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The introduction gives a short overview of the various far-right groups and actions in Australia over the past decades, arguing that far-right movements have not been as visible in Australia as they have been in Europe and North America. The contemporary era, however, has witnessed a rising moral panic around the place of Islam in Australia, which has created a fertile environment for the emergence of new far-right groups. The resurgence of an emboldened far-right in Australia has been a development that has taken communities and policymakers by surprise. Australian scholarship was also ill-prepared, with research on the Australian far-right remaining conceptually and empirically underdeveloped. This introduction outlines how the individual chapters seek to address these academic knowledge gaps and contribute to making sense of the far-right in Australia.
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This article contributes to the literature on terrorist group decision-making by introducing a new procedure, Applied Decision Analysis, in an attempt to understand how leaders of terrorist organizations make decisions. We examine twenty-three decisions taken by leaders of three terrorist organizations: Al-Qaeda, Hamas, and Hizballah. We also demonstrate the use of the Applied Decision Analysis procedure to uncover the "Decision DNA" or “decision code” of leaders of such organizations. After reviewing the results and insights derived from this analysis, we conclude with implications for policies to counter terrorism.
This introductory article examines how research on terrorism and violence from the extreme right has evolved over the past two decades by comparing the contents of the present Special Issue with those of a previous Special Issue from 1995. This comparative review is divided into three sections: (1) concepts and definitions; (2) data; and (3) theory. Conceptually, the article finds considerable divergence between scholars in the field, and therefore proposes a definition of extreme-right terrorism and extreme-right violence meant to apply across all contexts and actors. Empirically, the article recognizes the inherent challenge of gathering reliable and comparable data on extreme-right violence. At the same time, it finds that considerable advances have been made with regards to generating systematic events data suitable for analysing variation across time and place. The article also outlines some of the most important findings emerging from these new data. Theoretically, the article finds some overlap between the two Special Issues concerning proposed causes of extreme-right terrorism and violence. At the same time, many theories do not speak to each other, or even investigate the same types of outcomes. The article therefore concludes by proposing a conceptual distinction between three distinct types of violent outcomes: (1) violent radicalization, (2) violent events, and (3) aggregate levels of violence. By being more explicit about the types of outcomes one seeks to explain, scholars in this field will hopefully move towards a more unified future research agenda.
There appears widespread consensus that economic downturns and peaks in immigration boost the appeal of populist parties. Economic crises, so the argument typically goes, increase fear and frustration among poor working-class voters. According to this ‘losers of globalisation’ logic, the recent revival of populist parties like One Nation should be attributed the Global Financial Crisis (GFC) and a worsening global refugee crisis. At first glance, this logic seems plausible and intuitive. However, recent research has revealed that populist parties can thrive in times of economic prosperity, and attract large numbers of relatively affluent voters. According to this more recent research, support for populist parties tends to follow a V-curve pattern, with such parties attracting both voters who are ‘doing it tough’ financially (relative deprivation) and voters who enjoy above-average levels of prosperity (relative gratification). In this article, we analyse One Nation's performance in the 2017 Queensland state elections from this new vantage point. Although we did not encounter a clear V-curve pattern, the findings nonetheless confirm earlier research showing that ‘income’ is a poor predictor of One Nation support. Discussion focuses on directions for future research, and urges populism researchers to move beyond a narrow focus on crisis, deprivation, and ‘losers of globalisation’.
Using a new regional database of national and European parliament elections on NUTS 2 level in 28 countries, we test the main theories explaining the electoral support for the European far right. Accounting for differences between the extremist (ER) and populist radical right (PRR), we find evidence in support of both economic insecurity and cultural backlash theses. The ER vote is associated mostly with economic insecurity and the PRR vote mostly with cultural backlash. Whereas micro and macro-level analyses have often produced conflicting results, unemployment, immigration and income inequalities have significant and robust effects at the meso level, indicating that the factors determining the far right vote might at large be operating at a sub-national level. In line with the " contact " and " salience-of-change " hypotheses, the effects of economic insecurity are more pronounced in regions that undergo sudden changes compared to those with high levels of immigration.
This book highlights cyber racism as an ever growing contemporary phenomenon. Its scope and impact reveals how the internet has escaped national governments, while its expansion is fuelling the spread of non-state actors. In response, the authors address the central question of this topic: What is to be done?
Cyber Racism and Community Resilience demonstrates how the social sciences can be marshalled to delineate, comprehend and address the issues raised by a global epidemic of hateful acts against race. Authored by an inter-disciplinary team of researchers based in Australia, this book presents original data that reflects upon the lived, complex and often painful reality of race relations on the internet. It engages with the various ways, from the regulatory to the role of social activist, which can be deployed to minimise the harm often felt.
This book will be of particular interest to students and academics in the fields of cybercrime, media sociology and cyber racism.
In 2015, Europe experienced the worst refugee crisis since the Second World War. Along with terrorist attacks in Europe over the last decade, the refugee crisis has fueled a rise in the popularity of both far-right political parties and extremist groups—such as Finland’s Soldiers of Odin (S.O.O.). The group debuted in late 2015, but quickly spread throughout Scandinavia. The popularity of S.O.O. coincided with a resurgent interest in Viking culture, and new country groups have been reported worldwide. This article explores the contested identity of the Norwegian chapter, Soldiers of Odin Norge (S.O.O.N.), in national news (Norge) and networked spaces (social media). The mediated discourse was analyzed using ethnographic content analysis, with an appreciation for the intertextuality of the ambiguous political rhetoric. We found social media to be an important site for contesting the dominant narrative of ‘vigilante’ identified in the news articles. Drawing from cultural criminology, we further explored the contrast between mediated images, where Viking culture became the symbolic identifier for S.O.O.N., and the collective construction of meaning in the discourse. Finally, we argue that because the group’s identity was forged from, and exists because of, media-related communications, S.O.O.N. could be characterized as a ‘media-based collectivity’ (Couldry and Hepp, 2017).
In order to address the lack of quantitative studies pertaining specifically to contemporary Germanic/Norse Pagans, the following article relates the data and conclusions of a recently conducted research survey on those adhering to the various traditions dedicated to the pre-Christian Germanic/Norse deities. The survey, which garnered just under three thousand respondents, was distributed globally in order to gain a broader perspective of the demographics and beliefs of those identifying as "Heathen." The research served as part of graduate studies anthropological fieldwork conducted at the University of Amsterdam, and includes a diverse range of demographic data as well as philosophical analysis. The approach of the article utilizes a comparative reference format, with the goal of highlighting macro-trends and challenging existing stereotypes. The conclusions drawn from the data dismiss any attempts to simplify or relegate contemporary Germanic/Norse Pagans to ideologies of bigotry or exclusion. Additionally, the demographic portrait of "Heathenry" proves to be anything other than marginal. Instead, the survey results display an eclectic range of backgrounds and beliefs that shape the complexity of Heathen discourse and organization. These results call for a critical re-analysis of those identifying as contemporary Germanic/Norse Pagans, what they believe, and how those beliefs are being presented.
This report was compiled by the Centre for Cultural Diversity and Wellbeing (CCDW), Victoria University, Melbourne, together with the Australian Multicultural Foundation (AMF), Melbourne, commissioned by the State of Victoria, Community Resilience Unit of the Department of Premier and Cabinet.
The Stocktake Report identifies key themes and findings from a systematic literature and selected programs review, as well as critical knowledge gaps and practical recommendations that can guide policymaking, research and program investment and direction.
The systematic research literature review examined research conducted 2011-2015 in order to answer two key questions:
1. What factors influence, lead to, or protect against racial, ethnic or religious exclusivism?
2. How do social cohesion and community resilience address these factors in ways that mitigate socially harmful dimensions of exclusivism such as racism, intolerance and violent extremism?
Racism and Islamist-based violent extremism have emerged as the most prominent themes arising from the literature search. Beyond Australian scholarship, the search yielded research evidence and perspectives from the United Kingdom, European and North American scholarly sources. Many valuable insights and findings from these sources also apply directly to or resonate in the Victorian context. Key themes identified in recent research revolve around:
• Understanding ‘new’ or cultural racism, including Islamophobia
• Violent extremism: causes, influences and protections
• The role of social cohesion in addressing exclusivism
• The role of community resilience in addressing exclusivism
The selected program review involved a combination of electronic database and manual search strategies to identify relevant national and overseas programs designed to redress exclusivism, strengthen social cohesion and inclusion, and counter violent extremism (CVE).
This research report was commissioned by the State of Victoria through the Community Resilience Unit of the Department of Premier and Cabinet in order to assist understanding these complex issues. The research report does not constitute Victorian Government policy.
In 2016, the Victorian Multicultural Commission contracted La Trobe University to produce a study of the 2015 Bendigo mosque protests.
Bendigo attracted international attention from 2014 - 2016 because the regional Victorian city became the site of multiple anti- mosque and/or anti-Islam and anti-racism protests that distilled national debates about safety, security, multiculturalism and Australian identity.
Centred on a planning application for a mosque to service the population, some local people mobilised to protest against the proposed development through formal planning objections and street rallies together with external protestors.
As an invesigation into the events, La Trobe University used two stages of research to identify potential strategies or a model for effectively managing, negotiating and mediating community-based conflict related to urban change in multicultural societies.
In recent years, far-right organisations have formed in response to what they believe to be the threat from the rise of Islam in Australia. Parallel movements have spawned an extensive literature internationally. In this study I investigate this movement in Australia using automated text analysis of all public posts from two of the most popular Australian anti-Islam groups on social media. This approach complements traditional polling methods by offering access to large samples of the spontaneously generated opinions, allowing subjects to speak in their own words. My analysis finds evidence that concerns about terrorism and the perceived political threat from Islam are paramount in these groups’ discussion of Muslims. I conclude by discussing the implications for counter-messaging strategies.
In this article, I use a case study analysis of two white nationalist movements online, in the Australian context, to consider whether the prevalence and everyday uses of social media by white nationalist groups today has impacted on race relations and multiculturalism in Australia 12 years after the Cronulla riots. Social media affordances present a set of conditions that were absent during the 2005 riot, and yet, are today mobilising distinct variants of white nationalism online. Rather than these expressions being locally situated, social media allows these performances to be connected up virtually, extending the white nationalists’ capacity to occupy and terrorise a range of networked public and intimate spaces and influence mainstream political culture. Nonetheless social media affordances, which situate these movements in a virtual ‘ecology of subcultures’ also contributes to their instability and ambivalence, with the uncivil ‘trolling’ practices of online movements undermining broader social goals and contributing to even more extreme and unstable expressions online.
American society has changed dramatically since A Culture of Conspiracy was first published in 2001. In this revised and expanded edition, Michael Barkun delves deeper into America's conspiracy sub-culture, exploring the rise of 9/11 conspiracy theories, the "birther" controversy surrounding Barack Obama's American citizenship, and how the conspiracy landscape has changed with the rise of the Internet and other new media. What do UFO believers, Christian millennialists, and right-wing conspiracy theorists have in common? According to Michael Barkun in this fascinating yet disturbing book, quite a lot. It is well known that some Americans are obsessed with conspiracies. The Kennedy assassination, the Oklahoma City bombing, and the 2001 terrorist attacks have all generated elaborate stories of hidden plots. What is far less known is the extent to which conspiracist worldviews have recently become linked in strange and unpredictable ways with other "fringe" notions such as a belief in UFOs, Nostradamus, and the Illuminati. Unraveling the extraordinary genealogies and permutations of these increasingly widespread ideas, Barkun shows how this web of urban legends has spread among subcultures on the Internet and through mass media, how a new style of conspiracy thinking has recently arisen, and how this phenomenon relates to larger changes in American culture. This book, written by a leading expert on the subject, is the most comprehensive and authoritative examination of contemporary American conspiracism to date. Barkun discusses a range of material-involving inner-earth caves, government black helicopters, alien abductions, secret New World Order cabals, and much more-that few realize exists in our culture. Looking closely at the manifestations of these ideas in a wide range of literature and source material from religious and political literature, to New Age and UFO publications, to popular culture phenomena such as The X-Files, and to websites, radio programs, and more, Barkun finds that America is in the throes of an unrivaled period of millenarian activity. His book underscores the importance of understanding why this phenomenon is now spreading into more mainstream segments of American culture.
The "fringe"—rejected and marginalized ideas and beliefs-has historically been clearly divided from the cultural and political mainstream. However, recent technological developments have weakened the boundary separating them. The Internet and social media have made it possible for fringe ideas to move much more readily into the mainstream. The Trump campaign was accompanied by the massive infusion of fringe motifs including the denigration of ethnic and religious groups; the support of political extremists; and the acceptance of conspiracy theories. As the fringe becomes legitimated by this mainstreaming, the possibilities for violence increase.
Community Action for Preventing Extremism (CAPE) is Australia’s only not-for-profit counter-extremism project focused specifically on preventing a growth in right-wing extremism. By disseminating counter-narratives to extremism through the exitwhitepower.com website and directly engaging with individuals at-risk via social media, CAPE seeks to sow a seed of doubt that will reduce individual’s vulnerability to involvement in the far-right. This paper will outline CAPE’s practitioner experience in developing online interventions to challenge far-right narratives and the advantages of using this method of engagement. The paper will also outline distinctions between traditional white supremacist far-right groups and the increasingly active anti-Muslim groups, which create challenges for CAPE’s work in countering far-right online activity.
Voting for radical right-wing parties has been associated most strongly with national identity threats. In Europe, this has been framed by the radical right in terms of mass-migration and European integration, or other politicians bargaining away national interests. Perhaps surprisingly given the radical right’s nationalist ideology, nationalistic attitudes are hardly included in empirical research on the voting behaviour. In this contribution, we test to what extent various dimensions of nationalistic attitudes affect radical right voting, next to the earlier and new assessed effects of perceived ethnic threat, social distance to Muslims, Euroscepticism and political distrust. The findings show that national identification, national pride and an ethnic conception of nationhood are additional explanations of radical right voting. National identification’s effect on radical right voting is found to be stronger when populations on average perceive stronger ethnic threat.
In June 2016, UK voters decided in a referendum to leave the European Union. This outcome, known as Brexit, is in part the result of the Labour Party’s having abandoned its traditional supporters in the postindustrial urban heartlands of Britain. Meanwhile, the Far Right has revealed its potential to radically disrupt liberal-democratic norms. Cleverly disguised, the racism of the populist right-wing UK Independence Party challenges the taken-for-granted ideals of what counts, at the beginning of the 21st century, as a progressive society. The British political spectrum has shifted to the right, as class politics have been reconfigured into a new form of cultural nationalism. Disorientation is now the postindustrial condition common to UK society
Snook, Horrell, and Horten investigate Heathenry (Germanic reconstructionist Paganism) in an American sociohistorical context in which whiteness is inherently problematic. American Heathens today seem less committed to discussions of indigeneity than in previous decades, but continue to frame Heathenry as a “birthright” for those with Northern European heritage. While championing a cosmopolitan appreciation for the unique religious and cultural heritage of each ethnic group, they reject the cosmopolitan ideals of global community and sameness, simultaneously denying or overlooking their own positions of cultural, social, and political dominance as overwhelmingly white people. Recently, however, the reworking of American Heathen collectivities as “tribal” has led to increasing fragmentation of the greater community, a focus on the local, and the depoliticization of exclusionary practices.
This book is the first comprehensive academic study of German right-wing terrorism since the early 1960s available in the English language. It offers a unique in-depth analysis of German violent, extremist right-wing movements, terrorist events, groups, networks and individuals. In addition, the book discusses the so-called ‘National Socialist Underground’ (NSU) terror cell, which was uncovered in late 2011 by the authorities. The NSU had been active for over a decade and had killed at least ten people, as well as executing numerous bombings and bank robberies. With an examination of the group’s support network and the reasons behind the failure of the German authorities, this book sheds light on right-wing terrorist group structures, tactics and target groups in Germany. The book also contains a complete list of all the German right-wing terrorist groups and incidents since the Second World War. Based on the most detailed dataset of right-wing terrorism in Germany, this book offers highly valuable insights into this specific form of political violence and terrorism, which has been widely neglected in international terrorism research.
This research examines the shifting momentum of Right-Wing Extremism (RWE) in Australia.
The study provides an in-depth assessment of eight of the most active RWE groups in Australia,
through their online presence where they espouse their ideological narrative and propaganda statements.
The phenomenon of New Radical Right (NRR) groups is explored through a three-pronged mixed
method research design. Firstly, a content analysis of core narrative themes contained on websites of
RWE groups; secondly, a thematic analysis of RWE ‘online’ discussion forums; and thirdly, a critical
analysis of Google Trends data on the shifting patterns of popularity of various extremism-related
search terms amongst the general population. A Problem-Solution mapping tool was developed for this
research that quantifies the ‘ideological space’ occupied by different ‘new’ RR groups compared with
‘old’ RWE groups is presented.
The overall findings are that NNR groups pose political and community challenges to the nature
of Australian Society. Moreover, there is evidence of a contest for ideological dominance between
‘old-style’ Right-Wing Extremism groups and ‘new-style’ Radical (Far) Right Extremism groups in
Australia. The ‘online’ forum data and Google trends data confirm this finding. The practical
implications of these challenges and the future directions of this research as well as its limitations are
The article traces the history of racialist Odinism and its differentiation from Asatru, which shares both pantheon and rituals, but which rejects racism or exclusionary beliefs. It includes both archival and field work, including interviews with adherents of both camps.
Aiming to critically review key research on populism, extremism and media, this article examines some definition aspects of populism as a concept, its relation to ‘the people’ and points to future directions for research in mainstream – and social media – the terrain where so much of the political is played out. An individualisation of civic cultures has emerged in tandem with the growth of mediated populism through the use of new technologies, with a tendency towards personalisation in the public domain. While the new technological affordances exemplified by Web 2.0 may have contributed to intensified forms of popular engagement, they have been less successful in promoting democratic values, as shown by the results of the May 2014 European Parliamentary elections. Thus, the question as to the type of publics that are ‘possible and desirable in present circumstances’ (Nolan, 2008: 747) remains valid, for publics can espouse anti-democratic values while nevertheless remaining ‘publics’. The fact that the link between the new media and right-wing extremism has been comparatively explored at greater length than that of a religious bend indicates the need to invest in the latter, especially due to home-bred Islamic terrorism increasingly seen as threatening the multiculturalism of various European societies. Several avenues for research are presented to this effect, with a final reflection on the challenge posed by new media to the concept of media populism, both in terms of the Net’s market logics and the specificity of its architecture.
Despite the Canadian Security Intelligence Service's recent concern with the growing threat from right-wing extremists nationwide, we have little contemporary scholarship on the far right movement in Canada and fewer attempts to systematically analyze their ideologies and activities. Drawing on a three-year study involving interviews with Canadian law enforcement officials, community organizations, and right-wing activists, as well as analyses of open source intelligence, this article examines the endogenous factors that facilitate and inhibit the right-wing extremist movement in Canada. Findings suggest that strengths and weaknesses of the groups themselves can be exploited as a means of debilitating them.
During the weekend of July 4, 1999, Benjamin "August" Smith went on a three-day rampage in Illinois and Indiana, attacking Asians, Orthodox Jews, and African Americans. He left two dead and nine wounded, and then committed suicide. As a former member--conveniently resigning the day before the shootings--of the World Church of the Creator (now officially known as the Creativity Movement), Smith was praised by the leader of the church as "Creator of the Year" for bringing attention to their existence and radical beliefs. Smith's rampage was the first many Americans had heard of this small, previously obscure organization. In this fascinating and comprehensive history of the Creativity Movement, one of the most radical organizations in the history of the American far right, George Michael reminds us that some of the most dangerous radical elements in the United States are home grown.
Right-wing populist parties are thriving across Europe. Their success is usually attributed to demand-side voter factors and
supply-side factors explaining differences in success between countries and parties, such as the role of the media. This study
focuses on the interplay of these factors and adds to the literature on media and political populism by (1) its individual-level
focus, accounting for indirect effects, and (2) the use of an experimental design employing a party cue and two right-wing
populist cues: an immigrant cue and an anti-politics cue. The authors find effects of certain cues on key attitudes driving
right-wing populist support—anti-immigrant attitudes and political cynicism. Furthermore, through these attitudes, the cues
indirectly affect probability to vote for such a party.
The long established distinction between civic nationalism and ethnonationalism is useful heuristically to understand different dimensions of nationalism and perhaps track a movement from ethnic forms to civic allegiances, though some have challenged its empirical veracity and others question the normative implications of such a distinction. This paper demonstrates the ways in which the two are elided in everyday discourses about migrants in Australia. We argue suspicion of cultural difference, identified more than three decades ago as the new racism, has given way to talk of the need for migrants to ‘follow the law’. This serves rhetorically to reinforce the notion that migrants, often implied to overlap with the category ‘Muslims’, are insisting on breaking the law and/or changing it and are therefore culturally incompatible with a modern liberal democracy. We argue that since ethnic nationalism, like racism, is out of favour normatively, ethnic nationalist arguments are now superficially concealed beneath the acceptable language of civic nationalism. The manner in which this occurs is mapped discursively using data from a corpus of twenty seven focus groups conducted around Australia.
This article explored the poetry and religious philosophy of Alexander Rud Mills (1885 – 8 April 1964). It analysed his interpretation of medieval Teutonic religious concepts and considered at the way that those interpretations fitted into current New Age religious movements.
This article reports the results of research into the recent popular phenomenon of flying Australian flags on one’s car for Australia Day. A survey was undertaken in Western Australia in 2011 to ascertain who flies the flag and why. Results indicate the phenomenon was widespread, with a quarter of those surveyed displaying car-flags. A clear relationship between car-flag-flying and exclusionary nationalism is demonstrated. Car-flag-flyers rate more highly on measures of patriotism and nationalism, and feel more negative towards Muslims and asylum seekers, and more positive about the White Australia Policy. They are also significantly more likely to feel their culture and values are in danger, and have a nativist vision of Australian identity. While both groups are positive about Australia’s diversity, car-flag-flyers are more likely to feel that migrants should assimilate. The results support other literature that suggests that in some contexts the Australian flag has come to be associated with exclusionary nationalism.
Racist paganism is a dynamic but understudied element of the American religious and cultural landscape. "Gods of the Blood" is the first in-depth survey of the people, ideologies, and practices that make up this fragmented yet increasingly radical and militant milieu. Over a five-year period during the 1990s Mattias Gardell observed and participated in pagan ceremonies and interviewed pagan activists across the United States. His unprecedented entree into this previously obscure realm is the basis for this firsthand account of the proliferating web of organizations and belief systems combining pre-Christian pagan mythologies with Aryan separatism. Gardell outlines the historical development of the different strands of racist paganism-including Wotanism, Odinism and Darkside Asatru - and situates them on the spectrum of pagan beliefs ranging from Wicca and goddess worship to Satanism. "Gods of the Blood" reveals the trends that have converged to fuel militant paganism in the United States: anti-government sentiments inflamed by events including Ruby Ridge and Waco, the rise of the white power music industry (including whitenoise, dark ambient, and hatecore), the extraordinary reach of modern communications technologies, and feelings of economic and cultural marginalization in the face of globalization and the increasing racial and ethnic diversity of the American population. Gardell elucidates how racist pagan beliefs are formed out of various combinations of conspiracy theories, anti-semitism, warrior ideology, populism, beliefs in racial separatism, Klandom, skinhead culture, and tenets of National Socialism. He shows how these convictions are further animated by an array of thought selectively derived from thinkers including Nietzche, historian Oswald Spengler, Carl Jung, and racist mystics. Scrupulously attentive to the complexities of racist paganism as it is lived and practiced, "Gods of the Blood" is a fascinating, disturbing, and necessary portrait of the virulent undercurrents of certain kinds of violence in America today.
In recent years more and more studies have pointed to the limitations of demand-side explanations of the electoral success of populist radical right parties. They argue that supply-side factors need to be included as well. While previous authors have made these claims on the basis of purely empirical arguments, this article provides a (meta)theoretical argumentation for the importance of supply-side explanations. It takes issue with the dominant view on the populist radical right, which considers it to be alien to mainstream values in contemporary western democracies – the ‘normal pathology thesis’. Instead, it argues that the populist radical right should be seen as a radical interpretation of mainstream values, or more akin to a pathological normalcy. This argument is substantiated on the basis of an empirical analysis of party ideologies and mass attitudes. The proposed paradigmatic shift has profound consequences for the way the populist radical right and western democracy relate, as well as for how the populist radical right is best studied. Most importantly, it makes demand for populist radical right politics rather an assumption than a puzzle, and turns the prime focus of research on to the political struggle over issue saliency and positions, and on to the role of populist radical right parties within these struggles.
‘Speaking’ racism is the explicit use of the terms racism and anti-racism, rather than more palatable or ‘positive’ alternatives. To address racism, using the language of racism and anti-racism is critical, as it acknowledges the presence of racism and, in doing so, overcomes denial. Dispositions to speaking racism and anti-racism are positioned within the historical context of racism and the discourse of tolerance in Australia. Interviews with individuals working in local anti-racism in two sites were the primary data source for exploring dispositions to the language of racism and anti-racism. Reticence to speak racism was prevalent, largely driven by fear of inducing defensiveness and sensitivity to the highly emotive nature of racism. A similar ambivalence around the term anti-racism was found, in line with the ‘positive turn’ in anti-racism policy. Alongside this discomfort, some local anti-racism actors recognized the role that speaking racism could play in challenging denial.
Chapter 1 Introduction: Powerful Medicine Chapter 2 The Unfolding Response to the Sacred Chapter 3 Religion's Violent Accomplices Chapter 4 Violence as a Sacred Duty Chapter 5 Militants for Peace Chapter 6 Reconciliation and the Politics of Forgiveness Chapter 7 Religion and Conflict Transformation Chapter 8 Religious Human Rights and Interreligious Peace Building Chapter 9 Ambivalence as Opportunity
Cities are indeed places of everyday racism, experienced as ethnocentrism, prejudice and ethnic-based hatred. Drawing on an Australia-wide telephone survey of respondents' experiences of 'everyday' racism in various contexts, conducted in 2006, we examine forms of racist experience, as well as the contexts and responses to those experiences for Sydney, Melbourne and Perth, Australia's main immigrant-receiving cities. Results show that between 1 in 10, and 1 in 3 respondents, depending on their background and situation, experience some form of 'everyday' racism. However, this particular aspect of urban incivility is shadowed by everyday good relations. There is what might be called a 'geography of cultural repair' and cultural maintenance within the cosmopolitan city. There is strong support for anti-racism policy. Where action is taken in response to racism, it is determined by everyday confrontations and attempts at direct reconciliation. Formal complaints and reports are much rarer forms of anti-racism. In this paper, we advocate a pragmatic on-going, agonistic politics of cultural exchange and tolerance.
Post September 11 migration has increasingly been framed as a security problem. In the 2010 Australian election campaign migration was connected to security (defence of our borders, terrorism and social cohesion) and to related issues of insecurity about the future (population size, sustainability and economic growth). This framing of migration as a national issue conceals the reality that migration to Australia is part of the global largescale flow of population. This paper seeks to analyse the ‘security turn’ in migration debates in Australia and the North. It argues that the securitisation of migration signifies the transformation of security from the problem of producing national order to the problem of managing global disorder. The relationship between securitisation and the production of order are explored through firstly examining domestication and securitisation of Muslims and Islam in Western states as a strategy for their management as transnational categories of risk and secondly, the transnational management of populations as ‘hypergovernance’, the ability of some states to intervene in and shape other states and societies as a neo-imperial project through military action, humanitarian relief, religious and secular NGOs, economic aid, development assistance, education, religious evangelism and radicalism. The paper argues that the securitisation of migration in the twenty-first centuary is very likely to intensify.
Does the local organisational presence of anti-immigrant parties affect their chances for electoral success? In order to answer this question, the article explores the potential of a supply-oriented explanation to anti-immigrant party success by examining the electoral advancements the Sweden Democrats (SD) made in the 2006 and 2010 elections. Our results indicate that traditional demand-side explanations to anti-immigrant party success can be successfully complemented by an ‘internal supply-side argument’ to make the electoral fates of these parties more intelligible. Whether the SD had a local organisational presence had a substantial effect on its results in the national election and on the probability of gaining representation in local councils. Thus, the party’s fate in the national as well as local elections was largely determined by whether or not it had a local organisational presence in Swedish municipalities.
Embracing populist rhetoric, an anti-immigration platform and the reversal of the Islamization of western societies, several European extreme right parties have attracted numerous votes over the past two decades. This trend is particularly visible in Austria, where the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) and the Alliance for the Future of Austria (BZÖ) won almost a third of all votes nationwide in 2008. What explains this outpouring of popular support for the Austrian extreme right? Using pooled time-series analysis of all 121 administrative districts (Bezirke) for all post 1990 general elections as well as all 43 political districts (Regionalwahlkreise) for the same period, we examine eight district-level structural indicators, which are commonly associated with extreme right-wing support: center right vote, turnout, unemployment, number of foreigners, population density, percentage of single parent households and a dummy variable for Carinthia, as well as the vote for the moderate left. We find that the extreme right gains are related to the poorer performance of center parties (especially the right) and, to a lesser degree, high voter turnout. Geographically, the extreme right support is highest in more rural areas that have fewer immigrants and high social cohesion.
The issue of racist violence appeared in the Australian media and politics in mid-2009 following a spate of attacks on international students in Melbourne and Sydney. The racist aspect of these attacks was downplayed, authorities describing them as ‘opportunistic’ and a ‘regrettable fact of urban life’. The denial of racism is a familiar hallmark of contemporary racism; for some scholars, it is a defining criterion of what has been called the ‘new racism’. But the denial of racism around the attacks on Indian international students also had an economic imperative. Negative media coverage within India posed a substantial threat to the AUS$18.6 billion international education export market, with potential students and sponsors becoming concerned about their security should they elect to study in Australia. Data from the Challenging Racism project provide compelling evidence on the racist context of the attacks. The Indian media and politicians maintained an outraged position on the attacks, affecting student interest in Australia. And as the substantial economic costs became clearer, Australian governments came to more openly acknowledge a racist element to the attacks, also hinting at structural issues regarding community relations and attitudes which required policy attention.
This article engages with the systematic analysis of two main dimensions of political opportunities—namely institutional opportunities and discursive opportunities—so as to appraise their impact upon claim-making in the field of Islam. We account for cross-national variations of claim-making in terms of (1) visibility of Muslims, (2) use of collective action, and (3) salience of cultural issues in five main European countries of Muslim settlement, that is Britain, France, Germany, the Netherlands, and Switzerland. In addition, we propose a conceptual framework that tackles a crucial conundrum that one finds in the scholarly literature, namely the variable (dis)alignment that may exist between the restrictive/expansionist stance of institutions and policy actors on the one hand and the restrictive/expansionist discursive position that prevails in the public domain on the other hand. Emphasis is also placed on a number of unexpected findings, such as the divergence between Britain and the Netherlands, the not so universalistic approach of French republicanism, and the small steps that Germany has walked towards multiculturalism.
This article discusses the importance of separate women's organizations in militant groups of the far right. The analysis suggests that the existence of a separate women's group has not only enhanced the respect the members feel for themselves and each other, but has been successful in eliciting greater respect from their male counterparts, resulting in the women receiving greater responsibility in the organization. The article is based on participant observations and on interviews with activists in the militant far‐right underground in Norway. It assumes that the need for separate women's organizations in the rightist underground reflects a pre‐existing dissatisfaction with conditions and opportunities for females in a highly male‐dominated environment.