Content uploaded by Shakirullah Dawar
Author content
All content in this area was uploaded by Shakirullah Dawar on Jul 26, 2019
Content may be subject to copyright.
Journal of Human Security |2019 |Volume 15 |Issue 2 |Pages 41–53
DOI: 10.12924/johs2019.15020041
ISSN: 1835–3800
Journal of
Human Security
Research Article
Community–Oriented Policing: Political, Institutional and
Technical Reforms in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) Police
Bahadar Nawab1*, Shakir Ullah1, Ingrid Nyborg2, Tahir Maqsood1
1COMSATS University Islamabad, Abbottabad, Pakistan
2Norwegian University of Life Sciences (NMBU), ˚
As, Norway
*Corresponding author: E-Mail: bahadar@cuiatd.edu.pk; Tel.: +92 992 383491-5; Fax: +92 992 383441
Submitted: 5 June 2018 |In revised form: 21 May 2019 |Accepted: 29 May 2019 |
Published: 26 July 2019
Abstract:
Community-police relations in Pakistan are often intricate, as are their reforms. Mistrust, political
intervention, meager financial resources, lack of educated/trained human resources, over-expectations
and miscommunication are some of the factors contributing to weak policing and poor community-police
relations. The police as a service-oriented public institution has been a demand of the public and the
dream of consecutive governments. In this study, we explore the political, institutional and technical
reforms taken by the government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and the police department to improve their
police and policing. The Police Act 2017 and Community-Oriented Policing, Dispute Resolution Councils
(DRCs), and Information and Communications Technology (ICT) initiatives are critically analyzed in terms
of their intentions and contribution to improved police-community relations. Politicians, police, civil society
organizations and community members from KP were interviewed for their perceptions of police reforms and
community-police relations. The study finds strong political will to empower and depoliticize police, and to
shift its focus from purely crime fighting into community service provision, including pro-active engagement
of police with the community. The study also finds that most of the new initiatives of the government of
KP are in the spirit of community–oriented policing, and community members see visible improvement in
policing and community-police relations.
Keywords: Community-oriented policing; police reforms; Khyber Pakhtunkhwa; Pakistan
1. Introduction
The post-9/11 wave of militancy and suicide attacks in Pak-
istan, and in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and tribal areas in
particular, created widespread fear and insecurity among
the public. KP was the worst affected province where ter-
rorism, kidnapping for ransom, target killing, and extortion
were common [
1
]. The police thus face many security chal-
lenges which jeopardize both national security and people’s
civil liberties [
2
]. The KP police were as well the target of
militants and they suffered many casualties [
3
]. The primary
role of police in Pakistan and KP has always been maintain-
ing the law and order situation in order to ensure a peaceful
society and internal/domestic security. However, after 9/11
and subsequent extremist militancy, military operations and
other insecurities, the roles, responsibilities and challenges
of police diversified and became more complicated. The po-
lice increased their focus on internal security together with
c
2019 by the authors; licensee Librello, Switzerland. This open access article was published
under a Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
librello
the army, who was responsible for border control and overall
security of the country. In extreme situations, Rangers (a
wing of the Pakistan Army, and the Frontier Constabulary in
KP and Baluchistan) also took the role of police.
Faced with such immense security challenges, the gov-
ernment began a new cycle of police reform. For better
coordination and active response to extremism and terror-
ism the government established National Counter Terrorism
Authority (NACTA) in 2009, initially under the Ministry of
Interior but later as an autonomous authority answerable to
a Board of Governors headed by the Prime Minister of Pak-
istan. NACTA, headed by senior police officers, acts to unify
state response to extremism and terrorism by combining the
efforts of law enforcement and intelligence agencies and
by formulating and implementing national counter terrorism
and counter extremism policies through strategic planning,
continuous research and innovation.
At the same time, the National Police Bureau (NPB)has
re-established itself as the premier institution for steer-
ing police reform efforts at the national level in Pakistan.
With their vision of ‘Reshaping police into a professionally
competent, operationally neutral and publicly accountable
service-delivery organization’, they provide strategic guid-
ance, policy and competence-building in democratic polic-
ing approaches. The police have long been considered
one of Pakistan’s most ineffectively managed government
institutions. They are poorly trained, ill-equipped, politicized,
and incessantly corrupt [
4
]. Pakistan inherited its policing
system from Great Britain, the colonial masters in South
Asia. The police Act of 1862 was promulgated immedi-
ately in the aftermath of the 1857 uprising against British
rule [
5
]. This policing model provided for an oppressive,
unaccountable and authoritarian police force. This force
was and still is using century-old tactics, which do not meet
the requirements of policing in today’s Pakistan where cit-
izens expect more democratic government processes [
6
].
Pakistan followed the 1862 Act until 2002, when a new
reform-oriented police order was finally enacted. The 2002
order proposed significant changes in both the structure
and culture of the police, with the intention to transform it
into a democratic and depoliticized institution. However, the
2002 order’s original intent and spirit was damaged due
to frequent amendments over time [
7
]. In the years since
the 2002 Act, more than two dozen commissioned reports
on police reform were assembled, but it was very rare for
any of their recommendations to be implemented [
8
]. The
NPB has renewed reform efforts by providing professional
guidance in democratic policing at the national level.
One of the NPB’s newest areas of focus, for exam-
ple, is Community-Oriented Policing (COP). The terms
‘community-based policing’ and ‘community-oriented polic-
ing’ began to appear in academia during the mid-1960s
in the United States, and in the early 1970s in the United
Kingdom and Australia. The idea suggests a paradigm shift
from the ‘exclusion’ of society from policing to its ‘inclusion’,
where society is given an explicit role in policing [9].
The concept of community-oriented policing means dif-
ferent things to different communities of practice [10]. Nev-
ertheless, community-oriented policing models often have
in common the central idea that community members and
police are in an active partnership and close coordination,
whether this is referred to as problem-solving, problem ori-
ented, or sector policing [11].
This is in stark contrast to earlier understandings of
the concept of community policing as a form of community
surveillance through informants (which still exists in many
contexts, including in Pakistan). Ras [
11
] argues for the
importance of cementing trust between communities and
police, and the sharing of information to handle common
issues. Community-oriented policing is both a philosophy (a
way of thinking) and an organizational strategy (a means to
carry out that philosophy) that allows the police and commu-
nity to work together in new ways to solve problems of crime
and disorder, and ensure safety and security. It rests on two
core elements: changing the methods and practice of the
police and taking steps to establish a relationship between
the police and the public [
12
]. A community-oriented polic-
ing approach thus emphasizes both reforming the police
and refurbishing their public image [
13
]. Developing a pro-
fessional and accountable police service practicing a new
style of policing that is responsive to the needs of local com-
munities is increasingly recognized as important for sound
conflict management [
12
]. Community-oriented policing
brings together the police, civil society and local communi-
ties to jointly take responsibility for and develop solutions
to local safety and security [
14
]. Community-oriented polic-
ing theories suggest that citizens, through their social rela-
tionships, are key in ensuring a peaceful and law-abiding
society, and the police have only a small role to play in this.
Eck and Rosenbaum claim that the larger issues of inse-
curity are in fact social processes underpinned by informal
social relations maintained in neighborhoods, rather than
police issues [
15
]. The move towards COP by NPB reflects
a broader shift from an exclusive focus on harder security
issues, to one of human security, where the police address
a broader set of local security concerns which contribute to
trust-building and better police-community relations.
The extent to which the NPB is able to influence the
implementation of community-oriented policing from their
national position, however, may be limited. After the pass-
ing of the 18
th
Amendment in 2010 where most government
ministries were devolved to the provinces, each province
in Pakistan now has its own police. They work in different
historical and cultural contexts, and are governed differ-
ently by political governments. Current police reforms at the
provincial level have to deal not only with insecurity from ter-
rorism and extremism, but also with demands by the public
for more democratic policing institutions. In KP in particu-
lar, human insecurity remains high, and trust between the
government and the communities, and between community
members, remains at a deficit. During crisis periods, police
worked closely with the army to fight terrorism, and found
little time to interact with the community [16].
Nevertheless, the KP police are focusing on improving
42
police-community relations through legal, social and tech-
nical means. This paper focuses on recent key political,
social and technical reforms in police and policing in KP,
and how they, given the insecurity, address the challenges
faced by police and build public trust. Specifically, the Po-
lice Act 2017 and Community-Oriented Policing, Dispute
Resolution Councils (DRCs), and Information and Commu-
nications Technology (ICT) initiatives are critically analyzed
in terms of their intentions and contribution to improved
police-community relations. We examine how these re-
forms affect both the attitude and efficiency of police, and
how the police is trying to build trust with local communities
to both fight crimes and ensure human security.
2. Methodology
The research was based on a qualitative methodology.
Open-ended and semi-structured interviews were held in
two police stations: one in district Swat, and one in Pe-
shawar. A total of four villages, two under the jurisdiction of
each police station, were selected to get the perceptions of
the local community about police and community-oriented
policing. The criteria for selecting these two police stations
was that both stations are equipped with relatively mod-
ern and advanced methods of policing where community-
oriented policing, DRC and ICTs are practiced. The police
stations and villages were selected to ensure representation
of gender, minorities, youth and class differences. A total of
20 individual interviews were conducted with key police offi-
cials of different ranks including women and men(ten from
each police station). In each police station one Focused
Group Discussion (FGD) with police officials of different
ranks (who are the real face of police in the public) was
conducted. Two group interviews with the members of two
DRCs in Peshawar and Swat respectively were conducted
to understand their dispute resolution processes. In addi-
tion, a total of 20 in-depth interviews were conducted in
the four villages with selected key community members
(women, men, minorities, and youth). One FGD with se-
lected male leaders was conducted in each village to get
the overall picture of community-police relationships. In
addition, a total of ten local politicians (men and women)
were interviewed from the selected villages. Purposive sam-
pling was used to select respondents from both the police
stations and the areas under their jurisdiction. Efforts were
made to select diverse respondents from the community
and politicians, including some who have good or bad ex-
perience with police. Socio-economic, ethnic and nature
of disputes factors were also considered while selecting re-
spondents. Police officers and others who work in the field
with communities were also purposely selected keeping in
mind their ranks and track records of work experience. Par-
ticipant observation and personal observations were used
as techniques for data collection throughout the fieldwork.
Desk research involved the review of academic articles and
other literature related to community policing, DRCs, police
acts/orders, policing patterns in Pakistan in general, and
KP in particular.
A question guide was developed for each group of re-
spondents to explore, for example, how different actors per-
ceive security and insecurity, community-police relations,
trust-building, and recent police reforms such as the new
Police Act, DRCs and ICT-based initiatives.
3. Findings and Discussion
In this section, we begin with a brief description of the police
structure in KP, including a brief presentation of their train-
ing courses, to provide a backdrop for our discussions of
police competence and attitudes towards the communities.
We then move to examine three key political, social and
technical reforms: The Police Act of 2017 and Community-
Oriented Policing (COP), the Dispute Resolution Councils
(DRCs), and the use of ICTs in the police. In each case
we analyze the intent of the reforms, as well as police and
community experiences and perceptions of how they have
affected trust between the police and communities and con-
tributed to greater human security in the communities.
3.1. Police Structure in KP
The police in Pakistan are organized on two levels. Senior
police officials are employees of the federal government, but
appointed to serve throughout the country in all provinces.
Once appointed in a province, they fall under the admin-
istrative control of the province and provincial police chief,
the Inspector General of Police (IGP). Junior police employ-
ees are a provincial workforce under the command and
guidance of the senior federal police officers (see Fig. 1).
43
Figure 1. Police Hierarchy in KP
The total police strength in KP is around 63532, which
comprises 63163 police personnel and lower rank officials
who work at police station level, and 369 police officers
coming through competitive selection of the federal gov-
ernment and who control the provincial police department.
Since the police officers shown in the higher hierarchy are
employees of the federal government, they are frequently
transferred and rotated among the provinces. All the train-
ings of these police officials are organized by the National
Police Academy, Islamabad. The Initial Command Course
(ICC) is an 18 month Specialized Training Program (STP)
designed for the new entrants of Police Service of Pakistan
(PSP) or mid-level police managers. This training consists
upon four different phases i.e. (a) Foundation; (b) Devel-
44
opment; (c) Field Attachment and (d) Consolidation. They
also attend refresher courses from time to time. In addition
to this, Senior Command Courses (SCCs) are organized
for District Police Officers (DPOs) of the country to manage
the overwhelming challenges of leadership responsibilities
posed by acts of terrorism and major crimes, as well as
political, civilian, economic, financial and personnel issues
within their ever-changing, diverse environments. The key
issues inculcated in the SCCs training include the following:
•Manage Crime
•Oversee and Maintain Law and Order
•Supervise Administration
•Supervise Critical Incident Response
•Manage Security
•Interact with and Mediate Pressure Groups
•Maintain Media Relations
•Collect/Update Intelligence
•Manage Community Policing
The National Police Academy arranges a variety of two-
week Capacity Building Courses (CBCs) on different polic-
ing subjects. The broad themes of CBCs training include
the following:
•Counter Terrorism and Anti-Terrorism
•Mass Demonstrations and Crowd Control
•Management and Leadership Skills
•Investigation and Criminalities
•Organized Crimes
•Operational Policing
•Modern Approaches in Policing
•Personal Growth, Health and Attitude
•Special Skills in Policing
Community policing is a part of sub-module under the
Modern Approaches in Policing and is not in itself consid-
ered important enough be an independent module. Spe-
cially Designed Courses (SDCs) are also organized for po-
lice officers and law enforcement agencies. These courses
are arranged on demand, and separate curriculum is devel-
oped considering the demand of the department.
For police serving in the lower hierarchy, each province
has their own training centers. In KP, two recruiting centers
in Swat and Swabi were recently established in addition to
the earlier one in Hangu District.To manage new crimes
and growing challenges of terrorism and extremism, the
police department has also established six training schools.
These include: Police School of Investigation (May 2014),
Police School of Intelligence (June 2014), Police School of
Tactics (July 2014), Police School of Explosive Handling
(Feb 2015), Police School of Public Disorder and Riot Man-
agement (Jan 2015) and Police School of Information Tech-
nology (Sept 2015). These schools have been established
to impart specialized training to police personnel in order
to effectively counter the emerging challenges posed by
the incessant asymmetric warfare. The training in these
schools has been linked to promotions, and all the police of-
ficers have to undergo various courses being conducted in
these schools. The curricula of police recruiting centers and
different schools are focused more on crimes, investigation
and control of public. Community policing as such is still not
part of curricula in these recruiting centers or specialized
schools.
3.2. Political Reforms: KP Police Act of 2017 and COP
Police as an institution and its role, services and perfor-
mance is criticized throughout the county, and the police as
an independent, well-equipped and well-trained service in-
stitution for the community remains a dream. Police officials
and analysts blame the 1861 Police Act for this menace,
which is inherited from the British colonial era where the
focus is on use of force and control over the public. The ma-
jority of public respondents, however, have little knowledge
of the 1861 Police Act, and just try to avoid contact with
police. For them, the police can find clauses and excuses
from within their system to complicate situations, creating
problems rather than providing service to communities. The
worst curse on an enemy in the study area is that ‘police
may encounter you and you may face a court case’.
Most of the respondents both from police and commu-
nity agreed that police as an institution has hardly changed
over the years. Police still use forceful tactics for spread-
ing fear and anxiety to get control over the public. During
consecutive civil and military governments, police often
demonstrated themselves as a cruel force. Governments,
instead of bringing reforms in police, would use them to
suppress their opponents. This resulted in what the public
often refers to as ‘Thana Culture’ (political use of the police
force) in Pakistan. It is due to this power, that the police de-
partment is still an attractive job in Pakistan. As a result, the
community and police stand as foes instead of as partners
for peace and security.
The security situation in the context of war in neigh-
boring Afghanistan and the migration of millions of
Afghan Refugees to Pakistan after the Soviet invasion of
Afghanistan in 1979 have also had an important impact
on reinforcing the repressive role of police in Pakistan in
general and KP in particular. After 9/11, the security situa-
tion in Pakistan worsened. Historically the role of police in
Pakistan and KP was to maintain internal law and order sit-
uation in the province. In KP, the Frontier Constabulary (FC)
is another paramilitary force responsible for maintaining law
and order, and controlling criminal gangs. The FC deals
with situations out of the capabilities of the regular police
force of KP, particularly on the earlier boarder between KP
and the tribal areas. Border and external security, on the
other hand, was maintained by the Pakistan Army and their
attached forces such as Rangers and Frontier Corps. How-
ever, a rise in militancy change the security situation in the
country and KP. Fighting terrorism and militancy became
an additional task for police for which they were not trained.
Series of military operations created insecurity, and the in-
efficiency of police was exposed as they could not provide
security to the public since they themselves were targeted.
To counter the growing threats from militants and to
maintain peace and security in the country, the government
45
has realized that the need for more investment and reforms
in the police was urgent. In recent years, all administrative
units and provinces in Pakistan have introduced technical
and institutional reforms to improve the police. In 2009,
the basic pay of the police of all provinces was increased
100 percent, and they were afforded PKR 10000 – 12800
in monthly allowance. Also, training centers have been
established in each province to improve police competence.
The KP Police continued to move forward with its own
reforms. They devised a diagnostic approach and strate-
gic framework. This strategic framework aimed at winning
public trust through better service delivery and transforming
the police from reactionary to problem-solving. In 2014, the
Chief Minister of the KP province increased the salaries of
all police forces in the province by RS 2 600 for protecting
public life and property and fighting terrorism [
17
].In 2018,
through official notification[
18
], the government of KP re-
vised police pay scale of lower rank police men/women
like Constable (BPS—05) to (BPS—07); Head Consta-
ble (BPS—07) to (BPS—09) and Assistant Sub-Inspector
(BPS—09) to (BPS—11). The rise in salary and up-grading
of the pay scale has ensured reasonable financial bene-
fits and boosted the morale of police. Policing is now a
respected job and they work with more dedication.
The KP government and police have progressed ahead
of the rest of the provinces in terms of police legislation by
passing KP’s Police Act 2017 [
19
]. This Act seeks recon-
struction and regulation of the provincial police with an aim
to make it ‘apolitical’ and ‘accountable to civilian oversight’
[
20
]. There are several councils and committees estab-
lished to contribute to better communication and relations
between the police and the public. Chapter 4, Section 47 of
the Police Act 2017, for example, emphasizes the establish-
ment of Public Liaison Committees (PLCs), where 70% of
its members are to be selected from the concerned village
councils or neighborhood councils, while 30% of its mem-
bers will be people of high repute and integrity [
19
]. These
committees are expected to assist the local police in crime
prevention and maintenance of public order, and inform the
police about local tensions, new people entering the area,
or anything else that might disturb the peace. The coun-
cils and committee are open for all, but traditionally these
forums are dominated by men with little representation of
women. In some areas, the police are working with civil soci-
ety organizations to form women PLCs and to ensure youth
are also included. For example, the police in collaboration
with UNDP and other civil society organizations introduced
PLCs in 10 conflict-affected districts of KP Province. These
councils comprise 30 members, and while male youth are
participating, women are still underrepresented [21].
Reforms in police, including behavior and attitudinal
change in the police department, are the key objectives
of the KP government. When asked about the new Police
Act, none of our respondents from the selected commu-
nity had gotten a chance to read it, and many of them
had not even heard about it. Nevertheless, the general
perceptions of women, men and youth are that there is
visible change in the KP police, and they are relatively bet-
ter than before. Actually, due to the fact that they were
targeted during the conflict and suffered high loss of life,
the police got the sympathy and support of the public. This
unusual show of support caused police to change their atti-
tude toward the community, and overall police-community
relations improved. Also, since militants were sometimes
from within the community, the police tried to keep a good
liaison with the community and make them partners in favor
of peace and against insecurity. However, particularly the
male respondents from the selected villages believe that
much more is needed to change the attitude of key officials
within the police stations who register First Investigation
Reports (FIRs) and undertake investigation of the cases.
For them, who are usually the ones reporting crimes, police
officials still use delaying tactics, favoritism and inclination
towards supporting the powerful party. The level of trust of
the community in the police is still quite low when it comes
to murders and other sensitive cases, particularly when the
case is between an influential and a poor family. The same
respondents, however, found and appreciated what they
described as the modest and excellent attitude of police
officials and personal who are at checkpoints, out in traffic,
and elsewhere outside the police stations. This shows that
more work is needed on police personnel who work in po-
lice stations and deal with the registration and investigation
of crime. The women police stations or women desks are
unfortunately still not active in many police stations. The
women respondents raised the issue of confronting men if
they visit police stations. Police officials and even the public
still assume that it is a man’s job to even report women-
related issues. This attitude reduces the chances for women
survivors/victims to report violence or other abuse cases,
particularly against male family members if such a case
arises.
Police officials praised the new Act, as it empowers and
depoliticizes them. Police officials and personnel support
the fact there is little or no political intervention in their af-
fairs; this is what the new Act is promoting. The Act lays
down a new command and control system and police offi-
cials felt this government is facilitating the police department
in bringing the required changes to their structure. It was
actually the political will that resulted in the passing of the
police act, and it is hoped that this political will continues at
least as long as the same party that passed the Act is in
power in KP. However, police as a real independent institu-
tion that can stay independent irrespective of changes in
the government or their influence has yet to be established.
On the reforms, several community members and police
officials pointed out that de-politicization and the new Act do
not necessarily lead to improve police-community relations.
They insist that police need new training and the will to
learn and practice a behavior of service provider rather than
being a force to command and control the public. Improving
community-police relations is a larger outcome and it will
not be realized within a short time period. Police officials
and personnel realize the challenges of implementing the
46
Act and the degree of adjustment needed on the part of
police to follow it. One of the police officials mentioned
that there is a need to develop a comprehensive strategy
and financial mechanism to reform the police and make it a
service-oriented department according to the demands of
the Act and expectations of the general public.
The head of one police station, while appreciating the im-
portance of community-police relations, admits challenges
remain; “Cooperation and trust between community and
police is a must for peace and the law-and-order situa-
tion”. The community, however, is not always supportive
and helping the police in spotting and reporting unwanted
incidences, criminal activities and domestic violence etc.
because they prefer to avoid police and police stations.
This is probably because the police are historically notori-
ous for unnecessary investigation and it is better to keep
away from them. Police need a long-term and better strat-
egy to win the true support of the public. “Through better
community-police relationship we can fight terrorism, crimes
and improve peace and security” said the in-charge of a
police station. To emphasize their will to serve the pub-
lic, a police investigation officer claimed that “We are not
taking political or other pressure in filing FIRs and doing
investigations”. He also emphasized that having a sepa-
rate investigation section in police station improved their
performance. Nevertheless, community members still see
a need for further improvement in FIR, investigation and
interrogation processes. Police in general however, focus
more on operations than on investigations. Operations of-
ten create panic and mistrust in the community against the
police, while fair investigations build trust of the public in the
police. This imbalance of operation and investigation can be
seen from the fact that around 34000 police personnel are
in operations and only 3790 in investigation. Similarly, the
Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Operations has over
6000 under his command, while the SSP Investigations has
only 238 staff. Comparing this with the cases of crimes,
one investigator would have to deal with an average of 75
major cases/year. A police officer in Peshawar explained
that this affects the quality of investigations, as one person
should only investigate an average of 25 cases per year.
The majority of the male respondents believe that mere
legislation in the form of an Act and de-politicization of po-
lice is not enough. They showed concern that although
de-politicization would empower police, more powerful po-
lice with the same attitude could make the police stronger
in their misuse of power. Therefore, they ask for the devel-
opment of police as an institution with a proper check-and-
balance system and service-oriented training. On many
issues, women’s perceptions of the police are likely influ-
enced by what they hear from their male family members,
as it is not common for women to directly interact with the
police and police station. Nevertheless, all of the women
respondents say they always avoid the police and police
station unless there is an extreme emergency e.g. gender-
based violence against their own family members where
they have no other option. A widow from Swat narrating
her story mentioned that “to approach the police station you
still need the support of an influential Khan, otherwise it is
very difficult for your case to be investigated on the basis of
merit”. Another woman in Peshawar explained that women
are always accompanied by men whenever there is a need
to go to the police station.
Apart from this gendered asymmetry, the picture is one
of a police force that is improving, both in the eyes of the
male community and the police themselves. In Swat, a
young Sikh man was happy with the police performance
even before the reform process. He explained, “Our commu-
nity does not face fear or unwanted threats from the police.
Our police were very friendly from before; however, they
are much better after the Swat conflict” [
22
]. One of the
respondents from a village in Peshawar said that “one can
now observe a positive change in police stations across
KP. The attitude of police has drastically changed, and they
consider the community as partners for maintaining law and
order situations”. A policeman in Peshawar explained that
“we share with community leaders our expectations and
build trust through joint planning for maintaining law and
order in the area”. A police officer from Swat was satisfied
with the Police Act saying that “it will bring transparency
and accountability into policing. The efficiency of police
will be improved which will be helpful in improving police-
community relations. It will truly make police a servant of
the community”. He further said that the KP Police Act
is a true manifestation of the idea of COP because many
of its sections serve the COP philosophy. For example,
complaint cells are established comprised of members of
local governments, civil society and community members,
and the District Police Officer (DPO) is bound to present a
semi-annual report to the local government. A police officer
from Peshawar expressed that ”The KP Police Act aims at
empowering community members in terms of holding police
accountable for misuse of their authority. This is contrary
to the police order 2002, when police were made account-
able to the bureaucrats and politicians”. According to this
police officer, the Act has also empowered the executive
structure of KP Police as the Inspector General of Police
(IGP) has been made an ex-officio secretary with total oper-
ational, administrative and financial autonomy. Earlier, the
Provincial Public Safety Commission could recommend the
IGP’s transfer and posting to the government, but now it
does not have this power. Another middle-ranking police
official said that “the new Police Act has empowered police
by depoliticizing the institution. In the past, the police was
highly politicized. Politicians used to easily influence the
transfer and posting of Station House Officers (SHOs) and
other police personnel to fulfill their own political goals and
personal interests. They would just need to call the Senior
Superintendent of Police (SSP) for the transfer or posting
of police employees. The new Police Act has now empow-
ered the Deputy Inspector General (DIG) for the transfer
and posting of police officers and can’t be influenced by a
politician so easily. As an institution, the police can now
resist external pressure”.
47
In terms of addressing women’s needs in police reform,
both police officials and communities demanded of the gov-
ernment to increase the quota for women police in the KP
Police. The Police Act has opened for more participation
of women in the police and more attention to their needs
when reporting crime. It is believed that this will help in
gender mainstreaming and better facilitation of complaints
of women. With these changes, police officials feel it may
be easier for women to file cases against men, and will not
consider police stations as places only for men. Women
respondents, however, have additional concerns. Even with
access to female police, they did not like having a women’s
desk within a men’s police station. They prefered a separate
women’s police station or complaint center outside outside
the police station for better access and facilitation of women
by the women police. If one look into the cases registered
in police stations, they are mostly by men, including cases
related to women. This is because local culture, norms and
values discourage women to visit police stations. Rather
than bring these issues to the attention of the police, men
would either work to solve them locally, or put the issues
under the carpet to protect their own honor.
Overall, police reform is considered a welcome move of
the government of KP. Police already have started certain
initiatives and the general public is excited about a better
police in KP. When discussing the reforms, the Disputes
Resolution Council (DRC) in particular was mentioned by
almost all respondents as a positive step towards good
service from the police department.
3.3. Dispute Resolution Councils (DRCs)
The police in KP took an important initiative to formal-
ize the involvement of the local community by introducing
Dispute Resolution Councils (DRCs) across the province
[
23
]. This system of alternative dispute resolution is based
on active participation of the victim, the offender and local
community elders in pursuit of reconciliation by adopting a
balanced approach that preserves safety and dignity of all
stakeholders [
16
]. DRC are organized at district level and
members are selected from within the local communities.
DRCs were in fact first initiated in 2014 across KP province,
prior to the Police Act, with the aim of resolving disputes
of a petty nature. Before that, other reconciliation commit-
tees were also launched from time to time and in different
divisions and districts of the province. Initially, DRCs faced
problems regarding their legal status, but the KP Police Act
2017 gave legal cover to DRCs in its Chapter 6 and 73 [
19
].
DRCs have now been launched in all KP districts with a
specific administrative structure and clear roles and respon-
sibilities. The DRC committee is comprised of 21 members
including retired civil officers, lawyers, educationists and
other notable individuals from the community. Most of the
committee members are men; the representation of women
is quite limited. Thus, the domination of men in the police
force is mirrored in the DRCs.
DRC initiatives are aimed at providing free, fair and fast
justice to women and men in civil and even criminal cases.
The DRC is open for disputes of any nature, when the two
parties agreed to settled their cases and avoid police station
and courts. DRCs have been able to make timely decisions
on criminal cases which had been in the courts for years.
Once reconciliation of court cases are made among par-
ties, the decision is submitted to the courts and the case is
closed on the consensus of the parties.
DRC records in Peshawar and Swat as well as data from
the community interviews clearly indicate that community
members prefer to bring their disputes to DRCs—and the
police encourage them. The procedure to process any dis-
pute in the DRC is considered simple and it is free of cost.
For example, the victim writes an application to the relevant
police officer requesting to take notice of his/her complaint
and refer it the local DRC. The application incurs no fee.
The application is forwarded to the DRC, who then exam-
ines the application and summons both the victim and the
offender. The committee listens to both parties, and then
starts negotiating and resolving the conflict. Depending
on the nature of the conflict, some cases can be resolved
on the same day and others might take weeks, but only a
small fraction would go beyond a month. After conducting
several meetings between the parties, there comes a point
when both parties agree to the decision of the committee.
Three members of the DRC form a jury to hear a case, so
there is a total of 7 juries that deal with cases in any one
week. Every day any one jury is hearing the cases in the
DRCs designated office. Every member is bound to be a
part of a jury. Both parties most often accept the decision
and the issue is resolved forever. This is very different from
cases where an FIR is registered, and the case goes to
court, which can take years to make a decision, and which
may not necessarily resolve the dispute and the opponent
party has the option of appeal to higher courts. While DRCs
are seen to be effective for petty offences, both police and
community conveyed that DRCs can in some ways encour-
age crimes, as both criminals and influential know they can
bargain heavily to get rid of harsh penalties, such as life
in prison and a death penalty, punishments that might be
forthcoming in formal courts.
One DRC member in Swat summarizes the working
mechanism of DRC saying that, “When conflicting parties
approach us, we give them three options for resolving their
dispute. They can choose either Sharia (based on gov-
ernance from Quranic scripture), government law and/or
Pashtunwali (Pashtun’s code of conduct or local traditional
laws). The majority of the cases coming to DRC include
domestic violence, husband-wife issues over the custody
of children, money, debts, land and property issues, rob-
bery, murders etc.”. The DRC members and community
men and women respondents admitted that honor—killing,
dowry disputes and other cases where women are victims
are also happening in the areas from time to time but are
often not reported to police or DRCs. In such cases ag-
grieved women might not get the required justice, but the
family men and women prefer to put things under the carpet
48
and avoid public discussion about these women and thus
save their own honor. Here one can see that community
women and police women share a common experience
of discrimination. Nevertheless, the DRCs records show
that women do approach DRCs, and women respondents
confirmed that they feel more comfortable sharing their is-
sues with local leaderships in DRCs as compared to police
stations. The DRC respondent explained that DRC mem-
bers consider themselves as more sympathetic to women,
and claim they try to resolve their issues on priority with
a slight inclination towards women as they rely more on
locals norms and values rather than government rules and
regulations. Once a DRC formally hears from both parties,
the committee takes time to deliberate the matter in detail
and under the spheres of the legal system chosen by the
parties. The case is often resolved in a series of separate
and combined meetings with the parties. In Swat, they
serve randomly across three police stations. Responding to
a question if the DRC members need any capacity building
or training from the government, the respondent was of the
view that they are Pashtuns and they know their traditions
and customs on how to resolve disputes better than any-
one. On the question of expertise, it was explained that
in the committee they have legal, Sharia, educational and
local experts with long-term experience in their respective
fields. They don’t feel the need of any training from the
government; rather they demand a well—equipped office
with computers, printers and internet facilities so that they
can speed up their work in a more professional way.
Another respondent from a DRC committee said that
“the DRC aims at providing a forum for the conflicting par-
ties to meet and listen to each other’s’ grievances and have
informal interaction in the presence of a third party. This
reconciliation approach is quite effective in resolving dis-
putes and eliminating grievances among conflicting parties
through interaction and mutual understanding. Courts can-
not provide such a forum and environment. In the courts,
a long-awaited decision where a lot of time and money
have been used, does not necessarily settle the enmity.”.
Another DRC member opined, “Once people come to the
DRC they motivate others to resolve disputes through the
DRC as here they get speedy and free-of-cost resolution to
their petty disputes. If the government provides strong legal
cover, necessary resources and attention to DRC then it
will lift more than half of the burden from judiciary, courts
and police administrative offices”.
The majority of the male respondents from the com-
munity, including the aggrieved parties, were also satisfied
with DRC. Through the DRC, local communities can avoid
‘Thana Culture’, unwanted contact with the police, lengthy
and costly court procedures and disputed decisions. This
fact was endorsed by the DRC progress report between
the years 2014–2017 from the police station in Peshawar.
During this period, 2521 cases were brought to the DRC
by community members where 2372 were successfully re-
solved and 149 are still pending. The remaining cases were
referred to courts for further action. The data from the police
station in Swat shows that more than 2000 disputes were
resolved successfully during 2014–2017. Some of those
cases had been in the courts for more than 25 years but
the DRC resolved them in just a few months. The major-
ity of male respondents claimed that DRCs resolve public
disputes faster than the regular courts in Swat, and that
the methods applied in the case proceedings are very con-
vincing and flexible. The progress reports of other DRCs
are equally encouraging and political leaders, police depart-
ment and the general public often quote those figures while
advocating the role of DRCs in KP.
Female respondents, however, see DRCs differently.
Most of the female respondents argue that women’s repre-
sentation in DRCs is not only less but almost non-existent.
Knowing the composition of DRC, they mentioned that there
is only one woman out of 21 members of the DRC in the
police station in Swat, and none in the police station in Pe-
shawar. For them, DRCs are for men, where they discuss
and decide men and women’s disputes. Another female
respondent blamed cultural barriers that stop women from
participating in DRC proceedings. The same female re-
spondents narrated that most of the cases brought to DRCs
are related to domestic issues, land grabbing, inheritance
and land demarcation. Domestic violence, honor killing, and
women’s rights related issues do not come to DRCs in order
to save men’s honor. One female respondent from a civil
society organization said, “Women affected by domestic vio-
lence and other conflicts are hesitant to visit police stations
or DRCs because the society in KP province is too conser-
vative and male-dominated. Women think of police stations
and DRCs as places meant to deal with criminals where
men manage all the affairs. We need separate women’s
police stations that could handle our issues”.
Other female respondents were of the view that “even
educated women with a complaint would think many times
before visiting the DRC office in a police station due to the
prevailing stereotyped perception of the police and justice
culture in Pakistan”. They explained that many women do
have many complaints, but they do not have women-only
forum for debate and decision-making.
Nevertheless, women respondents prefered to go DRCs
instead of a police station.For them DRCs, though male-
dominated, are still much better than police stations, as
they consist of mostly elders, educated and local people
with good reputation. Therefore, a number of female sur-
vivors/victims of domestic violence nevertheless chose to
put forward cases to the DRC against their family members
(e.g. husband, brother-in-laws and brothers etc). Most of
the cases raised by women, however, involved inheritance
or custody issues. For example, a divorced women in Pe-
shawar appreciated the role of DRC where they granted
her custody of her child and monthly cash support from her
ex-husband.
While DRCs are considered a better option that having
direct contact with the police, both male and female respon-
dants expressed that there is much room for improvement.
Women respondents want a higher women’s quota in DRC
49
and a separate panel of women to address only women’s
issues. Also, better technical and official support to DRC
members could further expedite their performance. DRC
members work as volunteers, and some respondents were
of the opinion that better recognition of the services of the
DRCs members from the government would convey a bet-
ter image of the newly established institution. Some of the
respondents said that DRC is a modern form of Sharia and
jirga (council of elders for resolving disputes, a prominent
pillar of Pashtunwali-code of conduct of the Pashtun), both
of which encourage communities to resolve their disputes
through reconciliation. The main difference between a jirga
and DRC is that in a jirga the conflicting parties give con-
sent to the members that whatever decision is announced,
they will accept it unconditionally, but in DRC the conflict-
ing parties can challenge the decision and can transfer the
case to the courts for further proceedings if they so choose.
Therefore, DRCs are somewhat less binding compared to
jirga, and parties that feel they were not treated fairly by the
DRC can consult the regular court system.
3.4. Technical Reform Initiatives in Police
For improving community—police relationships, the KP
Police has launched a number of ICT initiatives. These
initiatives provide communities with easier access to police
and police stations and provide new ways for community
voices to be heard. In September 2015, the KP Police es-
tablished a Police School of Information Technology, where
police are trained in the use of ICTs in policing. Gaining
access to the police was quite a difficult task for commu-
nity members in the past, but KP Police has come up with
several ICTs which provide swift police response to the gen-
eral public in order to win their trust by enhancing police
accessibility. For example, community members can lodge
an online FIR and register complaints. The Victim Services
Toll Free Number provides telephone access to victims who
need quick service or are not in a position to visit a Police
Station to file a complaint. Using the toll-free number, a
victim can complain about a police officer and police sta-
tions. The service aims at both reducing police response
time and providing the Provincial Police Office with a mon-
itoring tool for assessing the speed and quality of police
service. The Police IT School initiated several other digi-
tal systems as well, including a criminal record verification
system (CRVS), identity verification system (IVS), vehicle
verification system (VVS), one click SOS alert service for
educational and other vulnerable institutions, geo—tagging
of crime scenes and hot-spot policing [
24
]. To manage the
use of ICTs the police department has established a Police
Access Services Center (PAS) in the Central Police Office
in Peshawar. Community members can now access po-
lice by sending an SMS, and the receiving police officer is
bound to respond to the complaint within 24 hours. Citizens
can attach geo-tagged multimedia content, such as photo,
audio, or video to support the complaint and ensure prompt
action. They can also contact the police by fax, email, the
toll-free number, by visiting the police website or by visiting
the Police Access Service Center in the Central Police Of-
fice. Moreover, KP Police has established Police Access
Lines (PAL) in each district headquarter. PAL is function-
ing as a one-window assistance offered to the community
members for the resolution of their issues and disputes.
Both the police and the communities have expressed
that the ICT-based initiatives of KP policehave helped in es-
tablishing good relationships between the police and local
communities. A community leader in Swat explained that
“the ICTs initiatives have enabled community members to
lodge online First Information Report (FIR) without visiting
the police station in person. The FIR automatically is stored
in the Central Police Office database. The police are bound
to respond in the next 24 hours to the FIR and contact the
complainant. If the chief of any institution is sincere and
committed, then the whole system gets on the right track,
the same is the case with KP Police because the police
institution now has a sincere and committed chief with all
relevant power in hand”.
Another respondent from Peshawar narrated that “com-
munity members have started respecting the local police
due to better interaction between police and community.
The use of ICT by the police enables the general public
to contact police anytime through a toll free number and
SMS without visiting the police station”. The police are also
positive to these initiatives. For example, a policeman from
Peshawar explained that “Modern ICT initiatives in policing
have revolutionized KP Police and the nature of our work.
The capacity of police has been enhanced by establishing
various ICT trainings being conducted for police officers and
low-ranked personnel in the School of Information Technol-
ogy in Central Police Office Peshawar”.
Recently, KP traffic police have been equipped with body
cameras. These cameras influenced the traffic police to
act politely and responsibly when dealing with the public
since they are often accused of taking bribes and being
harsh with the public. Other government departments are
following suit. The Local Government, Elections and Ru-
ral Development Department has, for example, initiated
online provision of social services where one can apply
for birth/death/marriage/nikkah (engagement) certificates,
request to get information and register public grievances
against various government departments including police.
These kinds of initiatives have brought the police and com-
munities closer, and both the police and the public believe
ICT initiatives can reduce the chances of corruption in the
police and the ill treatment of the public.
One of our female respondents from the police, how-
ever, was not aware of the use and availability of the latest
ICT tools in policing, despite the fact that KP Police has
incorporated numerous ICTs in its policing system. This
could indicate that there is a need for a particular focus on
the training of women police in these technologies. Another
respondent from the police department explained that the
ICTsareused by both men and women, as they are get-
ting phone calls and SMSs from both genders. The earlier
50
trend of only men being visibile in disputes and visiting po-
lice stations is thus changing, as women can also register
complaints and FIRs online on their own. This makes the
importance of policewomen having skills in ICT use even
clearer, as they can more easily follow-up on calls from
women citizens.
Another policeman expressed his views by saying that
use of ICTs not only improves communication between po-
lice and community but can also enhance communication
within various security agencies, and enable communica-
tion during conflict or emergencies through cellular phones,
radio stations (news/alerts/warnings broadcast from secu-
rity forces) and help lines. ICTs, however, can also be
used for crime and inducing conflict, as was the case in
Swat when the militants used FM radio to communicate
their messages and gain the support of the public. ICTs
can also be misused by the police in the event they are
not properly held accountable to the public. It is therefore
imperative that the police are both competent in ICTs, but
that they also remain under the auspices of public control
bodies. Also, the ICT initiatives are relatively less useful
to (a) the majority of rural inhabitants, (b) women and (c)
less educated women and men. Although people in these
segements of society comprise the majority in KP, they of-
ten do not have access to internet, cell phones or technical
competence, and they are therefore not able to use such
services. Therefore, inclusive ICT initiatives for the above
three groups of society is needed.This might include special
complaint centers, training, and focused assistance from
activist groups and ICT experts.
Despite taking all of these initiatives to improve relations
between the police and the communities, the KP Police
chooses not to call them community-oriented policing. For
some police officials, community policing is a foreign/donor
funded approach, despite it being anchored in national polic-
ing policy. They claim they have been practicing community
policing for many years without naming it as such. For
example, the police department informed that local police
and community members established Local Peace Com-
mittees (LPCs) and Community Policing Forums (CPFs) in
militancy-affected districts across KP. The LPC initiatives
made significant contributions towards maintaining peace in
militancy-affected districts of KP province [
25
]. LPCs bridge
the gap between local community and state authorities by
providing information, identifying miscreants, and reporting
subversive activities in neighborhoods. In the recent past,
LPCs have proved effective for providing social justice and
elimination of militancy in the affected areas of KP. While
this collaboration was initially focused on informing on mili-
tants and negotiating peace, it has nevertheless formed the
basis of trust between the police and communities which
can now move forward to other human security issues as
exemplified by the preventative aspects of the PLCs and
the dialogic nature of the DRCs.
In addition to being better able to address the needs of
the communities, it is anticipated that the police reforms
will contribute to reducing the workload on police stations
and on the courts as well. The PLCs are relatively new, but
there will soon be a lot to learn from their experiences. The
DRCs are already working in KP, and other provinces are
working to establish similar bodies. Lahore High Court, for
example, has already set up a bench for dispute resolution
and out-of-court settlement. Alternative dispute resolution is
also debated in parliament and they appreciate the reforms.
However, there is a need to refine the DRC processes and
for quick and just services and to ensure justice, peace and
human security without compromising the rights of women
and men.
4. Conclusions
In post crises Pakistan, the role of police has changed and
broadened from conventional policing to fighting terrorism,
peacebuilding and gaining the trust of the community. In KP,
police play a central role in establishing a sense of security
and stability in the lives of people living in a post—conflict
situation. After decades of neglect, the government is now
investing in the ability of the KP police to enable this. On the
one hand, the KP Police for the first time is working closely
with other security agencies countering terrorism in joint
operations. The police received new training from Army,
and the government equipped them with high-tech weapons
and ammunition to be able to safely meet the challenges
of a conflict-ridden region. At the same time, the police
are shifting from a force to a more democratic institution.
The police reform initiatives of the government of KP seem
to be on the right track so that the police can meet the
expectations of the public and work for both peace and hu-
man security. With this new reform agenda, visible change
in the KP police is being observed by diverse groups of
stakeholders from the community to police officials.
Equally important as police reform is a mature response
and support from the community. Our findings show that
the majority of the respondents were of the view that these
technical, political and institutional initiatives have paved
the way for policing where both the community members
and police force work together as partners for problem solv-
ing and building peace in the conflict affected regions of
KP. Nevertheless, there remain many issues on the part of
community that make cooperation a challenge, including
high illiteracy rates, high crimes rates, gender-based vio-
lence, and a pluralistic society having a history of mistrust
of the police. Unless communities are ready and able to
cooperate and support police in peace building and human
security, most the reform initiatives might not be productive.
Therefore, working with communities to build trust and a
sense of responsibility and understanding of their role in
working towards a common goal of peace is important. This
can be done through awareness campaigns, and engaging
communities and civil society organizations to make them
part of the solution of their security issues.
Policing in KP has historically been challenging, as the
Pakhtun do not easily accept outside authority and react to
any misbehavior by the government authorities in particular.
51
The police know that any un-polite attitude with locals can
lead to conflict between police and community or with an
individual. Police staff at the police station level is aware
that any misbehavior with even a criminal can put their life in
danger. Therefore, even if they are not cooperative, police
in KP are historically not seen as arrogant and use force
quite carefully, in contrast to the perceptions of police in
the other provinces. KP police is therefore generally known
as being respectful and polite. Given this legacy of the
KP police, and their proactive process of reforms, the cur-
rent government trusts the motives of the police and avoids
unnecessary interference in their affairs, supporting them
when needed. The above-mentioned political, institutional
and technical initiatives are aimed to further strengthen the
police department and to make them pro-community and
service-oriented. We see from our study that the majority
of the respondents were of the view that strong political will
and institutional support will shoulder the above-mentioned
initiatives in KP.
Police reform is widely debated, argued over and de-
sired in Pakistan, with a clear focus on making the police
both service-oriented and pro-community. This has resulted
in legal, institutional and technical reforms in police such as
the Police Act 2017, the PLCs, DRCs, and ICT-based initia-
tives. These interventions are for the most part welcomed
both by the police and the public. Better-equipped police
can respond quickly and politely. Police feel more free-
dom and take more responsibility due to the new Act and
ICT-based initiatives. The public feels more ownership and
responsibility when they are engaged in PLCs and DRCs
and the roles provided to them in the new Act. ICTs enable
the public to approach police quickly without taking the trou-
ble of visiting police stations and facing harsh questions.
There is less political intervention and the police depart-
ment is relatively freer to make decisions. However, it is not
always true that all decisions of the police are merit-based
and pro-community, and issues of women’s representation
and security remain a serious challenge in implementing
reforms. Changes in behavior and attitude are critical, and
must be an important part of regular police training and ed-
ucational programs. This is a long-term process, however;
the police and the government need continuous reforms, as
well as the support of the communities.
On a more fundamental level, while the police may in
principle and practice work on a wide range of human se-
curity issues, what constitutes insecurity in society is quite
contentious. Police, other law enforcement forces, secu-
rity forces and community women and men have different
understandings, perceptions and information on threats to
human security, leading to different strategies on how to
achieve it. Due to the sensitivity of security issues in the
region, there is little debate between community, police and
other law enforcement forces on what human security might
mean. Therefore, action taken by police or law enforcement
forces which is not well-understood by the public can easily
create mistrust and decreased support of the government.
Therefore, there is a critical need for better communication
and the forging of partnerships between the community
and the police such that they can work together towards a
common goal of peace. To this, the police reforms of KP
are thus far a promising contribution.
References and Notes
[1]
Mehboob S. Governance and Militancy in Pakistan’s Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa Province; 2011.
[2]
Awan I. Policing Pakistani Style in the Theatre of Terror. Asian Journal
of Criminology. 2013;8(3):191–206. doi:10.1007/s11417-013-9166-2.
[3]
Abbas H. Reforming Pakistan’s Police and Law Enforcement In-
frastructure. Washington, DC, USA: US Institute of Peace; 2011.
Available from: https://www.usip.org/publications/2011/02/reforming-
pakistans-police- and-law- enforcement-infrastructure.
[4]
Rohde D. Threats and Responses: Law Enforcement; Pak-
istan’s Police Force Struggles to Find the Resources It
Needs to Combat Terrorism. New York Times. 2002;Avail-
able from: https://www.nytimes.com/2002/09/30/world/threats-
responses-law-enforcement-pakistan-s- police-force-struggles-
find.html?rref=collection%2Fbyline%2Fdavid-rohde&action=
click&contentCollection=undefined®ion=stream&module=
stream unit&version=search&contentPlacement=1&pgtype=
collection.
[5]
Abbas H. Stabilizing Pakistan through Police Reform. New York,
NY, USA: Asia Society Washington; 2012. Available from: https:
//asiasociety.org/files/pdf/as pakistan police reform.pdf.
[6]
Abbas H. Police & law enforcement reform in Pakistan: Crucial
for counterinsurgency and counterterrorism success. Cam-
bridge, MA, USA: Institute for Social Policy and Understanding,
Belfer Center, Harvard Kennedy School; 2009. Available from:
https://www.belfercenter.org/publication/police-law-enforcement-
reform-pakistan- crucial-counterinsurgency-and-counterterrorism.
[7]
Jaffrelot C. Pakistan at the Crossroads: Domestic Dynamics and
External Pressures. New York, NY, USA: Columbia University Press;
2016.
[8]
Mehta S. Feudal Forces, Democratic Nations: Police Accountability
in Commonwealth South Asia. London, UK: CHRI; 2007.
[9]
Weatheritt M. Innovations in policing. Abingdon, UK: Taylor & Francis;
1986.
[10]
Denney L, Jenkins S. Securing communities: The what and the how
of community policing. London, UK: Overseas Development Institute;
2013. Available from: http://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-
assets/publicationsopinion-files/8491.pdf.
[11]
Ras J. Policing the northwest frontier Province of Pakistan: practical
remarks from a South African perspective. Pakistan Journal of Crimi-
nology. 2010;2(1):107–122. Available from: http://www.pjcriminology.
com/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/7- 18.pdf.
[12]
Groenewald H, Peake G. Police Reform through Community—Based
Policing. New York, NY, USA: International Peace Academy and
Saferworld; 2004.
[13]
Brown LP. Community policing: A practical guide for police officials.
Washington, DC, USA: US Department of Justice, Office of Jus-
tice Programs, National Institute of Justice; 1989. Available from:
https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/118001.pdf.
[14]
Haider H. Community—based Approaches to Peacebuilding in
Conflict—affected and Fragile Contexts. 2009;Available from: http:
//www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/EIRS8.pdf.
[15]
Eck JE, Rosenbaum D. In: Rosenbaum D, editor. The new police
order: Effectiveness, equity, and efficiency in community policing.
SAGE; 1994. pp. 3–23. doi:10.4135/9781483327006.n1.
52
[16]
Strategical initiatives and institutional reforms in Khyber Pakhttukhwa
Police 2015–16. Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan: Central
Police Office Peshawar; 2017. Available from: http://kppolice.gov.pk/
thebook/book.pdf.
[17]
Bacha AH. KP Police gets RS2,600 pay raise across the board.
Dawn. 2014 March 18;Available from: https://www.dawn.com/news/
1093931.
[18]
;. KP Government notification no. SO(FR)FD?7-8/2015-16/CPO/3305
dated January 3, 2018.
[19]
The Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Police Act no. II; 2017. Available from:
http://kppolice.gov.pk/act2017/PoliceAct.pdf.
[20]
Fafen Legislation Tracker. Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pak-
istan: Provincial Assembly of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa; 2017. Available
from: http://fafen.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/02/KP-Legislative-
Tracker-2017.pdf.
[21] Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Police;. Available from: http://kppolice.gov.pk/.
[22]
Militants swept into and get control of Swat (the northern part of KP)
in 2007 killing more than 2000 innocent people. Later on the army
started operation against militants to restore the law and order situa-
tion and get control over the area after killing and pushing militants
from Swat. Around 2.5 million locals were displaced and resettled in
the operation;.
[23]
Dispute Resolution Councils. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Police; 2014.
Available from: http://kppolice.gov.pk/drc/.
[24]
Reforms Initiatives in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Peshawar, Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan; 2014. Available from: http://lgkp.gov.pk/wp-
content/uploads/2014/03/Reforms-Implementation- Cell-KP-
Report.pdf.
[25]
Ahmad N, Ullah F, Asad AZ, Shah S. Local Peace Committees: Po-
tentials Contributing Factors in the Peace-building Process in Conflict-
Affected Areas of Pakistan A Case Study of Maidan,(Lower Dir) in
the Province Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Pakistan Journal of Criminology.
2013;5(2):103.
53
