Political Ideologies and the Democratic Ideal
... Em primeiro lugar, as ideologias são sistemas, dado serem organizações coerentes de diferentes componentes de modo a formar um conjunto (Ball et al., 2014;Campbell et al., 1960;Denzau & North, 1994;Freeden, 2003;Mullins, 1972;Rejai, 1995;Vincent, 2009). São compostas por crenças, valores e símbolos sobre o ser humano e a sociedade em que este vive (Rejai, 1995;Vincent, 2009). ...
... A partir deste sistema, a ideologia serve como um quadro interpretativo ou explicativo do ambiente e dos acontecimentos em redor do ser humano, adotando uma componente crítica e reflexiva no que diz respeito à natureza humana (Ball et al., 2014;Campbell et al., 1960;Denzau & North, 1994;Vincent, 2009). Tem ainda uma componente normativa ou avaliativa, como referem Ball et al. (2014) e Mullins (1972) -não explica apenas o ambiente em redor do ser humano, mas também como este deverá e poderá ser, funcionando como um guião para o comportamento do ser humano na vertente política, social e económica (Ball et al., 2014;Denzau & North, 1994;Mullins, 1972;Vincent, 2009). ...
... A partir deste sistema, a ideologia serve como um quadro interpretativo ou explicativo do ambiente e dos acontecimentos em redor do ser humano, adotando uma componente crítica e reflexiva no que diz respeito à natureza humana (Ball et al., 2014;Campbell et al., 1960;Denzau & North, 1994;Vincent, 2009). Tem ainda uma componente normativa ou avaliativa, como referem Ball et al. (2014) e Mullins (1972) -não explica apenas o ambiente em redor do ser humano, mas também como este deverá e poderá ser, funcionando como um guião para o comportamento do ser humano na vertente política, social e económica (Ball et al., 2014;Denzau & North, 1994;Mullins, 1972;Vincent, 2009). ...
Dissertation Title: O Papel do Juche no programa nuclear da República Popular Democrática da Coreia [The role of Juche in the nuclear program of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea] (Grade: 19 out of 20). Existe uma tendência para se assumir que a forma de ser, estar e agir da Coreia do Norte é irracional. Este aspeto deriva, em parte, daquilo que tem sido a aposta contínua do regime norte-coreano no desenvolvimento do seu programa nuclear e balístico. No entanto, não devemos encarar a beligerância da Coreia do Norte como um dado adquirido. É necessário questionar o porquê de a Coreia do Norte agir de forma beligerante e quais as intenções por detrás do programa. A presente dissertação tem como objetivo analisar o programa nuclear norte-coreano sob o prisma da sua ideologia de Estado — o Juche. O Juche é um sistema de crenças que fornece uma Weltanschauung à liderança norte- coreana, interpretando e enquadrando acontecimentos de acordo com os valores e ideais disseminados pelo regime, servindo, igualmente, de guia de ação, tanto a nível interno como externo. O programa nuclear e balístico é, por sua vez, o instrumento usado para concretizar os objetivos presentes no Juche. Em suma, propomo-nos, mediante a análise de conteúdo de notícias em inglês da Agência Central de Notícias da Coreia, a examinar a influência da ideologia na crise nuclear de 2017-2018 e interpretar, à luz desta, o comportamento da Coreia do Norte. Através desta análise, foi-nos possível comprovar que o programa nuclear não serve apenas fins externos, mas também internos, quer de índole política, securitária e económica ao regime, em concordância com o disposto no Juche. Deste modo, a probabilidade de sucesso inerente ao processo de Desmantelamento Completo, Verificável e Irreversível do arsenal nuclear da Coreia do Norte não nos parece ser o melhor caminho a ser adotado pela comunidade internacional na tentativa de gestão da questão nuclear norte-coreana.
There’s a tendency to assume that North Korea’s behavior is governed by a pattern of irrationality. This is due, in part, to what has been the continuing pursuit by North Korea of its nuclear and ballistic program. Nonetheless, one should not take the country’s belligerence as a given fact. We should ask why North Korea acts this way and what intentions may lie behind its nuclear program. The aim of this study is to look at North Korea’s nuclear and ballistic program through the lens of its ideology — Juche. This ideology encompasses a belief system, a Weltanschauung for the North Korean regime, acting as a guide to action both domestically and externally. Likewise, the nuclear program becomes the means to achieve the regime’s goals, which are inherent to its ideology. By applying content analysis to daily news reports from the Korean Central News Agency between 2017 and 2018, we will be able to get a glimpse at how North Korea framed nuclear issues in the most recent nuclear crisis and attempt to decode its behavior through Juche ideology. Our study seems to suggest that the North Korean nuclear program is the means to achieve not only external but also internal objectives of political, security and economic nature for the regime, in accordance with Juche. Therefore, the probability of success surrounding the Complete, Verifiable and Irreversible Denuclearization model may not be the best path going forward in what concerns the North Korean nuclear program.
... All ideologies therefore (a) offer an account of the existing order, usually in the form of a 'world view', (b) provide the model of a desired future, a vision of the 'good society', and (c) outline how political change can and should be brought about." The major modern ideologies include liberalism, socialism, and conservatism as well as cross-cutting ideologies, such as nationalism and industrialism, and they can be understood as one of the bases for the thinking and order in contemporary Western societies (Ball & Dagger 2002;Baradat 2000;Heywood 1998;Saastamoinen 1998). Among the new ideologies, environmental thought (Heywood 1998: 264-290;Dobson 1999;Gabrielson et al. 2016) is particularly interesting in relation to forest policy. ...
... The descriptive conceptions of ideology were also tested in the empirical analysis. The conceptions found in the literature (Ball & Dagger 2002;Freeden 1996;Heywood 1998), using liberalism, socialism, and conservatism as major classifications, were found to be difficult to associate with both media and interview data; they may be more useful, for instance, in the analysis of political parties. However, plenty of similarities between theories of democracy as well as environmental justice and empirical observations were found. ...
... Approximately 14% of women in Turkey reported having had an abortion in their lifetime. 13 According to a recently published report concerning abortion services in state hospitals in Turkey, 53 of 81 provinces do not have a state hospital that provides abortion care without restriction as to reason (Ball et al., 2016). Thus, the same report notes that "abortion is legal but is not necessarily available". ...
... Even though there is a legal basis for abortion, channels that lead women to take advantage of abortion services are usually blocked. At the state and research hospitals, women need written permission from their husbands (Ball et al., 2016). All participants except for two stated that they are against abortion. ...
Discursive governance of pro-population politics refers to norm-based mechanisms of governance that utilise intentionally selected slogans in political discourse for dissemination of ideas to further the interests of political authorities. Such ideas can be disseminated via modern communication technologies enabling governance to build social representations within the public sphere without policy constraints. It is our proposal that the pro-population state discourse in Turkey after 2008 constitutes an example of discursive governance. Our findings show that discursive mechanisms can lead to a change in married couples' reproductive attitude without significant policy alteration and further the debate in view of discursive governance of population politics.
... Några exempel på konservativa utbildningspolitiska värden är upprätthållande av disciplin, fokus på traditionell kunskap och att skolan ska bidra till ett organiskt fungerande samhälle -där varje individ ska ses som en del av den naturliga sociala hierarkin. Därför måste samhället regleras så individer inte styrs av egenintresse och atomistiska föreställningar (Apple, 2001;Ball & Dagger, 1991). En fråga som kan ställas är om vi i den svenska utbildningspolitiken kan se liknande konservativa utvecklingstendenser som i exemplen England och USA. ...
... Här finns påtagliga likheter med tankegångar hos konservatismens fader Edmund Burke (se Ball & Dagger, 1991). Ett mer drastiskt sätt att förstå den ideologiska förskjutningen är som ett underkännande av den neoliberala utbildningspolitikens ekonomiska effektivitet. ...
The main purpose of this article is to focus what meanings the concept of quality is given in the political development of Swedish upper-secondary school. By using Quentin Skinners speech-act theory comparisons is made between the meanings formulated in the early 1990s and the now current investigation Framtidsvägen (SOU 2008:27). The result shows consequences for the goal- and resultoriented steering system as well as changes in the perspectives of citizenship education and ideolology.
... This study discusses policy of supply chain network in communal land policy-making process in Riau Province. Policy of supply chain network analysis has benefits and advantages in terms of analyzing the relationship between actors with their respective interests to influence the policy process, both in policy implementation and policy formulation [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9][10][11]. The [12] is reinforced by the argumentation of [7] stating that policy outcomes are the result of bargaining process and contestation of the interests of actors with their resources. ...
... The second exogenous factor is ideology. According to [1] "ideology is a fairly coherent and comprehensive set of ideas that explains and evaluate social condition, helps people understand their place in society, and provides a program for social and political action." Therefore, ideology has several characteristics, first, as a view of life of the community; second, as a model and vision of a good community order in the future; and the last, to explain how political change is obtained and shall be carried out. ...
Public policy and associated governmental regulatory issues play critical roles in shaping the practice of supply chain management. This study attempts to examine the role and concept of policy of supply chain network, particularly dialectical model proposed by Marsh & Smith (2000) in explaining policy outcomes by taking a case study of communal land policy-making process. This study applies qualitative method and primary data collection techniques of in-depth interviews and document study. This study shows that dialectical model can be applied in explaining the role of policy network on the outcomes of communal land policy in Riau, Indonesia. The outcomes of communal land policy are determined by the dialectical relationship between structure and agency, network and context, network and outcome, as well as problem orientation from policy actors. Inside-government-actors dominate the policy-making process and create a limited network. Therefore, outside-government-actors do not have sufficient access to influence policy outcomes.
... Muitas questões que continuam, atualmente, sem resposta, nomeadamente sobre os nacionalismos ou a própria religião, demonstram que as ideologias ainda irão perdurar. Além disso, a crise ambiental que o mundo enfrenta atualmente não será facilmente combatida, pelo que exige e exigirá medidas de intervenção que não passarão de medidas ideológicas (Heywood, 2003;Ball, et al., 2014;). Ball, et al. (2014), depois de apresentar uma série de argumentos contra o "fim da ideologia", termina referindo que: ...
... Além disso, a crise ambiental que o mundo enfrenta atualmente não será facilmente combatida, pelo que exige e exigirá medidas de intervenção que não passarão de medidas ideológicas (Heywood, 2003;Ball, et al., 2014;). Ball, et al. (2014), depois de apresentar uma série de argumentos contra o "fim da ideologia", termina referindo que: ...
The validity of Left-Right political ideology has been criticized over the years, with its end to be defended by several authors. However, since the French Revolution it has manifested itself as a fundamental mechanism in assigning to all those involved in the political universe a sense of orientation and understanding of an increasingly complex political system. This political dichotomy has undergone changes of meaning with respect to each political field, whether Left or Right, related to the emergence of new social and cultural cleavages associated with the ideological evolution of society.
There are numerous studies in the area of communication, sociology, and political science that in recent years have addressed and/or evaluated the ideological behavior of both political parties and voters, exposing them to the Left-Right political dimension (Eg, Freire, 2006b; Belchior, 2008; Guedes, 2012b). Thus, our investigation sought to understand how the Left-Right dichotomy manifests itself in the Vila Real constituency, in the discursive content of the PS and PSD party leaders, and in the respective electoral programs during the election campaign season of the legislatures of 2015.
In this sense, first, we analyzed, in detail, the programmatic content of the electoral programs of both parties related to the legislative of 2015. Second, we analyzed data made available to the academic community by various platforms to assess the impact of the economic crisis, namely, Troika in the political ideologies of the PS and PSD. Third, we analyze the television debate between António Costa (PS) and Pedro Passos Coelho (PàF) in order to ascertain their ideological positions within the Left-Right political dimension. Fourth, in order to evaluate the presence of this political dyad in the electorate of the municipality of Vila Real, we proceeded to the analysis of respondents responses to the survey by the considered questionnaire.
Thus, our research seeks to ascertain whether the PS and PSD parties are ideologically distinct within the Left-Right political dimension, not only through the way they communicate through their programs, but also through the discursive content of each political leader. This study also seeks to evaluate the capacity of the electorate of the municipality of Vila Real to orient and self-position in the various fields of this political spectrum and to verify to what extent this political dyad continues to make sense both ideologically and linguistically in the current political sphere.
... Integrating ideological and political factors into college English teaching plays an important role in shaping students' correct values, which can help college students improve their English language learning ability and crosscultural communication ability and, at the same time, guide them to enhance their comprehensive qualities [1][2]. Therefore, teachers should deeply understand the meaning of morality cultivation in course instruction, constantly improve their professional quality, enrich and innovate the teaching content and form, actively explore the practical path of the morality cultivation of the university English curriculum, explore and expand the morality cultivation factors in the university English curriculum system, and form a systematic and complete form of the morality cultivation of the curriculum teaching [3][4]. ...
As education advances with the times, traditional English EFL teaching can no longer fully adapt to the current educational situation. This paper studies the mining of the Civics element in English teaching integrates it into EFL classroom teaching, and constructs the morality cultivation EFL critical thinking ability teaching strategy based on the critical thinking ability model. The effects of applying this teaching strategy are analyzed and compared to the six dimensions of critical thinking ability: interpretation, analysis, evaluation, reasoning, explanation, and self-regulation ability. The exploration of critical thinking ability development and individual teacher factors is conducted. After the teaching experiment, the experimental group improved by 12.08 points, while the control group only improved by 0.46 points, indicating a significant difference between the two groups’ scores. The Sig. The values of the experimental group in the six dimensions are less than 0.05, and the Sig. The values of the control group are greater than 0.05. The teaching strategy of moral cultivation in EFL critical thinking ability has an obvious effect on improving students’ critical thinking abilities. There is a correlation between the development of critical thinking ability and teachers’ education, and teachers with master’s degrees are better than teachers with bachelor’s degrees.
... Sociopolitical ideologies shape human behavior and impact many spheres of life (Ball et al., 2019). In this research, we turned our attention to a set of beliefs and attitudes regarding economic and social policies, individual rights, and an "ideal" social order referred to as neoliberalism and tested whether individual-level neoliberal values and the risk for suicidal ideation were linked. ...
Background
Values associated with neoliberal ideologies are blamed for damaging the social fabric. They may also have deleterious effects on suicidal ideation.
Objective
We investigated whether neoliberal values were associated with the risk for suicidal ideation through a set of mediating factors (suicide stigma, help-seeking attitudes, perceived stress, and suicide acceptability).
Methods
A total of 508 (249 female) adults from the U.S. responded to a self-administered questionnaire that contained measures of suicidal ideation, neoliberal values, suicide stigma, help-seeking attitudes, perceived stress, and suicide acceptability. We tested a path model that linked neoliberal values to suicidal ideation through multiple mediators. We tested total versus partial mediation models.
Results
We found empirical evidence for a full mediation of the association of neoliberal values with perceived stress. Neoliberal values were associated with suicide stigma; suicide stigma was associated with negative attitudes towards help-seeking, which, in turn, were associated with high levels of perceived stress. The association of neoliberal values with suicide acceptability was partially mediated. Perceived stress was positively associated with suicide risk directly and indirectly through suicide acceptability.
Conclusion
Our findings suggest that values related to neoliberal ideologies prepare a context that fosters the risk for suicide. For a contextualized understanding of suicidal behavior, more research is needed that explores the role of social, cultural, political, and economic ideologies in the suicidal process.
... Each ideology provides a vision of the social and political world to inspire people to act either to change or to preserve their way of life. 21 Furthermore, Syari'ati (2001) postulates that ideology is the most valuable nature and the most special consciousness inside the human. Ideological consciousness was born from a reflective process and constructed by a human who can interpret social conditions. ...
p> Abstract: This paper examines the political paradigm of Muhammadiyah in thinking and behaving because Muhammadiyah can survive to surpass political impediments for more than a century ago. Methodologically, it is qualitative research by utilising documentary study and in-depth interviews as the data-gathering technique. The finding demonstrates that “consciousness to liberate” is the political paradigm of Muhammadiyah. This paradigm has three interrelated dimensions: transcendental dimension, humanistic dimension, and modernity dimension. The former indicates the prophetic consciousness, the middle demonstrates the liberation theology, and the latter denotes the values Muhammadiyah’s goal. Therefore, the Muhammadiyah consciousness to strives for prophetic missions not merely restricted to liberate humankind from colonisation, oppression, backwardness, and poverty but also to liberate mustadh‘afin from unfair policies and liberal systems.
Keywords: Muhammadiyah, consciousness, political paradigm, liberation, al-Mâ‘ûn </p
... According to Ball et al (2014), ideology carries four functions for people who hold it: ...
... He clearly presents various currents of opinion and also clarifies the influence of individual political ideologies on society, its formation and its current state. The level of knowledge in the field of political ideologies has in recent times been heavily influenced by other authors, such as Geffert (2007), Sargent (2008) and Ball et al. (2014). More details on ideologies of conservativism and liberalism in Central Europe are provided by Buček et al. (2017). ...
The main aim of the paper is to identify the success rate in time and space of political parties with a more conservative electorate and those with a more liberal voters in Slovakia based on the results of parliamentary elections in the last twenty years and to conduct a subsequent correlation analysis of selected socioeconomic parameters (urbanisation rate, registered unemployment rate, the share of persons over 65 years of age, the share of persons with religious faith and share of university-educated persons) and the spatial distribution of conservative or liberal voters. We identify the success rate of parties with a more conservative or more liberal electorate at the level of the Slovak Republic as a whole, as well as in its regions and districts, in the parliamentary elections from 2002 onward, while also evaluating the issue through the spatially disaggregated results of the referendum on the family (2015). Based on statistical analysis, liberal vote rs in Slovakia are more notably concentrated in urban areas, particularly in districts with a lower level of unemployment, a higher share of people with a university education and non-religious residents. On the other hand, conservative voters are more evenly distributed throughout the country, and in their case, the highest statistical association identified among the monitored socioeconomic indicators related to the share of the population professing a certain religion. The highest summary statistical dependence among the examined variables in terms of the conservative-liberal conflict line was identified for indicators of the degree of urbanisation, the share of persons without religious confession and the share of university-educated people. It seems, given the current social situation opening up the liberal or secular ideas, that in the future the conflict of conservative and liberal values represented by specific parties and a significant number of voters in political struggle will become more significant, and not only in post-socialist countries. All the more important will be such studies, e.g. also in the context of setting up appropriate political marketing and effective election campaigns of political parties.
... While some consider capitalism an ideology (Grey 2013), Stilwell's model makes better sense when capitalism is viewed as an economic system with ideologies incorporated into the model. Ball and Dagger (2004) also suggest moving beyond the explanatory function of political ideologies (such as Cunningham's definition of an ideology as an 'integrated system of beliefs by which we make sense of our lives' [2003,234]), to include the evaluative, orientative and programmatic functions that ideologies perform. The main political ideologies explored by Ball and Dagger can be understood in relation to the 'proper' role of the state within the economic system. ...
... While some consider capitalism an ideology (Grey 2013), Stilwell's model makes better sense when capitalism is viewed as an economic system with ideologies incorporated into the model. Ball and Dagger (2004) also suggest moving beyond the explanatory function of political ideologies (such as Cunningham's definition of an ideology as an 'integrated system of beliefs by which we make sense of our lives' [2003,234]), to include the evaluative, orientative and programmatic functions that ideologies perform. The main political ideologies explored by Ball and Dagger can be understood in relation to the 'proper' role of the state within the economic system. ...
... Often, these actions are followed by threat to life and property. Ball and Dagger (1995) acknowledge that; ...
The macabre of violence orchestrated by high degree of ethnic colouration and religious intolerance gave credence to this research topic. Overtime the Nigeria nation has been besieged by different altercations that have consequently retarded the pace of progress and development of the country. The study which adopted the frustration aggression theory and using the secondary data as a source submits that economic dissatisfaction arising from politics of exclusion, religious bias, leadership problem, insurgency among others have conspicuously created division among people who have agreed under one federating unit to live as one have rather consistently been denied their fair share of the "national cake". Consequently, this has led to bottled up anger, frustration and some level of disenchantment. It is against this backdrop that this paper seeks to interrogate-the nature and dimension of the Nigerian security situation and its slow pace development. The study concluded that the agitations for fair treatment, equal representation, effective governance are basic and necessary ingredients of restructuring that could help guarantee a peaceful co-existence devoid of rancour and acrimony. The study therefore among other things recommended that true federalism, good governance, justice would guarantee security and development in Nigeria. Keywords: Restructuring, Insecurity, Development, Underdevelopment
... Consequently, the relative peace and political stability is threatened. Ball and Dagger (1995) acknowledge that; Nigeria's heterogeneous character is evident in the diversity of its ethnic and religious groups. These diversities have often constituted a source of conflict within the entity. ...
The paper examined Restructuring and National Security to ascertain how this could possibly enhance and sustain a better nation amidst the many crises that have endangered the unity of our peaceful coexistence. It is imperative to acknowledge that the unending squabbles and schisms threatening the peaceful coexistence of the Nigerian-state is traceable to improper restructuring of the political system. The paper which relied on secondary sources of data submits that addressing issues of ineffective representation, non-inclusion of persons of different segments, religious intolerance among others would help to promote National Security. The paper therefore argues that issues that are capable of triggering crisis and destroying the National Security, should be tackled adequately in order to have an orderly society devoid of rancour and endless acrimony. The conclusion of the paper was anchored on genuine restructuring with proper recommendations that would help promote an organized and egalitarian society. Keywords: Restructuring, National Security, Peaceful Co-existence, Development
... Conscious ideology: "a fairly coherent and comprehensive set of ideas that explains and evaluates social conditions, helps people understand their place in society, and provides a program for social and political action" (Ball and Dagger, 1995). ...
... Ideology entered the political lexicon in the 18 th century. It is a fairly coherent and comprehensive set of ideas that explain and evaluate social conditions, help people understand their place in society, and provide a program for social and political action (Ball and Dagger, 2006). This implies that an ideology is a collection of ideas that set out to explain and elaborate on sociopolitical conditions and grant understanding to those who may not easily comprehend the reasons behind a particular political behavior. ...
... A system of ever developing principles, beliefs, values, attitudes, and cultural influences and the meaning and decision-making processes by which the YABM react to the worldan ideology of racism (Duckitt and Sibley 2010;Hibbing, Smith, and Alford 2014;Miles and Brown 2003). Ball, Dagger, and O'Neill (2014) and Duckitt and Sibley (2010) exemplify the significance of affects upon individual attitudes, etc. and their ideological systemization especially through political thought. To be clear, Heywood (2003) conveys that an 'ideology of racism' (IOR) applies to all as an oppressed person and as an oppressoreveryone has an IOR. ...
Racism is not some static conception reflecting merely xenophobic feelings or hierarchical mindsets among individuals (Miles and Brown 2003). The term "racism," in association with questions of democracy and individual opportunity, has risen into the primary weltanschauung of the American political and social psyches as represented by the September 12, 2019 Democratic Debate, political organizations, and political media. Given this weltanschauung, the purpose of this article is to seek additional knowledge toward coming to understand the perceptions of young adult Black men's perceptions and political activations when prompted by the phenomenon of racism. Interpretative phenomenological analysis was engaged in the study of the YABMs to gain their reflective meaning-making and to protect against researcher biases. Key findings established that references to matters political involved the participants experiences with their communities, concerns with helping others in that community in a reciprocal manner, and the exclusionary practices found that challenges said community. These characteristics occur simultaneously as a meaning" of "the political" for each of the participants (Miller 1980). Theoretically, the extent to which these characteristics played into their perceptions of the political in-turn affect their decision-making and activations of political perceptions and behaviors. This theoretical conception was carried forward toward gaining knowledge of young adult Black men's perceptions of political experiences serve as a 2 source of data for this article; specifically, the data referencing matters of race (Crayton 2019).
... Ideologies refer to a body of views, and peculiarly with the social, economic, political, attitudinal, ethical, or religious perspectives experienced by a group of individuals (Eagleton, 2014;Gee, 2015). Some common ideologies such as communism, socialism, liberalism, sexism, nationalism, racism, and pacifism are common ideologies (Ball, Dagger, & O'Neill, 2016;Baradat & Phillips, 2016;Carrier, 2018;Heywood, 2017), yet they may be valid or invalid based on the worldview of individuals. ...
The expanding hegemony of English caused English Language Teaching to suddenly turn into an international business with huge financial investment, and accordingly produced EFL textbooks evolved into a cornerstone of the business. Further, studies on the relation between ideology, hegemony, and textbooks have multiplied in recent decades as a result of the rise of critical theory, critical pedagogy, and critical thinking skills which have inspired scholars to establish a critical perspective towards EFL textbooks considering the compounds of ideology and hegemony. In this paper, using a mixed method research design, qualitatively collected data through interviews and quantitatively gathered data through a questionnaire aimed to reveal the views of teachers/instructors and learners about the ideological and hegemonic practices contained in the EFL textbooks. The results of questionnaire and interview showed that ideology and hegemony are closely related to each other. Moreover, it is hard to give a clear-cut definition of these two terms because both textbooks and participants often used these two terms interchangeably. However, the participants declared diverse views on the underlying ideology and hegemonic practices in globally and locally written EFL textbooks.
... While nationalism is as debated a concept as that of 'far right' (for examples on how to define nationalism and whether it qualifies as an ideology see Adams 1993: 82ff, Ball and Dagger 2014: 13-14, Finlayson 1998, Freeden 1998b, Griffin 1999), definitions will usually encompass two aspects: first, they will identify the nation as the referent actor, and second, they will express the need for this group's identity to be expressed politically and/or institutionally. Thus, for example, Ernest Gellner, a pioneering scholar in the field, famously defined nationalism as a political principle 'which holds that the political and national unit should be congruent ' (1983: 1). ...
Born as a small economic union, the European Union has become a large supranational political organisation. Far right parties have been vocal critics of this process, leading some to consider opposition to European integration as one of their defining ideological features. Closer inspection of their position, however, reveals that their views are more complex than the label ‘Euroscepticism’ captures. What, then, is the relationship between the far right and ‘Europe’? What do they mean by it and how has it become a part of their ideology? To address these questions, this thesis carries out an in-depth interpretive analysis of party documents produced between 1978 and 2017 by the Movimento Sociale Italiano/Alleanza Nazionale in Italy and the Front National in France. Employing morphological analysis, it studies how these parties integrated Europe into their ideology, and how they defined their positions on the European Union. The thesis’ core contention is that the MSI/AN and FN repurposed key elements of their ideology to integrate Europe into their worldview, thus giving rise to a distinctive far right conception of Europe. In particular, it shows how they employed the three concepts of Identity, Liberty and Threat to present a distinctive conception of Europe as a bounded community, a space of freedom, and an endangered civilisation. It then illustrates how these concepts, along with the concept of National Interest, came together in the parties’ positioning on the European Union. Through its diachronic focus, the thesis highlights how the parties display a strong level of continuity in their conception of Europe, using the same concepts to define it throughout the period of the study. These findings demonstrate the need to subject the equation of far right ideology and Euroscepticism to further scrutiny and acknowledge the complexity of far right thinking on Europe.
... Closely connected to the second function is the third which attempts to create a group identity by exploiting existing differences to isolate those who do not belong to this group. For this function, the BHT group often identify themselves as the "Army of Allah or Muhammad" and label those who did not belong to their way of thinking as enemies or infidels (Ball, Dagger, & O'Neill, 2016). The last function of ideological orientation is to adopt an approach to remedy the predicament of the minority by instigating a change. ...
There is a need to address current military strategies to defeat the resilience of the Boko Haram Terrorist (BHT) group. The purpose of this qualitative study was to provide a counter-ideology framework as an alternative strategy to defeat the group. The relational/vengeance and relative deprivation theories provided the theoretical foundation for the study, and the research question addressed the extent to which counter-ideology strategies can be instituted to defeat the BHT group. Data were collected through semi structured interviews from 20 participants who were Muslim clerics, community leaders, and military personnel, and data were analyzed using Nvivo software. The themes for the study were developed using a content analysis approach. The findings indicated that the resilience of Boko Haram was due to the group’s ability to maintain an ideological consistency with the extreme version of Jihadi-Salafism. Thus, there is a need to develop an effective reconciliatory national security strategy that is focused on counter-ideology policies to augment the ongoing military strategy. Given that counter-ideology offers a nonmilitary counterterrorism approach, it can deescalate the security situation in Northeast Nigeria, which can lead to socioeconomic benefits for the youth in Nigeria.
... The main differentiation comes in the functionality, while religion focuses on the eternal, divine and sacred, ideology is grounded in the current state of affairs, henceforth religion calculates with the variable of life after death while ideology only remains in present state events. 49 This dissertation focuses on political Buddhism, which is an equal mixture of ideology and religion, providing a program for political actions yet, at the same time explaining people´s play in society via their religious affiliation. This dissertation will use the term "politicisation of Buddhism" for it is the usage of religion towards gains in the political power play. ...
Although there are historical sources that Rohingya have lived in the Arakan area for centuries,
there is no legal evidence to support their claim for citizenship. Even if the historical settlement
should be enough to provide Rohingya with their resident rights, Myanmar has systematically
excluded the Muslim minority claiming that they are Bengali. However, Rohingya refugees in
Bangladesh are not wanted there either. Mainly for the economic reasons, in the scenario where
to the poor Bengal area arrives almost million Rohingya Muslims that are trapped in the exact
imperfect circle not benefiting the already economically week area.Stateless and persecuted
Rohingya have limited options on the restoration of their living standards. The Rohingya that
already fled have no chance of coming back, at least not a safe chance as the Myanmar
government planted the antipersonnel landmines across borders. With the UN describing the
situation as a textbook example of ethical cleansing, Rohingya received only weak international
support without any long-term resolution that would be feasible. Being stripped of citizenship,
Rohingya are denied the most basic human right. In this dissertation, the author examines the
roles and impact of political Buddhism that is rarely recognised by academics. Burma has
always been an ethnically rich territory, where multiple religions resided alongside each other.
This dissertation focuses on the phenomenom of political Buddhism, which is an equal mixture
of ideology and religion, providing a program for political actions yet, at the same time
explaining people´s play in society via their religious affiliation. The author of this study argues
that political Buddhism is the driving force for the historical, ethnic alienation in Myanmar.
... And white people's opinions on racism tend to be strong" (pp.1-2). The association between thinking ideologically is prevalent throughout sociological literature in terms of individual political thinking (Ball, Dagger, O'Neill, 2014;Duckitt & Sibley, 2010). Miles and Brown (2003) argue definitively that racism should be conceptualized and understood as an ideology rather than some static function of human understanding or function. ...
The paper highlighted the nexus between various research paradigms vis-a-viz mathematics education. Research in education entails basing the process on three fundamental philosophical traditions – epistemology, ontology, and methodology. The trio formed the core of the paradigm likely to be employed to explain the research problem – in which case, mathematics education research problems. Thus, the paper argues that employing a research paradigm in mathematics education research has far-reaching effect in giving an expository analysis of the problem. The research paradigms that were discussed in this paper comprised of positivism, post-positivism, interpretivism and critical theory. In the end, the paper suggested that, in mathematics education, applying a given research paradigm in explaining a particular research problem is imperative, and can help in viewing the problem from philosophical perspective.
The political polarization of Sindh, where the Sindhi ethnicity dominates
rural areas while urban areas are dominated by the “Muhajir”,
leads to the political monopoly of the Pakistan Peoples’ Party in
rural areas and the Muttahida Quami Movement in urban areas.
Both parties have adopted similar strategies to achieve their goals
after establishing their dominance in their respective areas. The
current study analysed nine hypotheses, supporting five while
rejecting the others. Adopting a quantitative approach, the study
finds that partisanship increases voting behaviour by virtue of
reducing voting deferral at the day of polling. In addition, young
voters in Pakistan largely remain unattached to the traditional
leaders or parties, mainly because this group has not personally
experienced the tragedies that have historically shaped the partisanship
among the old generation. Due to this detachment, they
successfully maintain a neutral political stance, which makes them
free to support any leader or party that meets their expectations.
This chapter establishes a theoretical framework for the analysis of political ideology in post-conflict Kosovo society, providing a critical review of literature from various disciplines. The chapter defines the core aspects of political ideology and focuses on how these ideologies shape mass public opinion, governance, and political behavior in the Kosovo context. As Kosovo navigates the challenges of post-conflict transformation, the role of political ideologies becomes crucial in interpreting competing visions of progress, identity, and democratic participation. The chapter highlights the origins and functions of political ideologies, exploring how they are historically rooted in Kosovo’s struggle for independence and how they continue to influence contemporary political dynamics. It also examines the role of political parties in institutionalizing these ideologies, highlighting the need for a contextualized approach to understanding Kosovo’s evolving ideological landscape. Through a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, this theoretical framework offers a comprehensive analysis of how ideologies operate within Kosovo’s unique sociopolitical environment and sets the stage for the empirical investigations in the following chapters.
With the continuous development of the information society, the information flow model makes the counselor able to transfer some civic and political knowledge to the students more quickly, while the students can get the latest information more feverishly. This paper, recognizing the impact of information flow on civics education in colleges and universities, introduces an enhanced information flow model. It specifically builds an information flow and optimization model using network information technology and information analysis. The article employs an open Civics class at a university as an empirical research object, delving into the proposed information flow model to examine the real impact of Civics teaching on teacher-student interaction. The analysis of students’ learning of the six Civics objectives reveals an improvement in their overall literacy, as evidenced by the quantitative scores of the pre-test and post-test, which are 3.051 and 3.999, respectively, with a 0.948 difference in value pursuit. The analysis of classroom organizational differences reveals that the experimental group has a behavior management score of M = 5.62, while the control group has a score of M = 4.73. This indicates that the teachers of civics courses in the experimental group are capable of providing clear and forward-looking instruction in behavior management, ensuring that students’ behavior management is in place.
This research draws on theories from psychology, advertising, and consumer behaviour to examine how consumers will react to non-binary individuals in service situations. Results from an experiment show that consumers tend to evaluate the service offered by non- binary people as lower than their male counterparts. A lowered rating of service observed in this research may negatively impact inclusive businesses that tend to follow diversity and inclusion practices. Further, in this research, managerial implications and future research directions are discussed.
The analytical model of political ideologies offered in this article describes the connection between rising levels of distrust towards societal institutions in modern democracies and how such developments has challenged traditional and long-standing political parties in the Western world, such as the Danish political party Radikale Venstre [the Danish Social-Liberal Party]. Through use of a tripartite model of trust developed by Arman Teymouri Niknam during his interpretation of Mary Wollstonecraft’s attitudes towards trust brought together with different aspects of Axel Honneth’s social-philosophical framework, Teymouri Niknam and Leif Hemming Pedersen show how distrust may be able to act as a progressive tool in the creation of a more just, diverse and equal future and also how a virtuous and healthy form of democracy is an ideal that can be challenging to realise in practice. Teymouri Niknam and Hemming Pedersen are thus able to point to the ways in which a healthy democracy needs a balance of virtuous trust and distrust in order to achieve a good amount of both stability and progress, thus pointing to a difficult balancing act that many traditional political parties find themselves struggling with especially at this point in time in many contemporary democracies.
The interest of scholars in political discourse has always been drawn to the dynamics of inaugural speeches and the implicit/explicit portrayal of ideologies. Extant studies have explored discourse patterns, thematic orientations, power relations, rhetorical devices, ideologies, and other issues in inaugural speeches. This paper offers a holistic investigation of the recurring ideologies in first-term gubernatorial inaugural speeches across Nigeria. The data for the study are drawn from 25 inaugural speeches made between 2014 and 2015 across the 36 states in Nigeria. The source of the data is Inaugural Speeches: President and Governors of Nigeria (2014-2017). Through the theoretical lens of van Dijk's approach to critical discourse analysis, four ideologies were identified in the speeches. These manifest ideologies in the speeches are idealistic ideology, theistic ideology, messianic ideology , and democratic ideology. They are found to drive the establishment of the authority of the governors through the process of sensitizing the citizens about the governor's interpretation of the election, the presentation of novel principles and perspectives that the new administration would imbibe, and how they would inform governance for the tenure. The reoccurring strategies actualized to project the ideologies are consensus, polarization, lexicalization, presupposition, and metaphors.
In the archetypal settler-colonial states of the United States, Canada, Australia and New Zealand, Indigenous peoples have joined the ‘rights revolution’, pressing for self-determination. They have been met by a ‘settler-rights backlash’, contraposing settler and Indigenous rights. This article makes two contributions. First, it presents a scoping study of settler-rights challenges in Anglo-settler states, revealing the extent and means of the settler backlash. Second, working within mainstream Anglo-settler political theory, it theorizes settler-rights challenges, exploring what liberal principles settlers invoke, what Indigenous protections they impugn, and what contrapositions of rights ensue. This article shows settlers invoke the liberal principle of universalism to impugn Indigenous sovereignty, the liberal principle of individualism to impugn differentiated citizenship, and the liberal principle of egalitarianism to impugn Indigenous decision-making and territorial control. In doing so, this article reveals the normative dynamics and internal contradictions of settler-rights challenges. By showing the extent, dynamics and contradictions of such challenges, it is hoped to help public decision-makers better understand and resolve them.
Whether Islam is responsible for increased suicide terrorist attacks is a salient but highly controversial issue. Using independently produced demographics data, we investigate whether there is a correlation between Islam and suicide attacks. We find that (1) countries with greater Muslim populations are likely to experience more suicide attacks, (2) countries with greater Sunni Muslim populations are likely to encounter more suicide attacks, and (3) countries with greater Hanafi Muslim populations, in contrast to other Sunni legal schools, face the greatest risk of experiencing suicide attacks. The overall analysis suggests that Islam is positively associated with suicide attacks, although the degree of its association is not uniform among all branches.
Studi ini menganalisa soliditas kelembagaan PKS sebagai representasi partai nasionalis-Islamis dalam menghadapi Pemilihan Legislatif 2014. Mengapa menarik dikaji? Menarik dikaji karena PKS berhasil mempertahankan perolehan suaranya di tengah citra yang memburuk terutama akibat kasus korupsi yang melanda presiden PKS Luthfi Hasan Ishaq pada awal 2013 terkait kasus suap impor daging sapi yang kemudian berdampak pada rendahnya hasil survei dari berbagai kalangan. Soliditas kelembagaan PKS tersebut didiagnosa dengan empat indikator: kepemimpinan prosedural, mekanisme resolusi konflik, kaderisasi sistematis, dan komitmen terhadap nilai-nilai bersama/ideologi.
Temuan studi ini menunjukkan, bahwa PKS tetap memiliki soliditas yang baik dalam menghadapi “badai politik” menjelang Pemilu 2014. Meskipun soliditas PKS masuk kategori baik terutama di tiga indikator, PKS memiliki kelemahan dalam hal mekanisme resolusi konflik yang belum bisa dikelola dengan baik. Terlepas dari itu, PKS berhasil menepis semua prediksi yang menyatakan, bahwa PKS akan hancur dan tidak lolos ambang batas parlemen pada Pileg 2014 dengan perolehan suara 6,79 persen. Ini artinya, PKS mampu mempertahankan stabilitas suaranya untuk tidak turun drastis seperti yang terjadi pada partai lain. Suara PKS pada Pileg 2014 turun hanya sekitar 1,09 persen dari Pileg 2009 yang meraih 7,88 persen. Dengan demikian, PKS tetap menjadi partai politik yang selalu seksi untuk dikaji dan dianalisa dari berbagai teori ilmu politik.
This book grapples with the interplay between Guatemala’s violent past and violent present. The present study focuses on the politics of history after the internal armed conflict (1960-1996), exploring this phenomenon in a contemporary context of socio-environmental conflict and the defense of indigenous territories. We therefore travel to the remote jungle of Alta Verapaz, where the returned refugees of the multi-ethnic community ‘Copal AA La Esperanza’ are defending their territory against the possible construction of a hydroelectric dam. The returnees unexpectedly recruited me, a Belgian historian, to ‘make’ their shared history by co-creating a documentary about their past and present struggle. Starting off as a side project and a way of ‘giving back’, filmmaking with the returnees turned into a way of exploring the collective production and mobilization of historical narratives. This dissertation offers a performative ethnography of collective narrative capacity (CNC) by means of participatory filmmaking. At the same time, it exposes a broader search for participatory, visual and performative methods to empirically explore collective narrative production and mobilization in (post-)conflict settings. Finally, as a form of participatory action research, this investigation also explores the synergy between research ethics and epistemics and seeks to move beyond a research-activism binary.
Ülkeler arası rekabette bilim ve teknoloji gün geçtikçe değişime uğramakta ve gittikçe önem kazanmaktadır. Bu değişime ayak uydurmanın en etkili yolu yeni eğitim stratejileri geliştirip, uygulamayı gerektirmektedir. 21.Yüzyıl becerilerinden olan araştırma-sorgulama, eleştirel düşünme ve problem çözme vb. becerilerin bireylere kazandırılması açısından STEM eğitimi son yıllarda büyük bir önem kazanmıştır. STEM, bilim, teknoloji, mühendislik, matematik alanlarının disiplinler arası yaklaşımla, günlük hayat problemlerini tespit ederek, problemlere yönelik çözümler üretmeyi amaçlayan bir eğitim yaklaşımıdır. Bu eğitim yaklaşımı bireylerdeki merak duygusunu ön plana çıkararak araştırma ve sorgulamaya dayalı öğrenmeyi hedeflemektedir. STEM eğitiminin tarihçesi incelendiğinde Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin STEM eğitiminde öncü olması dikkat çekicidir. ABD’nin öncü olması devletler arası rekabetin artması ve eğitimin yenilenmesi gerekliliği
ihtiyacından doğmuştur. ABD’de 1996 yılından sonra önem kazanan STEM eğitimi, oldukça yaygın bir şekilde okullarda yer almıştır. Yine Avrupa ve ABD’de hem STEM bilim merkezleri açılmış hem de öğretim programlarında değişikliklere gidilmiştir. Bu durum bazı gelişmiş ülkelerin STEM eğitimine ve 21. yüzyıl becerilerinin kazanımlarına çok önem verdiğini göstermektedir. Türkiye de diğer ülkeler gibi son yıllarda STEM eğitimine yönelik birtakım adımlar atmıştır. Bazı üniversitelerde STEM uygulama merkezleri açılarak,
öğretmenlere ve öğrencilere STEM yaklaşımına yönelik eğitimler verilmiştir. Bilim Merkezlerinin ya da uygulama merkezlerinin sayısının artması ve STEM ile ilgili çalışmaların hız kazanması son derece önemlidir. Bununla birlikte 2017 yılında değişen öğretim programında mühendislik uygulamalarına yer verilmiş ve 21. Yüzyıl becerilerinin bireylere kazandırılması hedeflenmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı Dünya’daki ve Türkiye’deki STEM eğitimini karşılaştırmak ve 2023 Eğitim Vizyonunun STEM eğitimine yönelik
çalışmalarını değerlendirmektir. Araştırmada literatür tarama modeli kullanılmıştır. Sonuç olarak 23 Ekim 2018’de açıklanan 2023 Eğitim Vizyonu’nda 21. Yüzyıl becerilerine vurgu yapılması aynı zamanda tasarım ve beceri atölyeleri ile ilgili planlamanın yer alması STEM eğitiminin hayatımızda daha fazla yer alacağı ve daha fazla önem verileceği anlamına
gelmektedir.
This book grapples with the interplay between Guatemala’s violent past and violent present. The present study focuses on the politics of history after the internal armed conflict (1960-1996), exploring this phenomenon in a contemporary context of socio-environmental conflict and the defense of indigenous territories. We therefore travel to the remote jungle of Alta Verapaz, where the returned refugees of the multi-ethnic community ‘Copal AA La Esperanza’ are defending their territory against the possible construction of a hydroelectric dam. The returnees unexpectedly recruited me, a Belgian historian, to ‘make’ their shared history by co-creating a documentary about their past and present struggle. Starting off as a side project and a way of ‘giving back’, filmmaking with the returnees turned into a way of exploring the collective production and mobilization of historical narratives. This dissertation offers a performative ethnography of collective narrative capacity (CNC) by means of participatory filmmaking. At the same time, it exposes a broader search for participatory, visual and performative methods to empirically explore collective narrative production and mobilization in (post-)conflict settings. Finally, as a form of participatory action research, this investigation also explores the synergy between research ethics and epistemics and seeks to move beyond a research-activism binary.
This research attempts to compare of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Vladimir Putin's personality traits according to James David Barber typologies of leadership styles. Both leaders are enigmatic, powerful and controversial in their country political life and on the world stage. Thus, research pursues to find out the similarities and differences between two leaders who hail from different countries using Barber theory. Barber theory consists of 4 categorizations composed of active-positive, active-negative-passive-positive and passive-negative. Barber formulated this typology for the USA presidents to analyses their decision-making process and policy outcomes in association with their personality style. For such method, the data is acquired from the leader's autobiography, leadership traits and environment. Utilizing the Barber typology, the research attempt to describe both non-western leaders' traits and find out the answers for the question, Does such typology work for analyzing both leaders?
The purpose of the paper is to reflection on the status of political film and the political status of film. It is about proposing boundary categories that can provide a theoretical basis in detailed analyzes of the film’s political core. The political nature of the films has been filtered, in the article, by the concept of circulation of meanings in the cultural circuit of Paul du Gay, Stuart Hall and others. This approach shows that the specific political significance of the film is not simply given, but is constructed and understood differently at the level of different instances of social communication: producers, creators, audiences, film critics, creators of advertising messages, etc. The author of the article assumed that the political status of the film is associated not with specific political references, but with modality of film. Two types of film were presented: as a work and social practice. It was only in this context that specific variants of the political film were ordered.
Isaiah Berlin’s “Two Concepts of Liberty” is clearly set within a Cold War context. However, its framework of ideas is also applicable to a range of twenty-first century social and political issues. First, Berlin’s “inversion thesis” concerning liberty captures a salient pattern of thought in radical Islamism. Second, his understanding of the power of belonging and recognition bears significantly on the rise of authoritarian nationalism and populism. Third, his value pluralism implies a critique of global neoliberalism and support for egalitarian liberalism or social democracy. Thus, Berlin’s framework provides us with a set of useful tools for understanding and responding to some of the most urgent political problems that trouble us now. But this framework has limitations and needs to be supplemented by thinking that goes beyond Berlin.
Los planteamientos especulativos que, desde el ámbito de la Filosofía del Lenguaje, ha propuesto el guionista de cómics y ensayista Grant Morrison resultan pertinentes y relevantes por su profundidad teórica. Por medio del género de superhéroes, concebido como vehículo narrativo, es posible acceder a una propuesta nítida que recurre a la Filosofía del Lenguaje para tantear una vertiente ontológica. Para ello, abordaré las relaciones que Morrison sugiere entre pensamiento y lenguaje, entre las palabras y los signos en su vínculo y correspondencia con la realidad. Desde una pluralidad de perspectivas, congruentes con su planteamiento posmoderno, el superhéroe deviene es capaz de incardinar en sí mismo cuestiones filosóficas y lingüísticas de enorme trascendencia que han traslucido en todo momento y en todo lugar, con diferentes ropajes, para hacer llegar un mensaje ético y ontológico concreto.
A substantial body of scholarship highlights the role of core values as elements of liberalism–conservatism. However, researchers have yet to fully appreciate the contribution of premises, or abstract descriptive beliefs. This disjuncture has occurred despite the fact that for centuries, philosophers have used premises about human nature and society to ground their religious, political and economic theories. In the observational and experimental studies described in this article, the authors examine the extent to which such premise disputes stand independently from value conflicts as ideological ingredients. The findings suggest that premises are distinct and meaningful elements of political cognition, analogous in importance to several well-worn values.
La pobreza y la desigualdad pueden ser descritas y explicadas por medio de disciplinas como la sociología o la economía, pero la filosofía y la teoría política también han posado su mirada en estos fenómenos. Más concretamente, las distintas acepciones de las ideologías —como falsificación, así como en sentido fuerte y atenuado— atienden a la realidad de la inequidad actuando como mediaciones cognitivas. Desde una dimensión normativa vertebran construcciones retóricas que legitiman o impugnan las desigualdades. En este último supuesto, las ideologías ofrecen prescripciones para solventar tales desequilibrios. Por medio de marxismo, conservadurismo y liberalismo resulta posible advertir la construc-ción de dichas retóricas de la ideológica desigualdad. En consecuencia, existirían ideológicas igualdades o desigualdades.
Ülkeler arası rekabette bilim ve teknoloji gün geçtikçe değişime uğramakta ve gittikçe önem kazanmaktadır. Bu değişime ayak uydurmanın en etkili yolu yeni eğitim stratejileri geliştirip, uygulamayı gerektirmektedir. 21.Yüzyıl becerilerinden olan araştırma-sorgulama, eleştirel düşünme ve problem çözme vb. becerilerin bireylere kazandırılması açısından STEM eğitimi son yıllarda büyük bir önem kazanmıştır. STEM, bilim, teknoloji, mühendislik, matematik alanlarının disiplinler arası yaklaşımla, günlük hayat problemlerini tespit ederek, problemlere yönelik çözümler üretmeyi amaçlayan bir eğitim yaklaşımıdır. Bu eğitim yaklaşımı bireylerdeki merak duygusunu ön plana çıkararak araştırma ve sorgulamaya dayalı öğrenmeyi hedeflemektedir. STEM eğitiminin tarihçesi incelendiğinde Amerika Birleşik Devletleri’nin STEM eğitiminde öncü olması dikkat çekicidir. ABD’nin öncü olması devletler arası rekabetin artması ve eğitimin yenilenmesi gerekliliği ihtiyacından doğmuştur. ABD’de 1996 yılından sonra önem kazanan STEM eğitimi, oldukça yaygın bir şekilde okullarda yer almıştır. Yine Avrupa ve ABD’de hem STEM bilim merkezleri açılmış hem de öğretim programlarında değişikliklere gidilmiştir. Bu durum bazı gelişmiş ülkelerin STEM eğitimine ve 21. yüzyıl becerilerinin kazanımlarına çok önem verdiğini göstermektedir. Türkiye de diğer ülkeler gibi son yıllarda STEM eğitimine yönelik birtakım adımlar atmıştır. Bazı üniversitelerde STEM uygulama merkezleri açılarak, öğretmenlere ve öğrencilere STEM yaklaşımına yönelik eğitimler verilmiştir. Bilim Merkezlerinin ya da uygulama merkezlerinin sayısının artması ve STEM ile ilgili çalışmaların hız kazanması son derece önemlidir. Bununla birlikte 2017 yılında değişen öğretim programında mühendislik uygulamalarına yer verilmiş ve 21. Yüzyıl becerilerinin bireylere kazandırılması hedeflenmiştir. Bu çalışmanın amacı Dünya’daki ve Türkiye’deki STEM eğitimini karşılaştırmak ve 2023 Eğitim Vizyonunun STEM eğitimine yönelik çalışmalarını değerlendirmektir. Araştırmada literatür tarama modeli kullanılmıştır. Sonuç olarak 23 Ekim 2018’de açıklanan 2023 Eğitim Vizyonu’nda 21. Yüzyıl becerilerine vurgu yapılması aynı zamanda tasarım ve beceri atölyeleri ile ilgili planlamanın yer alması STEM eğitiminin hayatımızda daha fazla yer alacağı ve daha fazla önem verileceği anlamına gelmektedir.
The third wave of Democratization gave birth to Asian democracies, characterized by hybrid regimes and institutionalized Asian values. Using the concepts of democratic transition of Rustow, Haggard, and Kauffman, this paper attempts to elaborate on the contemporary political institutions of Southeast Asia in order to analyze how democracy is manifested in the region and in order to fill in the gaps of literature that bridges populism and illiberal democracy. Hence, this paper will provide a review of the literature encompassing the concepts of democracy and re-introduce the idea of a so-called “Asian Style democracy”. This idea, as used in the paper, claims that democracy in Southeast Asia is indeed unique to the point that it utilizes the aspects found in an illiberal democracy and populism. This results to the constant clamor of critique from the West - propounding that the integration of Asian Values within Southeast Asian governments has resulted in the creation of flawed democracies and regressed the fragile democracies of the region. This paper also finds that the re-emergence of populism in the region has resulted in the rise of Populist leaders and that illiberal democracy’s manifestation in Southeast Asian governments are dependent on the maturity of its political elites and institutions as well as, the justification of authoritarianism by some Southeast Asian leaders.
Key words: Southeast Asia, Illiberal Democracy, Populism, Democracy
In recent years, many conservative nationalist movements and parties have been criticized for being populist and applying populist political strategies. Keeping it in mind, this paper addresses the relationship between conservative nationalism and populism, and questions whether there is any factor which causes conservative nationalist movements to adopt populism. Instead of analyzing certain movements and making deductions from them, the research is directly carried out on an ideological level and a philosophical research method is employed in accordance with this preference. As a consequence, it has been found that there are two main factors which create a tendency in conservative nationalist movements to populism. The first one is the inherent inconsistency and tension between the constituents of conservative nationalism, namely conservatism and nationalism. The second one is the transformation of conventional nationalism especially in the European context within a new framework which is discussed as the new nationalism in the paper.
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