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Welcome to Korea Day: From Diasporic to Hallyu Fan-Nationalism

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With the increasing appeal of Korean popular culture known as the Korean Wave or hallyu, fans in Israel among Korean studies students have joined—and even replaced—ethnic Koreans in performing nationalism beyond South Korea’s borders, creating what I call hallyu fan-nationalism. As an unintended consequence of hallyu, such nationalism enables non-Korean hallyu fans to take on the empowering roles of cultural experts, educators, and even cultural ambassadors to promote Korea abroad. The symbolic shift from diasporic to hallyu nationalism brings to the fore nonnationalist, nonessentialist, and transcultural perspectives in fandom studies. In tracing the history of Korea Day from the 2000s to the 2010s, I found that hallyu fan-students are mobilized both by the macro mission to promote a positive image of Korea in their home societies and by the micro motivation to repair their own, often stigmatized, self-image.
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Welcome to Korea Day:
From Diasporic to Hallyu Fan-Nationalism
IRINA LYAN
1
University of Oxford, UK
With the increasing appeal of Korean popular culture known as the Korean Wave or
hallyu, fans in Israel among Korean studies students have joinedand even replaced
ethnic Koreans in performing nationalism beyond South Korea’s borders, creating what I
call hallyu fan-nationalism. As an unintended consequence of hallyu, such nationalism
enables non-Korean hallyu fans to take on the empowering roles of cultural experts,
educators, and even cultural ambassadors to promote Korea abroad. The symbolic shift
from diasporic to hallyu nationalism brings to the fore nonnationalist, nonessentialist,
and transcultural perspectives in fandom studies. In tracing the history of Korea Day
from the 2000s to the 2010s, I found that hallyu fan-students are mobilized both by the
macro mission to promote a positive image of Korea in their home societies and by the
micro motivation to repair their own, often stigmatized, self-image.
Keywords: transcultural fandom studies, hallyu, Korean Wave, Korean studies, Korea
Day, diasporic nationalism
While talking with Israeli students enrolled in Korean studies (mostly female fans of Korean popular
culture) in an effort to understand their motivations behind organizing Korea Day and promoting Korean
culture in Israel in general, I was surprised when some of them used the Hebrew word hasbara, which
literally translates as “explanation.” As a synonym for propaganda, hasbara refers to the public diplomacy of
Israel that aims to promote a positive image of Israel to the world and to counter its delegitimization. The
idea for this article was born out of the conundrum of why, in the students’ opinion, South Korea (hereafter,
Korea) needs hasbara and what kind of negative images Korea Day may help to eradicate.
Introduction
In 2007, the Korean government designated October 5 as Korean Day for overseas Korean
communities with the goal of “consolidating the ties between Koreans at home and abroad” (Ministry of
Irina Lyan: irina.lyan@mail.huji.ac.il
Date submitted: 20190524
1
I would like to thank my research assistant, Tair Hamou, and all fan-students of the Korean studies
program at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem for making this research possible. I would also like to
thank Nissim Otmazgin and the two anonymous reviewers for the excellent comments and suggestions.
International Journal of Communication 13(2019) Welcome to Korea Day 3765
Foreign Affairs, 2016, pp. 410411). In addition to strengthening the ties with overseas Koreans by
recognizing contributions from diasporic communities, the Korean government has aimed to improve
Korea’s international image by staging Korean festivals, policy seminars, and an awards ceremony for
distinguished members. Yet long before the invention of Korea Day, national days around the globe had
become occasions for homecoming and opportunities for different ethnic groups to celebrate, preserve,
and promote their cultures. These celebratory days, which act as one-day living museums, have become
displays of diasporic nationalism (Lie, 2001, 2008) in its essenceperforming popular national identity by
and for overseas ethnic groups by exhibiting traditional cultures through “authentic” arts, religions, foods,
objects, scenes, and sounds. In addition to fostering inward diasporic nationalism, these events have, in
some cases, become public “contact zones” between guests and host societiesas, for example, with
Japanese cultural performances in colonial Korea (Henry, 2014, chap. 2).
With the growth in overseas students’ mobility since the 2000s, national days have gone public
beyond the borders of local diasporic communities and government-supported institutions to become a
part of universities’ internationalized landscapes. Through national day festivities, overseas students
present their own cultures to the world with celebrations at campus fairs with separate booths for
individual countries. As a poster created by the Daebak Club (2015) at the University of Sharjah in the
United Arab Emirates suggests, Korea Day has become part of a “global day” designated for the
celebration of nation-states.
Fueled by the increasing popularity of Korean popular culture (known as the Korean Wave or
hallyu) since the 2000s, fans have joined and even replaced ethnic Koreans in performing nationalism
beyond Korea’s borders (Elfving-Hwang, 2013; Hübinette, 2012; Lyan & Levkovitz, 2015b; Sung, 2014).
By tracing the history of Korea Day in Israel from the 2000s to the 2010s and by interviewing its primary
organizershallyu fans among Korean studies studentsI examine non-Korean students’ motivations for
organizing Korea Day. Among the obvious reasons for planning and hosting Korea Day are to have fun,
form group solidarity, display expertise on fandom and Korean studies, and encourage the institutional
involvement of the Department of Asian Studies and the Korean embassy. But I also encountered what I
call hallyu fan-nationalism, by which I mean (1) the identification process with Korean popular culture
through the emotional investment that accompanies a person’s interest in Korea, including the choice of a
Korean studies degree, and (2) the promotion of a positive national image through performances of
Korean popular culture in order to manage the stigma attached to fan-students because of their fandom
and choice of Korean studies. Being stigmatized“the situation of the individual who is disqualified from
full social acceptance” (Goffman, 1963, p. 9)fan-students face the daily experience of being viewed by
others in their environment as exotic, strange, or even infantile.
Nationalism can take various forms, and it is usually expected and encouraged to be
performed by national representatives. As Yuki Honda (2007) points out, youth nationalism can be
explained by “being tied to individual anxieties, insouciance or an inclination toward romantic feelings,
hobbies and elements of play” (p. 284). For Benedict Anderson (1983), the author of a seminal book on
nation-states as imagined communities, nationalism is a work of imagination. Anderson builds on Ernest
Gellner’s (1964) definition“nationalism is not the awakening of nations to self-consciousness: it invents
nations where they do not exist” (p. 169, as cited in Anderson, 1983, p. 6; Anderson’s emphasis). If, for
3766 Irina Lyan International Journal of Communication 13(2019)
Gellner, invention means falsification or fabrication, Anderson conceptualizes nationalism in terms of the
ways that nation-states are imagined and created. Building on Anderson’s definition, I interpret fan-
nationalism as a work of imagination envisioned by fans through performances of popular national culture
to construct a positive image of the nation, fandom, and fans.
In exploring the nationalism performed by people of different nationalities, I find the paradoxical
term diasporic nationalismor, as Anderson terms it, “long-distance nationalism”extremely helpful.
Similar to diasporic nationalism, hallyu fan-nationalism questions the link between nation and territory,
since “nationalism by definition minimizes the significance of diaspora” (Lie, 2008, p. 172). Contrasting
the government’s top-down creation of Korean (rather than Korea) Day with the bottom-up organization
of Korea Day by non-Korean fans demonstrates the nuanced difference between Korean nationals abroad
as seen by the Korean government and the nation-state reterritorialized beyond its geographical location
by fans. As an unintended consequence of hallyu fandom, such nationalism enables non-Korean hallyu
fans to act as promoterseven as “patriots”of the Korean nation. The emergence of hallyu fan-
nationalism through the reversal of roles of guests and hosts, or dwellers and tourists, poses new
questions for fandom studies about the role of fans in negotiating their identity on the public stage.
This article begins with a review of academic research on the transcultural approach to fandom
studies and the connection between made-in-Korea popular culture and the place of the “real” Korea in
hallyu fandom. Next, I describe the research method, which was conducted through online and off-line
participant observations and in-depth interviews with Israeli fan-students of Korean studies. I provide a
brief history of Korea Day from the 2000s to the 2010s to illustrate the gradual reversal of roles of Korean
students as hosts and hallyu fan-students as guests. The empirical section features the voices of hallyu
fan-students from the backstage to understand their motivations for organizing Korea Day. To conclude, I
return to the parallel between diasporic and hallyu fan-nationalism to underline its contribution to
transcultural fandom studies.
Transcultural Approach to Hallyu Fandom
Unlike the prevailing view of hallyu as an intra-Asian cultural flow (Moon & Park, 2011), I propose
a view from the opposite directionthat is, from the perspective of international fans outside Asia to their
imagination and creation of Korea Day. Yet the aim of this article is to go beyond the narrow question that
lies at the heart of the transnational approach that dominates cross-border fandom studiesspecifically,
how and why a particular fandom is successful in a particular location. According to Bertha Chin and Lori
Morimoto’s (2013) critique, Koichi Iwabuchi’s (2002) transnational approach, which ascribes the global
popularity of Japanese popular culture to its national “odorlessness,” contributes little to the
understanding of cross-border fans other than their being representatives of a specific nation, region, or
nationality. To overcome the undue emphasis on nation-state as just one analytic frame for understanding
fans and fandom, Chin and Morimoto propose a broader transcultural approach that is concerned less
with nations than with fans themselves” (p. 92). For instance, Benjamin Han (2017), who takes the
transcultural approach, points to the “cultural fidelity” rooted in K-pop fandom and the practice inside
Korea of donating “wreaths of rice” to favorite K-pop bandsa practice that was later adopted by Latin
American fans beyond their national borders (p. 2259). In a similar vein, JungBong Choi (2014) discusses
International Journal of Communication 13(2019) Welcome to Korea Day 3767
the “metonymic transfer of loyalty” from a hallyu celebrity to his or her country of originKorea (p. 100).
By shifting attention from hallyu fans’ nations and nationalities and the Koreanness of popular culture
toward fans’ imaginations and identification with their fandom’s national origins, I follow Chin and
Morimoto’s question of “how and why different border-crossing media capture the imaginations of fans”
(p. 93).
The link between hallyu fandom and identification with Korea is far from obvious. Even though
some fans, known as “Koreaboos,” are singled out for their fetish of liking, buying, and promoting all
things Korean, most hallyu fans distinguish themselves from Koreaboos, whom they perceive as
overenthusiastic, extreme, and obsessive (Yoon, 2019b, p. 184). And just as K-pop fans among diasporic
Koreans might be ambivalent about their historical homeland (Yoon, 2019a), fans of manga and anime do
not necessarily better understand Japanese society and culture (Iwabuchi, 2010, p. 89); Harry Potter fans
do not have to become Anglophiles; and most Bollywood fans do not wish to obtain a college degree in
Indian studies. It has largely been the Korean government that has strengthened this link since the 1960s
by promoting a national cultural policy. With the success of hallyu, the government has framed it as a
national cultural achievement and a tool for cultural diplomacyor soft powerto create a positive public
image of Korea abroad (Elfving-Hwang, 2013; Jin & Yoon, 2017; Moon & Park, 2011).
In recent years, top-down studies on soft power, nation branding, and hallyu have proliferated and
include hopes of repairing KoreanJapanese relations and bringing peace to the Middle East through the
consumption of K-pop and Korean TV drama. In this nationalistic view, hallyu fans are understood not only
as representatives of their nation-states but also as individuals who are expected to promote Korea’s positive
overseas image. Hallyu stars, for their part, are under nationalistic pressure from domestic audiences as well
as from the Korean government to be exemplary Korean patriots in representing their country abroad
(Fedorenko, 2017).
Despite this hypernationalistic discourse surrounding the Korean Wave phenomenon (Fedorenko,
2017; Lie, 2012, p. 346),
2
hallyu does not represent the Republic of Korea; rather, it represents the
success of (partially) made-in-Korea popular culture, which is export-oriented and open to external
influences, preferences, and interpretations. Moreover, previous studies have questioned hallyu’s
“authentic” Korean origins. For instance, John Lie (2012), in his article titled “What is the K in K-pop?”
states that there is nothing Korean about K-pop. While most researchers view K-dramas as products
inscribed by Korean culture or society, international fans of Korean TV dramas describe their experiences
as traveling to K-Dramaland, “a fictive world that represents a self-contained universe” (Schulze, 2013, p.
369).
Fans are well aware of the difference between K-Dramaland and Korea. Chilean fans, for
instance, have criticized Korean TV dramas for their unrealistic portrayal of love and relationships (Min,
Jin, & Han, 2019). One of the frequently asked questions by overseas fans“Is this [something observed
2
In the context of the global popularity of Japanese popular culture, see Iwabuchi’s (2010) similar critique
on a “soft” nationalism in Japan, “a narcissistic discourse,” and “celebratory nationalistic discourse” (pp. 89
90).
3768 Irina Lyan International Journal of Communication 13(2019)
in Korean popular culture] the same in Korea?”signifies that fans are conscious of the gap between the
fictional world and faraway reality. According to Marion Schulze (2013), international fans rarely
culturalize what they see in K-dramas in their online communities. When they do so, such culturalization
undergoes a process of negotiation, singling out “experts” who can rule on what is Korean and what is not.
Moreover, rather than promoting a positive image of Korea abroad, fans are often critical of Korea-related
subjects by, for example, positioning themselves on the issue of feminism, which is lacking or suppressed
in K-drama portrayals of Korean society. In K-pop, the recent Burning Sun club scandal has challenged the
K-pop stars’ “soft masculinity” image as gentle, polite, and innocent, and that has served them well in
becoming exemplary representatives of Korea abroad (Saeji, 2019).
While most hallyu studies address online fandom, which has led to the so-called hallyu 2.0 era (Jin,
2015; Lee & Nornes, 2015), the off-line observation of the link between the consumption of popular culture
and the imagination of the “real Korea” can offer a more nuanced understanding of hallyu fans and fandom.
Through an analysis of the Project-K festival in Frankfurt in 2012, Joanna Elfving-Hwang’s (2013) study
provides an insightful example of what happens when top-down nationalistic expectations and bottom-up
imaginations of Korea meet. German students had created a hybridized Korea according to their own
perceptions, as opposed to Han-stylehanguk, hanbok, hansik (Visit Korea, 2019)the popular national
culture promoted by the Korean government. Through hybridity, the German students attempted to spotlight
cultural similarities to connect local audiences to a “fun Korea” rather than to the cultural differences
emphasized by Korean cultural policy makers. According to Elfving-Hwang, cultural eventseven if
supported and co-organized with the Korean government or diasporic communitiesreveal the tensions
behind the definition of Korea that, in the hands of non-Korean cultural brokers, can be far from intended or
expected by ethnic Koreans. Moreover, she points out that the primary motivation of the German organizers
was enjoyment, pleasure, and their own in-group affiliation rather than a nationalistic obligation that
motivated the local diasporic community and the Korean consulate to showcase Korean culture. While the
German students did mention their motivation to promote Korean culture and their Korean studies program,
their perception of Korean culture was vaguely shaped by popular culture, their studies, and their limited
personal exposure to Koreans and Korea.
Unlike Elfving-Hwang, who draws a distinction between the nationalistic representation of Korea as
supported by the diaspora and the Korean government, and the “hybrid,” “vague,” “slightly fantastical,” and
“inauthentic” image of Korea created by the German students, I take a transcultural approach that goes
beyond examining individuals according to distinctions of different nationalities and understanding of cultures
and societies as homogenous entities. This article reexamines the motivations of non-Korean fan-students to
promote Korea abroad by looking at Korea Day as one of the various routes of identification with hallyu
fandom through the unexpected and even unintended connections among fans, nation-states, and
nationalism.
Method
Following Chin and Morimoto’s (2013) call for an aca-fan (academic and fan) orientation of
fandom scholars who are more than familiar withas well as less prejudiced towardtheir subject of
study, I strive to understand the motivations of the fans who have organized Korea Day from their point of
International Journal of Communication 13(2019) Welcome to Korea Day 3769
view. This project is the product of a longitudinal study, including participant observation, interviews, and
analysis of archival materials. Since 2006, I have participated in events such as food fairs, Korea Days,
and Korea quizzes organized either by the Korean community or in collaboration with the Korean embassy
in Israel. As a diasporic Korean myself, I worked in 20072008 on the promotion of Korean culture in
Israel at the Korean Cultural Center, which was established in 2006 by a Korean Christian family. With the
rise of hallyu, I began, in 2011, together with my colleagues from humanities and social sciences, daily
off-line and online observations of fan communities by following about a dozen Facebook groups and
participating in fan gatherings for Korea Days, K-pop parties, Korean quizzes, K-pop world festivals, and
more. I also established my own Facebook page related to Korean culture, which enables direct
communication with its followers, most of whom are hallyu fans (the page had 3,650 followers as of July
2019).
Since the 2010s, the Hebrew University, with its growing number of hallyu fan-students in the
Korea studies program, has become another “contact zone” for Korean and Israeli students to participate
in language exchange and to meet during Korea Day and other cultural events. Beginning in 2012, I took
an active role in seven Korea Days, contributing in various areas from managing logistics to giving
lectures about Korea. This led me and my colleagues to focus more on fan activismspecifically, fans who
pursue the promotion of hallyu and Korea in their countries as a mission (Lyan & Levkovitz, 2015a,
2015b; Lyan, Zidani, & Shifman, 2015; Otmazgin & Lyan, 2014, 2018). Finally, from 2017 to 2018, during
another aca-fan experience, I taught a course on Korean popular culture and had the opportunity to
interact directly with fan-students on the subject of their fandom.
For the current study, my research assistant conducted interviews in 2017 with 14 women and
two men of about 35 students in the Korean studies program. Ranging in age from 21 to 26, 14 of the 16
participants defined themselves as fans of K-pop, Korean TV drama, and/or gaming. Their choice of
degree was a result of their fandom. Twelve of the students combined Korean studies with a social studies
degree, and four combined it with a humanities degree (see Table 1). The interviews were semistructured,
with three main guiding questions on exposure to Korea and/or its popular culture, the choice of the
Korean studies program, and the reaction of family and friends to both their fandom and degree choice.
The interviewees were asked about Korea Day indirectly to contextualize the wider connection between
hallyu and Korea. The questions were selected in collaboration with my research assistant, an aca-fan and
hallyu student herself. To make the interviews more structured, I first interviewed the research assistant,
and we used that interview as a template for the interviews of other students. Since I taught a course on
Korean popular culture with some of these students, the research assistant shielded the identities of the
interviewees by representing each one with a different capital letter.
Through a close content analysis of the interviews as well as my own experience, I first
contextualize this study by providing background on the history of Korea Day in Israel from the 2000s to
the 2010s. The goal is to demonstrate the shift from inward to outward diasporic nationalism that enabled
the emergence of hallyu fan-nationalism. Second, I feature the voices of fan-students who were prime
organizers of the national days to understand their motivations in performing Korea Day. By paying close
attention to repeated words, metaphors, stories, and emotions, I identified two major themes: the stigma
3770 Irina Lyan International Journal of Communication 13(2019)
attached to both hallyu fandom and the students’ choice of the Korean studies degree and attempts to
manage that stigma through participation in Korea Day.
Table 1. Demographics of Korean Studies Students.
Age
Gender
Fan or nonfan
Additional degree
A
23
F
Fan (K-pop)
International relations
B
23
F
Fan (TV drama and K-pop)
Social work
C
21
F
Fan (TV drama and K-pop)
Geography
D
26
F
Fan (TV drama and K-pop)
Media studies
E
23
F
Fan (TV drama)
Law
F
24
F
Fan (TV drama and K-pop)
English literature
G
25
M
Fan (gaming)
International relations
H
21
F
Fan (TV drama and K-pop)
Business administration
J
21
F
Nonfan
International relations
K
22
F
Fan (K-pop)
International relations
L
22
F
Fan (K-pop)
History
M
24
F
Nonfan
International relations
N
24
M
Fan (gaming)
History
O
22
F
Fan (K-pop)
Business administration
P
21
F
Fan (TV drama and K-pop)
Sociology and anthropology
R
21
F
Fan (K-pop)
English literature
Background: A Brief History of Korea Day in Israel
2000s: Korea Day and Diasporic Nationalism
The first Korea Day was organized by the Korean student community in 1998 in Jerusalem, with
the declared mission of bringing the two nations closer and promoting their mutual recognition. In addition
to the national mission to promote Korea’s positive image in the world, Korean Protestants consider
themselves “Lovers of Zion” and strive to express their devotion by volunteering at cultural events and
making donations (Kim-Yoon, 2015). The Hebrew University was chosen as the venue because the
majority of Korean students studied there, and its Department of Asian Studies had been, since the early
1990s, the only place in Israel teaching the Korean language. The department supported the Korea Day
celebration by providing space and logistical assistance.
Despite the declared mission, most attendees before the late 2000s were Korean families
celebrating their own national culture. In other words, Korea Day strengthened the Korean community
from the inside by expressing inward diasporic nationalism rather than by promoting Korean culture to
outside audiences. During the 2004 Korea Day, which was held at Tel Aviv University, I looked around the
almost-empty cinema screening hall and saw mostly Korean faces. The few Israelis who showed up looked
as if they had either randomly stumbled on the festivities or were acquaintances of the Korean students.
International Journal of Communication 13(2019) Welcome to Korea Day 3771
In 2005, professional Christian musicians, singers, dancers, and tae kwon do masters from Korea
gave a three-day performance in Jerusalem for an Israeli audience. Some of the Korean students felt
marginalized, which may be why no one organized Korea Day in 2006 or 2007. In addition, one of Korea
Day’s principal organizers left Israel, and the head of the Korean association changed, disrupting the
seven-year “tradition.” To fill the void, in 2008, the Korean Cultural Center in Israel brought in
professional artists sponsored by Korea’s governmental cultural office. The event was called the First
Korean Cultural Day to differentiate it from the Korea Days previously organized by the Korean
community. Since 2009, the center has brought Korean artists to the international festival in Jerusalem
called Hutzot HaYozer, where various countries have booths and sell goods. Established by the Jerusalem
municipality in 1975, the festival hosted about 100,000 people over 10 days in 2018. Attendees, like
tourists, visit country booths to learn about different cultures and places.
In sum, Korea Day began with the Korean student community with an inward orientation. Later,
the Korean Cultural Center institutionalized the event within the Hutzot HaYozer festival, expressing
outward diasporic nationalism to promote Korean culture to a broader Israeli audience. For the manager of
the Korean Cultural Center, participation in the festival fulfills his own mission. When I asked him in 2006
why he decided to open the center, he told me that the Korean people, especially Korean Christians, know
a great deal about Israel, but not vice versa. People on the streets always ask him if he is Japanese or
Chinese, but never if he is Korean. To make Korea and Koreans more recognizable, the manager annually
recruits volunteers not only from the Korean community but also from the hallyu fan-students of Korean-
language classes in the center for their better mastery of the Hebrew language. Thus, in 2009, hallyu fan-
students for the first time joined the making of a “Korea” performance on a public stage.
2010s: Korea Day and the Rise of Hallyu
Since the introduction of hallyu to Israel in 2006 by way of the Korean TV drama Nae Ireumeun
Gim Samsun (My lovely Samsun; 2005), the number of Israelis interested in Korean culture has grown
from dozens to thousands. The geographical distance between the countries and the absence of diplomatic
relations until the 1990s explain the most salient characteristic of hallyu fans in Israel, the majority of
whom have never been to Korea and were introduced to the country through Korean TV dramas and K-
pop. Like fans in other parts of the world, most hallyu fans in Israel are young women in their late teens
and early 20s and are active participants in online consumption and management of online fandom
communities. While not being markedly different from fans in other locations, Israeli fans belong to a non-
Western country that might experience “minority solidarity” with a popular culture originating in another
non-Western country with a history of “cultural obscurity” and peripheral status in the global cultural
sphere (Choi & Maliangkay, 2014, pp. 1214). Moreover, coming from outside Asiathe leading region of
hallyu distributionnon-Asian fans may suffer from stronger stigmatization due to their nonmainstream
fandom (Lyan & Levkowitz, 2015a; Min et al., 2019; Otmazgin & Lyan, 2014; Yoon, 2019b).
With the rising popularity of hallyu, the number of students enrolled in Korean studies has
dramatically increased worldwide (Saeji, 2018). According to the Modern Language Association, 14,000
students are currently learning Korean in the United States, compared with only 163 in 1998 (Pickles,
2018). Some studies on hallyu fandom have emphasized the “learning-related or educational aspect of
3772 Irina Lyan International Journal of Communication 13(2019)
hallyu consumption” (Kim & Ahn, 2012; Min et al., 2019; Oh, 2011, p. 224) that motivates fans to learn
the Korean language and to learn more about Korea in general. Hallyu has become a gateway to a
broader interest in Korean language, history, and society, and in many countries, hallyu has become the
main driver of students enrolling in Korean classes.
In Israel, Korean-language courses were first offered at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in
the 1990s, and as a result of the increase in the number of students wishing to learn about Korea, a
comprehensive major program was launched in 2013. With the establishment of the program and the
growth of the dedicated audience, ethnic Korean students retreated from center stage to a Han-style
“corner.” The subsequent Korea Days (and even Korea Weeks) have been organized by the students
hallyu fans for the most partsupported by the Korean studies program and the Korean embassy in
Israel. Every year, a few Korean students volunteer to present “authentic” traditional performances, but
they do so as invited guests rather than hosts. For fan-students, on the other hand, the organizing of an
annual Korea Day has become almost a duty, and they begin planning the event at the start of the
academic year.
This brief history of Korea Day reveals the gradual loss of ownership by ethnic Korean students of
“performing Korea” in Israel. There are political, religious, or educational interests behind the transitioning
of ethnic Koreans from hosts to guests, such as internal conflicts in the Korean community about who will
represent Korea abroadprofessional or amateur artists, the Korean community, or the Korean embassy.
In addition, the temporal status of overseas students on a limited stay has made it easier to forget the
earlier Korea Day tradition that was first conceived in 1998. The rise of hallyu and the growing number of
fan-students, as well as the growing support of the Department of Asian Studies and the Korean embassy
in Israel in organizing national days inside the university, has also contributed to the change in ownership
of Korea Day. Hallyu fan-students, originally visitors to Korea Day, have become “locals” responsible for
performing nationalism.
Findings From Backstage
I. Double Stigma: From K-pop to Korean Studies
To explore the motivations behind the making of Korea Day, it is important to understand the
inner motives and social consequences of fan-students’ Korean studies choice as, at least in part, an
affection-based decision. The role of emotions and affective affinities is largely overlooked in fandom
studies (Chin & Morimoto, 2013) as well as in the education research on study choice, which is often
understood in terms of rational decision making. Most fan-students describe their study choice in a
dialectical way as both an emotional and a rational choice. On the one hand, they see it as a fun and
nonpractical degreea “bonus” and even a “refuge” from the difficulties of their other practical and
“serious” degree, usually in the social sciences. Yet some added that they see in Korean studies the
potential for future employment as translators or business negotiators, while others hope to change the
stereotype of hallyu fans as strange or infantile by choosing a Korean studies degree.
International Journal of Communication 13(2019) Welcome to Korea Day 3773
For fan-students, the link between hallyu and Korea is an obvious one, and many talk about their
fandom and studies in terms of love and passion, sometimes even referring to Korean popular culture and
Korea interchangeably. According to E., the consumption of popular culture leads to a gradual learning
process that ranges from unfamiliarity with the Korean origins of hallyu to curiosity, and “for some it ends
with a Google search and even self-learning of Korean language, while for others it starts with Korean
studies.”
3
These fan-students constitute a minority among several thousand hallyu fans in Israel. As D.
argues, “Korean popular culture has become such a significant part of their life, so they wanted to
understand it more.” Such identification with Korean popular culture reveals an emotional commitment to
fandom, an effort to own it through education as another form of “hyper-consumption” (Stevens, 2010, p.
208).
As for the reactions of family and friends to fandom and to the choice of Korean studies, I was
surprised at the range of responses, from stigmatization to admiration. Korean studies students were
commonly asked: “What are you going to do with it [a Korean studies degree]?” “When are you going to
grow up?” and “Are you again with your Chinese/Asians?” While the first two questions stigmatize hallyu
fandom as childish, the third one Orientalizes Korean popular culture in a derogatory way as Chinese or
Asian Other. Yet many students also talked about being admired for their “brave choice” to engage in
nonpractical studies for the sake of knowledge rather than career, making them feel “special.” As R.
explains, “It is the social norm to study something that will bring you money. If one chooses something
that breaks this norm, it’s perceived as the subject of admiration, something that others will not dare to
do.” Moreover, some reported that the negative reactions they had encountered because of their fandom
have changed with their choice of study. For example, for H., “The perception of academic studies changes
it [hallyu fandom] from [a] silly and unserious hobby to something which seems to be really serious and
important.” D. also thinks that she can remove the stigma attached to hallyu fandom since, thanks to her
choice of Korean studies, “Students are not perceived as childish. Korea is generally perceived as
something serious, because if you can learn about it at the university, it’s probably something that
counts.”
G. feels that he “markets” Korean studies as something attractive and special. He notes, “People
always start from disregarding Korea and its popular culture, but after I boast [about] my knowledge and
tell them things they don’t know about [the] importance of Asia in the international arena, they are
starting to take [Korea] a little more seriously.” For G., a Korean studies degree
even gives legitimacy to being enamored of such a different popular culture, because
people tend to disparage or laugh at those who choose different things. [But] people in
academy [like me] can boast that they have a degree [in Korean studies] and try to
come out smarter on this subject.
Some fan-students also felt marginalized within the Asian studies department, since their peers
understand the choice of Chinese and Japanese studies as more legitimateand, in the case of China,
3
This and the following citations were translated by the author from Hebrew. Refer to Table 1 for
demographic details for all interviewees cited.
3774 Irina Lyan International Journal of Communication 13(2019)
more practicalbut tend to dismiss Korean studies as “strange” or “inferior.” Moreover, according to the
interviewees, the Korean studies program has been labeled by other students of the Asian studies
department as less serious and tailored to the interests of hallyu fans. Like the manager of the Korean
Cultural Center in Israel pressing for Korea’s recognition and demarcation from Japan and China, a similar
dynamic and national hierarchy exists within Asian studies. For example, J., one of the nonfans in this
study, was attracted to Korean studies because of the inferior representation of Korea as “at the
background of Japan, at the background of Chinaalways at the side and less important, always
submissive, controlled or a ‘side effect.’” O. draws a link between the lack of awareness about Korea in
Israeli society (relative to China and Japan) and the negative reaction she encounters as a fan of popular
culture and as a student enrolled in Korean studies. In other words, while both hallyu fandom and the
Korean studies degree carry a stigma, some fans see in their degree choice an opportunity to push back
against such a negative perception.
II. Stigma Management in Making Korea Day
One of the obvious motivations for organizing Korea Day is the above-mentioned duty-like
tradition that began in 2012. New students enrolled in Korean studies are invited by their second- and
third-year counterparts to participate in the event, and some students encounter the event even before
beginning their studies. Similar to Elfving-Hwang’s findings, students mentioned enjoyment, group
solidarity, and peer pressure as main motivators for participating, as opposed to secondary goals such as
promoting Korea or attracting new students to Korean studies. Yet rather than singling out explicit
enjoyment and portraying students as having a vagueand therefore “inauthentic”understanding of
what Korea is, in this article I examine emotion-driven motivations such as stigma management to local
promotion of Korea.
For example, the metaphor of refuge emerged several times in the sense of hiding from outside
stigmatization within the closed community of fan-students. D. understands the organizing of Korea Day
as a “refuge.” She explains that during such events, “People will not judge me, [since] everyone likes
these ‘strange’ things exactly like I do and I can share them without receiving offensive reactions.” When
she became a hallyu fan, she thought that she was alone, but fandom communitiesand later joining the
Korean studies programallowed her to overcome this feeling. O. also understands Korea Day and other
cultural events as revealing that she is not alone; during the event, she explains, she feels that “hundreds
share with me a common hobby.” Korea Day, therefore, unlike other public events, provides a safe space
for fans’ social empowerment.
For B., volunteering on Korea Day makes her happy because she contributes to the promotion
of things she loves. Like many other fan-students, she wants to change the fact that “there is [a] lack
of basic awareness [about South Korea]. . . . Many people [in Israel] have heard only about North
Korea or about ‘Gangnam Style,’ and many don’t know that there are two completely different Koreas.”
D. also thinks that, since “Korea is simply unrecognized and there is a lack of awareness [about it],
people don’t know about its popular culture and react to it negatively.” Korea Day, therefore, provides
an opportunity for fan-students to deal with the stigma attached to Korea, to hallyu fandom, and to
themselves as fans of Korean popular culture.
International Journal of Communication 13(2019) Welcome to Korea Day 3775
The sense of mission to eradicate cultural ignorance of Korea is more evident in A.’s criticism of
both hallyu fans and the wider Israeli society. She feels obliged to pass on her knowledge about Korea
beyond hallyu, since hallyu fans “don’t understand anything, they don’t have any background in history,
nothing, and there is not enough information [in Hebrew].” She even uses the Hebrew word hasbara,
explaining Korea Day in the Israeli context by evoking nationalistic sentiments. For A., hasbara can be
used to promote Korea abroad, for “upgrading,” so “people will make a switch from hallyu to studies about
Korean politics and history.” H. also feels that she does hasbara about Korea: “People ask me all the time
questions about Korea and I feel obliged to know all [the] answers.” Korea Day, therefore, provides a
means for fan-students to take on an empowering role as experts and educators about Korea.
Unlike the macro mission to promote Korea abroad, J., one of the two nonfans interviewed for
this study, sees an inner motive on the part of female hallyu fans as having “the burden of proof” to
achieve self-recognition. In her opinion, “Female fans are always tested for their admiration, and that’s
why K-pop fans feel that they have to know everything so well to not fail this exam.” Therefore, the choice
of Korean studies provides female fans with an opportunity to expand their knowledge beyond being “just
fans” and enables them to answer questions about Korea. In other words, it is not only Korea that needs
hasbara but also fan-students who “feel obliged to know all [the] answers” to make hasbara of
themselves.
In sum, the identification with hallyu fandom is enacted through the choice of Korean studies,
attaching a double stigma to fan-students because of hallyu fandom and Korean studies. Korea Day, as
well as other public events that make Korea more popular and recognizable, has become one of the
performance stages for fan-students to manage this stigma. Driven by the emotions of shame, love,
passion, loneliness, and pride in their fandom, fan-students strive to achieve outside and inside
recognition by struggling for positive representation of Korea, Korean studies, and Korean popular culture
on a macro level while managing self-stigma on the group/community and individual levels.
Discussion and Conclusion: Between Diasporic and Hallyu Fan-Nationalism
The change in ownership of Korea Day from diasporic Koreans to fan-students does not mean
that the latter group has been driven by nationalistic motives. Yet this article demonstrates that the
hasbara of Korean national culture means for them more than simply having fun, striving for group
solidarity, or fulfilling a duty. The process of identification with hallyu fandom through Korean studies and,
further, through the making of Korea Day, is what brings nationalism-as-stigma-management to the fore.
By promoting the nation, fan-students have an opportunity to manage their own double stigma of being
both hallyu fans and students of Korean studies. Their emotion-driven inner motivations are what drive
some fans to promote a positive image of nation and, as a consequence, of themselves.
As this study notes, there are more connections between diasporic nationalism and fan-nationalism
than we can consider here that can contribute to an understanding of fans. For instance, the parallel between
organizing Korea Day by fan-students and outward diasporic nationalism reveals that, similar to non-Korean
fans, some diasporic second- (third-, fourth-, and more) generation Koreans have never been to or have
limited exposure to their homelands. As one of the fan-students in the tourism booth on Korea Day in 2017
3776 Irina Lyan International Journal of Communication 13(2019)
told me, “It’s funny that I’m here since I’ve never been to Korea.” This disconnect from the territory
challenges the link with nation-state and even weakens the claims of both diasporic Koreans’ and foreign
fans’ perception and representation of Korea abroad as less than authentic. While not falling into the binary
trap of nationalism-as-essence that can be either authentically performed or falsely fabricated, the aim of
this article is to contribute to fandom studies by understanding fans and their inner motivations through
performing nationalism. The comparison with diasporic nationalism enables us to home in on fan-students’
emotion-driven motivations in taking on the empowering role of cultural experts, educators, and even
cultural ambassadors.
The making of Korea Day represents stigma management of fan-students mobilized both by the
macro mission to promote a positive image of Korea in their home societies and by the micro motivation
to repair their own, often stigmatized, self-image as fans of Korean popular culture and students of
Korean studies. For fan-students, participation in Korea Day has become a measure of their fandomness,
driven by an emotional attachment to both Korea and hallyu and a sense of national as well as fandom
shame and pride. Korea Day, for diasporic Koreans, signifies the desire for homecoming, but for hallyu
students, it has become a symbolic journey toward the national origins of hallyu fandom. Cultural
consumption provides not only a route for diasporic communities to maintain relations with their
homelands but also a way for hallyu fans to imagine their fandom as an additional “home” to cultivate.
Across the world, fans organize cultural events because these activities are fun and may generate profit,
but, more importantly, because the events are essential for them in building new transcultural pathways
that connect them with their fandom (Otmazgin, 2014; Otmazgin & Lyan, 2018).
In the course of Korea Day, at least symbolically and temporally, Korea is compressed in time
and space and relocated in its essence of popular national culture. Fan-students have become the
protagonists of Korea Day, upending the relations between hosts and guests. As Henry Jenkins (1992)
noted, “Fans are consumers who also produce, readers who also write, and spectators who also
participate” (p. 208). Following Jenkins’ (2004) definition of the transcultural fan as a pop cosmopolitan
“someone whose embrace of global popular media represents an escape route out of the parochialism of
her local community” (p. 114)I understand fan-nationalism as a flight toward imagined communities of
fandom and its national homelands, freeing fans from their locally attached stigma. While the existing
focus on nationalism is too narrow and “marginalizes the significance of transnational, regional, and global
forces” (Lie, 2008, p. 173), hallyu fan-nationalism brings to the fore nonnationalist, nonessentialist, and
transcultural perspectives to fandom studies.
International Journal of Communication 13(2019) Welcome to Korea Day 3777
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The winds of hallyu, which for several years have swept through most of Asia and parts of South America and Africa, have not yet been able to penetrate the part of the world that is usually known as the West. The reasons for the relatively meagre breakthrough and presence of all things hallyu in Western countries are of course many and complex as well as differentiating according to country and region. The state of the popularity and spread of hallyu and its type of audience, users and consumers is therefore not the same in North America with its big and territorialised Korean and Asian diasporic communities or in Australia and New Zealand which apart from their large Korean and Asian minorities also benefit from a geographic proximity to Korea compared to in Europe where the Korean presence is thin and where Korea is generally an unknown country. This article presents the situation concerning the reception and consumption of hallyu in today's Sweden, a Northern and Western European country with a small Korean and Asian population but nonetheless with a long and continuous relationship to Korea in modern history. The article which is based on interviews with Swedish hallyu fans, on Swedish media reports and fan texts on the phenomenon and on personal observations and experiences as a hallyu consumer, should be seen as a preliminary study of the reception and consumption of hallyu in Sweden, which at least in parts could be generalizable to other Northern and Western European countries, thereby contributing to an understanding of the future potential for hallyu in Europe. How is hallyu being received and consumed in Sweden with an emphasis on Korean film and K-pop? When did hallyu come to Sweden, and where and how is it present in terms of resources, users and activities? And which groups and categories are involved and participating as consumers and fans in terms of generation, gender, class and ethnicity?
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In the past two decades, Korean Studies has expanded to become an interdisciplinary and increasingly international field of study and research. While new undergraduate Korean Studies programs are opening at universities in the Republic of Korea (ROK) and intensifying multi-lateral knowledge transfers, this process also reveals the lack of a clear identity that continues to haunt the field. In this autoethnographic essay, I examine the possibilities and limitations of framing Korea as an object of study for diverse student audiences, looking towards potential futures for the field. I focus on 1) the struggle to escape the nation-state boundaries implied in the habitual terminology, particularly when teaching in the ROK, where the country is unmarked (“Han'guk”), the Democratic People's Republic of Korea is marked (“Pukhan”), and the diaspora is rarely mentioned at all; 2) the implications of the expansion of Korean Studies as a major within the ROK; 3) in-class navigations of Korean national pride, the trap of Korean uniqueness and (self-)orientalization and attitudes toward the West; 4) the negotiation of my own status as a white American researching/teaching about Korea, often to Koreans; 5) reactions to the (legitimate) demands of undergraduate Korean Studies majors to define the field and its future employment opportunities. Finally, I raise some questions about teaching methodologies in Korean Studies. Drawing on my experiences with diverse groups of students, I ask those involved in this field to consider with me the challenges emerging in a time of rapid growth.
Article
This article has examined how the Hallyu phenomenon is integrated into a transnational global cultural landscape, focusing on Chilean reception of K-pop. It analyzed how Hallyu fans engage with a social media-saturated environment in Chile, mapping out transnational pop cultural flows within the digital media environment through which the participatory culture of media users is spread. What is interesting is that Chilean society, in general, shows negative attitudes toward K-pop fans. More importantly, while many Chileans consider K-pop fans weird and strange, often disparaging their family members and friends for liking such music, the marginalization of K-pop fans in Chile promotes a greater sense of bonding among them through the affinity spaces of social media. Under this circumstance, most of our interviewees explained that digital media plays a vital role in the dissemination of K-pop in Chile and Latin America. Unlike Hallyu fans in other regions, K-pop fans in Chile have developed cultural intimacy specific to digital site-media, primarily in the realm of social media, and K-pop generates the creation of affinity spaces via different social media platforms.
Book
'Imagined Communities' examines the creation & function of the 'imagined communities' of nationality & the way these communities were in part created by the growth of the nation-state, the interaction between capitalism & printing & the birth of vernacular languages in early modern Europe.
Article
This article examines conflicts over the transnationalization of South Korean celebrities in the wake of the Korean Wave (Hallyu) in the twenty-first century. I consider a number of celebrity controversies to argue that the demands placed upon Hallyu celebrities by domestic observers, foreign audiences, and global capital are fundamentally irreconcilable. South Korean nationalist appropriation of Hallyu, as well as the local celebrity culture, demand that Hallyu stars firstly be exemplary Korean patriots, whereas international audiences expect sympathy for their own causes. Local nationalist agendas have proven particularly troublesome because of postcolonial sensibilities and ongoing territorial disagreements between South Korea and its neighbors. Finally, as circulating commodities and commercial assets, Hallyu stars are also pledged to global capital. Their value is highest when they appeal to as broad an audience as possible and alienate no one with their politics. An apolitical neutrality on regionally controversial issues, however, is an untenable position when antagonistic geopolitical interests are concerned and nationalist passions flare. I situate this argument within critical scholarship on cultural globalization flows within Asia, while engaging celebrity studies to frame Hallyu stars as transnational commodities.
Article
The objective of this paper is to analyze the psychological motivation behind the retrospective learning that is integral to the consumption of popular culture produced by former colonial countries. In particular, the paper addresses the question of retrospective learning involved in the consumption of Korean popular culture called "Hallyu" by some Japanese women. A cultural genre that includes Korean TV dramas, popular music, films, food and drink, and language, Hallyu began receiving the attention of Japanese women in the mid-2000s; its consumption has now transformed into a broad-based popular trend among young and mature generations of women in Japan. I focus on retrospective learning patterns that surface only after members of a certain culture feel alienated from or frustrated with progressive learning efforts promoted earlier by Western cultures. On this basis, I argue that the motivation among middle-aged Japanese women to retrospectively learn about the somewhat nostalgic or even backward Korean popular culture is derived from their sense of lost identity as Asian women, sense of separation from their traditional Japanese values caused by the Westernization of their culture, or the feeling that they are masquerading as honorary "white" women. Rediscovering their lost identity through Hallyu allows their gendered and racialized melancholia to manifest and motivates them to engage in retrospective learning in an effort to recover their old identities.