findings: Effectiveness of cash‐based approaches (chapter 5) Five studies assessed the effects of cash‐based approaches, four of which assessed effects on household level food security outcomes. Unconditional cash transfers and vouchers may improve household food security among conflict‐affected populations and maintain household food security within the context of food insecurity crises and drought. Studies found that unconditional cash transfers led to greater improvements in dietary diversity and quality than food transfers. Food transfers were found to be more successful in increasing per capita caloric intake than unconditional cash transfers and vouchers. Few studies measure changes in household economic indicators, other sectoral outcomes and cross‐cutting outcomes. Unconditional cash transfers may be more effective than vouchers in increasing household savings, and equally effective in increasing household assets. Mobile transfers may be a more successful asset protection mechanism than physical cash transfers. Efficiency of cash‐based approaches (chapter 6) Ten studies assessed the efficiency of cash based approaches. Cash transfers and vouchers may be more cost‐efficient than in‐kind food distribution. Studies found that unconditional cash transfer programmes have a lower cost per beneficiary than comparison interventions (either vouchers, in‐kind food distribution or both); and vouchers have a lower cost per beneficiary than in‐kind food distribution. In‐kind food distribution has substantially higher administrative costs per dollar value provided to a beneficiary than unconditional cash transfers. Cash‐based approaches may have positive economic multiplier effects. Voucher programmes generated up to 1.50ofindirectmarketbenefitsforeach1.50 of indirect market benefits for each 1 equivalent provided to beneficiaries and unconditional cash transfer programmes generated more than 2ofindirectmarketbenefitsforeach2 of indirect market benefits for each 1 provided to beneficiaries. Factors facilitating and hindering implementation of cash‐based approaches (chapter 7) Evidence suggests that intervention design and implementation play a greater role in determining effectiveness and efficiency of cash‐based approaches than the emergency context or humanitarian sector. Specific factors shown to influence implementation include resources available and technical capacity of implementing agencies, resilience of crisis‐affected populations, beneficiary selection methods, use of new technologies, and setting‐specific security issues, none of which are necessarily unique to cash‐based interventions. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS Despite the widespread use and increasing number of evaluations of cash‐based humanitarian assistance, there is a paucity of rigorous evidence about how best to address the needs of crisis‐affected populations. This is not surprising, as studies meeting the methodological criteria for inclusion in most systematic reviews are relatively rare in emergency settings. Findings suggests that both cash‐based approaches and in‐kind food assistance can be effective means of increasing household food security among conflict‐affected populations and maintaining household food security among food insecure and drought‐affected populations; each assistance modality has different advantages and disadvantages that should be considered in the design of future interventions. However, no definitive conclusions on the effectiveness of cash transfer or voucher programmes could be drawn that are universally applicable for humanitarian policy. Further development of the evidence base, with more rigorous evaluations comparing the effectiveness of different cash‐based approaches (or combinations of approaches) and transfer modalities, as well as standardized approaches to documenting and comparing both costs and benefits of cash‐transfer and voucher programmes, is needed to further strengthen the evidence base in this area.
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This Campbell systematic review assesses the effectiveness of community monitoring interventions in reducing corruption. The review summarises findings from 15 studies, of which seven are from Asia, six from Africa and two from Latin America. Community monitoring interventions can reduce corruption. They also improve use of health services, but no significant effect is found on school enrolments or dropouts. There is no improvement in health service waiting times, but there is an improvement in weight for age, though not child mortality. There are beneficial effects on education outcomes as measured by test scores. Community monitoring interventions appear to be more effective in improving outcomes when they promote direct contact between citizens and providers or politicians, and when they include tools for citizens to monitor the performance of providers and politicians. In all cases, findings are based on a small number of studies. There is heterogeneity in the findings with respect to health and education. Hence it is difficult to provide any strong, overall conclusions about intervention effectiveness. PLAIN LANGUAGE SUMMARY COMMUNITY MONITORING INTERVENTIONS CAN REDUCE CORRUPTION AND MAY IMPROVE SERVICES Community monitoring interventions (CMIs) can reduce corruption. In some cases, but not all, there are positive effects on health and education outcomes. Further research is needed to understand contexts and designs for effective interventions. WHAT DID THE REVIEW STUDY? Corruption and inefficient allocation of resources in service delivery are widespread in low‐ and middle‐income countries. Community monitoring interventions (CMIs) are intended to address this problem. The community is given the opportunity to participate in monitoring service delivery: observing and assessing providers' performance to provide feedback to providers and politicians. This review assesses the evidence on the effects of community monitoring interventions on corruption and access and quality of service delivery outcomes. The review also considers the mechanism through which CMIs effect a change in corruption and service delivery outcomes, and possible moderating factors such as geographic region, income level or length of exposure to interventions. WHAT STUDIES ARE INCLUDED? To assess the effect on corruption included studies had to have either an experimental or a quasi‐experimental design. Qualitative studies were included to assess mechanisms and moderators. The review assesses 15 studies of 23 different programmes' intervention effects. The studies were conducted in Africa (6), Asia (7) and Latin America (2). Most studies focused on programmes in the education sector (9), followed by health (3), infrastructure (2) and employment promotion (1). What is the aim of this review? This Campbell systematic review assesses the effectiveness of community monitoring interventions in reducing corruption. The review summarises findings from 15 studies, of which seven are from Asia, six from Africa and two from Latin America. WHAT ARE THE MAIN RESULTS OF THIS REVIEW? Community monitoring interventions can reduce corruption. They also improve use of health services, but no significant effect is found on school enrolments or dropouts. There is no improvement in health service waiting times, but there is an improvement in weight for age, though not child mortality. There are beneficial effects on education outcomes as measured by test scores. Community monitoring interventions appear to be more effective in improving outcomes when they promote direct contact between citizens and providers or politicians, and when they include tools for citizens to monitor the performance of providers and politicians. In all cases, findings are based on a small number of studies. There is heterogeneity in the findings with respect to health and education. Hence it is difficult to provide any strong, overall conclusions about intervention effectiveness.. WHAT DO THE FINDINGS OF THIS REVIEW MEAN? The evidence identifies CMIs as promising. That is, there is evidence that they are effective. But the evidence base is thin, the interventions do no work in all contexts, and some approaches appear more promising than others. Future studies should assess the effectiveness of different types of community monitoring interventions in different contexts, sectors and time frames to identify when and how such programmes may be most effective in improving outcomes. There is a need for adequate information and tools to assist citizens in the process of monitoring. Research about these mechanisms and their moderation of the effectiveness of CMIs should be a priority for further research in the area. HOW UP‐TO‐DATE IS THIS REVIEW? The review authors searched for studies published until November 2013. This Campbell systematic review was published in November 2016. Executive summary/Abstract 1.1 Background In many low‐ and middle‐income countries (L&MICs) corruption and mismanagement of resources are prevalent in the public sector. Community monitoring interventions (CMIs) aim to address such issues and have become common in recent years. Such programmes seek to involve communities in the monitoring of public service providers to increase their accountability to users. However, their effectiveness in reducing corruption and improving access and quality of services remain unclear. 1.2 Objectives This review aims to assess and synthesise the evidence on the effects of CMI interventions on access to and quality of service delivery and corruption outcomes in L&MICs. More specifically, the review aims to answer three main questions: • 1) What are the effects of CMIs on access to and quality of service delivery and corruption outcome measures in L&MICs relative to no formal community monitoring or CMIs with less community representation? • 2) What are the mechanisms through which CMIs effect a change in service delivery and corruption outcomes? • 3) Do factors such as geographic region, income level or length of exposure to interventions moderate final or intermediate outcomes? 1.3 Search Methods We searched for relevant studies across a broad range of online databases, websites and knowledge repositories, which allowed the identification of both peer reviewed and grey literature. Keywords for searching were translated into Spanish, French, and Portuguese and relevant non‐English language literature was included. We also conducted reference snowballing and contacted experts and practitioners to identify additional studies. We used Endnote software to manage citations, abstracts, and documents. First stage results were screened against the inclusion criteria by two independent reviewers, with additional supervision by a third. 1.4 Selection Criteria We included studies of CMI in countries that were classified as L&MICs according to the World Bank definition at the time the intervention being studied was carried out. We included quantitative studies with either experimental or quasi‐experimental design to address question 1. In addition, both quantitative and qualitative studies were eligible for inclusion to address questions 2 and 3. 1.5 Data Collection and Analysis Two reviewers independently coded and extracted data on study details, design and relevant results from the included studies. Studies were critically appraised for potential bias using a predefined set of criteria. To prepare the data for meta‐analysis we calculated standardised mean differences and 95 per cent confidence intervals (CI) for continuous outcome variables and risk ratios and risk differences and 95% CI for dichotomous outcome variables. We then synthesised results using statistical meta‐analysis. Where possible we also extracted data on intermediate outcomes such as citizen participation and public officials and service providers' responsiveness. 1.6 Results Our search strategy returned 109,017 references. Of these 36,955 were eliminated as duplicates and a further 71,283 were excluded at the title screening stage. The remaining 787 papers were included for abstract screening and 181 studies were included for full text screening. Fifteen studies met the inclusion criteria for addressing question 1. Of these, ten used randomised assignment and five used quasi‐experimental methodologies. An additional six sibling papers were also included to address questions 2 and 3. Included studies were conducted in Africa (6), Asia (7) and Latin America (2). The 15 studies included for quantitative analysis evaluated the effects of 23 different CMIs in the areas of Information Campaigns (10), Scorecards (3), Social Audits (5), and combined Information campaigns and Scorecards (2). Most studies focused on interventions in the education sector (9), followed by health (3), infrastructure (2) and employment promotion (1). Corruption outcomes Included studies on the effects of CMI on corruption outcomes were implemented in infrastructure, education and employment assistance programmes. The overall effect of CMI as measured by forensic economic estimates in two studies suggest a reduction in corruption (SMD=0.15, 95% CI [0.01, 0.29). Three studies (comprising four interventions) measured perception of corruption as an outcome measure. A meta‐analysis of two of these studies showed evidence for a reduction in the perception of corruption among the intervention group (risk difference (RD) 0.08, 95% CI [0.02, 0.13]). Another study, which was not included in the meta‐analysis due to a lack of comparability in outcome, suggests an increase in perceptions of corruption in the intervention group (SMD ‐0.23, 95% CI [‐0.38, ‐0.07]). Access to services A number of different outcome measures were included as proxies for access to service delivery. One study examined the effects of an information campaign and a combined information and scorecard campaign on health care utilisation. The information campaign showed no significant effect in the short term, but the information campaign and score card combined resulted in an increase in utilisation both in the short term (SMD 2.13, 95% CI [0.79, 3.47]) and the medium term (SMD 0.34, 95% CI [0.12, 0.55]). The overall effects of two CMI interventions on immunisation outcomes suggest a positive effect in the short term (Risk Ratio (RR): 1.56, 95% CI [1.39, 1.73]). However, the medium term effect reported from one of these interventions is smaller and less precise (RR 1.04, 95% CI [‐0.52, 2.61]). Another study reporting on a range of measures of access to health services suggests an overall positive effect (RR 1.43, 95% CI [1.29, 1.58]). Meta‐analysis of four studies which evaluated the effects of CMI on school enrolment showed an overall positive effect, but the estimate cross the line of no effect (SMD 0.09, 95% CI [‐0.03, 0.21]). The overall effect across on drop‐out across four studies is no different from zero (SMD 0.0, 95% CI [‐0.10, 0.10]). Quality of services For health related interventions child death and anthropometric outcomes were considered proxies for quality of service. A meta‐analysis of two studies which examined the short term effects of a score card and a combined score card and information campaign using child deaths as an outcome is not clear (RR 0.76 [0.42, 1.11]). For the score card and information campaign intervention data was available on the medium term effects and the estimate is similarly imprecise (RR 0.79, 95% CI [0.57, 1.08]). The average effect on weight for age, based on the same two studies, suggests an overall beneficial effect (RR 1.20, 95% CI [1.02, 1.38]). For the combined score card and information campaign intervention with data on medium term effects the results suggest the benefits were sustained (RR 1.29, 95% CI [1.01, 1.64]). The same two studies also looked at waiting times for services and the results suggest no difference in this outcome (RR 0.99, 95% CI [.80, 1.17]). In education interventions test scores were used as a proxy outcome measure for quality of service. The overall effect across six studies was 0.16 (SMD, 95% CI [0.04, 0.29]). The limited number of studies included in our review, and the limited number of included studies with information on intermediate outcomes in particular limited our ability to answer our second and third research questions regarding the mechanisms through which CMIs effect change and whether contextual factors such as geographic region, income level or length of exposure to interventions moderate final or intermediate outcomes. Nonetheless, some exploratory evidence is provided in response to these questions, which may inform further research in the area. Some likely important moderators of the effect of CMI are having an accountability mechanism for ensuring citizen participation, availability of information and tools for citizens engaged in the monitoring process and pre‐existing beliefs regarding the responsiveness of providers to citizen's needs 1.7 Authors' conclusions This review identified and analysed available evidence regarding the effects of CMIs on both access to and quality of service delivery and on corruption outcome measures in L&MICs. Overall, our findings were heterogeneous making it difficult to provide any strong, overall conclusions as to the effectiveness of CMIs. However, the results suggest CMIs may have a positive effect on corruption measures and some service delivery measures. We found the overall effect of CMIs on both forensic and perception based measures of corruption to be positive. In improving access to public sector services results were more variable. Effects on utilization of health services are not clear, but we observe an improvement in immunization rates. In the education sector, we did not find evidence of an effect on proxy access measures such as school enrollment and dropout. We used child anthropometric measurements and deaths and waiting times for services as proxy measures for service quality in the health sector and test scores in the education sector. The evidence from two studies suggests improvements in weight for height, but no difference in child deaths or in waiting times for services. The results suggest an improvement of quality of services, as measured by improvements in test scores. Despite limitations in our ability to synthesise evidence on the mechanisms which moderate the effects of CMIs, some important preliminary evidence was uncovered. Firstly, we identified a lack of accountability in ensuring the involvement of citizens in CMIs as an important potential bottleneck to effectiveness. Secondly, we identified the need for adequate information and tools to assist citizens in the process of monitoring. Further research on these mechanisms and their moderating effect on the effectiveness of CMIs should be a priority for further research in the area.
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Background How do governance interventions that engage citizens in public service delivery planning, management and oversight impact the quality of and access to services and citizens’ quality of life? This systematic review examined high quality evidence from 35 citizen engagement programmes in low‐ and middle‐income countries that promote the engagement of citizens in service delivery through four routes: participation (participatory priority setting); inclusion of marginalised groups; transparency (information on rights and public service performance), and/or citizen efforts to ensure public service accountability (citizen feedback and monitoring); collectively, PITA mechanisms. We collected quantitative and qualitative data from the included studies and used statistical meta‐analysis and realist‐informed framework synthesis to analyse the findings. Results The findings suggest that interventions promoting citizen engagement by improving direct engagement between service users and service providers, are often effective in stimulating active citizen engagement in service delivery and realising improvements in access to services and quality of service provision, particularly for services that involve direct interaction between citizens and providers. However, in the absence of complementary interventions to address bottlenecks around service provider supply chains and service use, citizen engagement interventions alone may not improve key wellbeing outcomes for target communities or state‐society relations. In addition, interventions promoting citizen engagement by increasing citizen pressures on politicians to hold providers to account, are not usually able to influence service delivery. Conclusions The citizen engagement interventions studied were more likely to be successful: (1) where the programme targeted a service that citizens access directly from front‐line staff, such as healthcare, as opposed to services accessed independently of service provider staff, such as roads; (2) where implementers were able to generate active support and buy‐in for the intervention from both citizens and front‐line public service staff and officials; and (3) where the implementation approach drew on and/or stimulated local capacity for collective action. From a research perspective, the review found few studies that investigated the impact of these interventions on women or other vulnerable groups within communities, and that rigorous impact evaluations often lack adequately transparent reporting, particularly of information on what interventions actually did and how conditions compared to those in comparison communities.
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