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Lamkang Verb Conjugation

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Van der Auwera & Vossen (2017) identify an intriguing shift from a copula to a negative marker in the Tibeto-Burman Kiranti group, and discuss it as a possible example of Jespersen’s Cycle. This paper traces a fuller history of the copula #ni , and presents an account of its association with negation, which is attested in several other Tibeto-Burman languages besides Kiranti. In most Tibeto-Burman languages the equational copula is “optional”, occurring in affirmative sentences only with a contrastive or emphatic sense. For this reason copulas often develop into sentence-final stance markers. Since negation is morphologically marked on verbs, a negated equational sentence requires an overt copula which can be negated. This paper presents data showing how this association of the presence of a copula with negation has resulted in the negative sense becoming associated with and, in a few cases, becoming the direct meaning of the erstwhile copula.
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In a reported intentionality construction, intentionality is expressed as reported speech/thought (‘s/he says/thinks, ’). The quoted clause must contain a first person form and refer to the future. Reported intentionality displays perspective persistence and an accompanying apparent form-meaning mismatch, as it structurally marks the speech-act participant perspective of the volitional agent despite idiomatically translating only from the perspective of the current speaker. While this construction has been examined in languages around the world, this is the first treatment for the Trans-Himalayan (or Sino-Tibetan/Tibeto-Burman) language family. Monsang (South-Central; Northeast India) is shown to have a reported intentionality construction of the cross-linguistic type. In addition, there is a desiderative construction in the language that does not display perspective persistence but is argued to reconstruct back to a reported intentionality construction. Further evidence from synchronic and diachronic quotative constructions in Monsang is presented that illustrates the prominence of quotative-derived expressions of intentionality in Monsang verbal morphology.
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Sizang Chin (Northern Kuki-Chin, Tibeto-Burman) is spoken in Northern Chin State, Burma/Myanmar. It exhibits a form of ablaut commonly referred to as “verb stem alternation” within the Kuki-Chin literature. In verb stem alternation, one form of a verb (Stem I) occurs in certain environments and a secondary form (Stem II) occurs in other environments. Recently, this alternation has been classified as a correlation of agentivity, with Stem I denoting agentive voice and Stem II denoting nonagentive voice. However, the methodology used in that classification depended heavily upon elicited data and the categorization did not make a clear distinction between clausal-level phenomena and argument-level phenomena. In order to observe verb stem alternation in a more natural environment, this study examines the correlation of verb stem alternation with foreground and background information in Sizang third-person narrative discourse. Foreground information refers to the clauses within a narrative that contain main events which advance the timeline. Background information refers to clauses that are not mainline events, but nonetheless add supporting information to the mainline events. The hypothesis for this study was that foreground information clauses would correlate with Stem I and background information clauses would correlate with Stem II. However, contrary to the hypothesis, the results demonstrate that the majority of background information clauses contain a Stem I verb and foreground information clauses sometimes contain Stem II verbs. This is because Stem II in Sizang Chin to indicates nominalization. Therefore, in both foreground and background information, Stem II is present in nominalized clauses, including adverbial clauses, complement clauses and applicative constructions.
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This paper discusses the agreement system of five Kuki-Chin (KC) languages of Barak valley, viz. Saihriem, Hrangkhol, Chorei, Sakachep, and Ronglong. The paper has an introduction, and five sections dedicated to agreement in different contructions: intransitive structures, transitive structures, agreement with the same person, agreement with ditransitive verbs, and agreement in hortative and imperative constructions. The discussion of agreement is further divided into subparts by paradigm; non-future, future and negative; and by languages. As in most KC languages, the Barak valley KC languages exhibit both preverbal and postverbal agreement clitics. The preverbal agreement clitics are homophonous with the possessive pronouns which occur before a noun. In intransitive constructions, the future affirmative paradigm has the same subject agreement clitics as the non-future paradigm. But unlike the non-future paradigm, the agreement clitics occur mostly after the verb and before the future tense marker in the future paradigm. In intransitive constructions, the postverbal agreement clitic shows up only in the future negative paradigm. As in the case of preverbal agreement clitics, the subject NP of an intransitive verb in the future negative paradigm can be dropped, and it can be recovered from its corresponding postverbal agreement clitics. Across the Barak valley KC languages, a transitive verb agrees with its object for the 1st person. Saihriem is the only language which shows number distinction for the second person object. If a verb takes more than one object, one with an inanimate direct object and the other with an indirect human object, the human indirect object takes precedence over the inanimate direct object for agreement. The Imperative construction takes the regular pre-verbal subject agreement marker for 1st and 3rd person in both the singular and plural form. On the contrary, the second person does not take any agreement marker. However, the number (singular and plural of the person) is distinguished in the imperative marker itself.
Book
Acknowledgements.- Chapter 1. Introduction.- Chapter 2. Definition and Goals of Descriptive Linguistic Fieldwork.- Chapter 3. The History of Linguistic Fieldwork.- Chapter 4: Choosing a Language.- Chapter 5: Field Preparation: Research, Psychological and Practical.- Chapter 6: Fieldwork Ethics: the Rights and Responsibilities of the Fieldworker.- Chapter 7: Native Speakers and Field Workers.- Chapter 8: Planning Sessions, Note Taking, and Data Management.- Chapter 9: Lexicography in Fieldwork.- Chapter 10: Phonetic and Phonological Fieldwork.- Chapter 11: Morphosyntactic Typology and Terminology.- Chapter 12: Grammar Gathering Techniques.- Chapter 13: Semantics, Pragmatics, and Text Collection.- Index.
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The verb agreement systems of Jinghpaw, Meyor, Northern Naga, and Northeast, Northwest and Southern Kuki-Chin contain material which is demonstrably inherited from Proto-Trans-Himalayan. Here we discuss morphological evidence that these systems share a common ancestor more recent than PTH. There is strong evidence connecting Jinghpaw with both Northern Naga and Kuki-Chin, and weaker evidence directly linking Northern Naga and Kuki-Chin, and both of these with Meyor. This is evidence that all of these languages belong to a single branch of the family, an idea which has been suggested in the past but never argued for. Les systèmes d’accord verbaux des langues jinghpaw, meyor, naga du nord, et kuki-chin incluent des formes dont on peut démontrer l’origine proto-trans-himalayenne. Cet article présente des preuves morphologiques qui démontrent que ces systèmes descendent d’un paradigme ancestral plus récent que le proto-trans-himalayen. Les caractéristiques morphologiques communes entre jinghpaw et naga du nord sont très claires, et l’on trouve également des liens rapprochant le naga du nord avec le kuki-chin, et ces deux groupes avec le meyor. On propose que toutes ces langues appartiennent à une branche unique de la famille trans-himalayenne, une idée qui a été suggérée dans des publications antérieures mais jamais développée de façon argumentée.
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This article proposes an idealized model of direct-inverse systems inspired by canonical morphology, against which attested systems are then evaluated in terms of their deviation from it. A language-independent definition of obviation is provided, and then applied to language families other than Algonquian. Referential hierarchies are shown not to be the only way of accounting for direct-inverse systems. Finally, the article surveys the attested origins of inverse systems and the ways in which they can be further reanalyzed, ultimately leading to their decay.
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Chhangte, Lalnunthangi. 1986. "Two important features of Mizo grammar: Ergativity and the iconicity of stem II verbs". Paper presented at the 19th Annual Meeting of the International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics. Columbus: The Ohio State University.
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