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Urban park crime: Neighborhood context and park features
Abstract
This work examined the determinants of park crime, drawing together into one conceptual frame three threads from community criminology - community demographic structural crime determinants; community cultural crime determinants, focusing specifically on social cohesion; and park features that are potentially crime and/or disorder relevant. Generalized structural equation models using data for 249 urban parks and their surrounds show: in the preferred model of disorder crime two aspects of nearby crime, and community social cohesion, both drive park crime; in the preferred model of violent crime, one aspect of nearby crime, community socioeconomic status, and one park feature, security fencing, all shape park crime. Implications for several domains within community criminology merit mention.
... Thus, these analyses do not determine if parks increase the risk of crime compared to other places in cities but demonstrate what characteristics of these places are associated with more crime compared to other parks. There is little research on how the micro-level physical site features of urban parks (i.e., sports fields and pools) impact crime and one of the few studies conducted by Taylor et al. (2019) reports mixed findings on the effectiveness of these measures. ...
... McCord and Houser (2017) extended this study to an additional city finding that increases in park features such as athletic fields and night lighting led to less reported levels of crime. Further, Taylor et al. (2019) expanded the analysis to include additional ecological characteristics across two hierarchical levels of analysis. Kimpton et al. (2017) conducted a similar analysis to Taylor et al. (2019) but focused on a larger number of greenspaces in Australia. ...
... Further, Taylor et al. (2019) expanded the analysis to include additional ecological characteristics across two hierarchical levels of analysis. Kimpton et al. (2017) conducted a similar analysis to Taylor et al. (2019) but focused on a larger number of greenspaces in Australia. In both aforementioned studies, findings suggested that nearby levels of crime, neighborhood social characteristics, and certain site features such as fencing all influenced crime at parks. ...
There is much interdisciplinary research on the relationship between urban parks and crime but very little understanding of why some parks experience more crime compared to other parks. This study integrates ecological perspectives to examine crimes reported to the police during the COVID-19 pandemic. We use open data sources to observe the environmental context and physical site features of 110 parks in Charleston, SC. Our findings suggest site features of parks (e.g., playgrounds and restrooms) have a cumulative effect on crime. Both physical and social environmental variables influence why some parks become “risky facilities.” As city planners embrace greening and other climate-friendly solutions to transform urban communities, research needs to further assess the impact of these policies on crime.
... Thus, the relationship between greenspaces and crime is uncertain. Research reflects this uncertainty, with some studies finding these environments to be associated with higher levels of crime, and others finding the opposite (Boessen & Hipp, 2018;Breetzke et al., 2020;Groff & McCord, 2011;Kimpton et al., 2017;McCord & Houser, 2017;Taylor et al., 2019). Recognizing that the term greenspace refers to many different place types, researchers have pointed to the importance of considering the greenspace type when examining the relationship between these spaces and crime (Eybergen & Andresen, 2022;Kimpton et al., 2017;Shepley et al., 2019). ...
... The term greenspace refers to areas "synonymous with nature" and encompasses a number of different place types including neighborhood parks, forests, gardens, and vegetated areas (Shepley et al., 2019, p. 5120). Due to the broad nature of the term, studies often attempt to narrow this focus, either by breaking greenspaces up into types based on specific features (such as those with playgrounds) or by focusing solely on one type (such as parks; Breetzke et al., 2020;Groff & McCord, 2011;Kimpton et al., 2017;McCord & Houser, 2017;Taylor et al., 2019). ...
... A recent study centered on the Canadian city of London, Ontario, produced results in line with this premise, identifying that while most park types are protective in nature and are associated with lower risks of property crime in surrounding areas, regional parks attract a large crowd of non-local residents and are found to have a positive relationship with property crimes (Eybergen & Andresen, 2022). Thus, current research on greenspaces reflects these theoretical conflicts, with some studies finding that greenspaces are not associated with crime and others finding a strong relationship (Boessen & Hipp, 2018;Breetzke et al., 2020;Eybergen & Andresen, 2022;Groff & McCord, 2011;Kimpton et al., 2017 Shepley et al., 2019;Taylor et al., 2019). ...
Greenspaces play an important role in the urban landscape, with prior research suggesting that they are associated with numerous health and social benefits for residents. Despite this, research conflicts regarding the relationship between greenspaces and crime, with some studies finding these locations to be criminogenic and others finding them to be protective against local crime. This study examines this relationship in Portland, Oregon, considering different greenspace types as well as different crime types. Further, this study presents a novel methodological adaption to measure crime concentration and specialization around discrete location types by integrating a street network buffer into the standard Location Quotient (LQ) metric. Results suggest that Portland’s greenspaces as a whole do not experience a concentration of crime; however, varying patterns emerge when examining different greenspace and crime types. This study identifies diverse crime concentrations in proximity to small parks, while finding other greenspace categories to be associated with crime-specific concentrations nearby. Others, still, have lower than expected counts of crime concentrating nearby, potentially demonstrating protective trends. These results highlight the importance of disaggregating both crime and location types to better understand the complex relationship between greenspaces and crime.
... Recreational facilities such as sports fields with benches for spectators can promote organized activities. Features like benches and sitting areas can drive natural surveillance, and playgrounds for toddlers can attract more children with their parents which can increase guardianship (Taylor et al., 2019). ...
... Clumped grassy areas were widely found in well-manicured, large-sized urban parks in Chicago. Those parks have active recreation facilities (e.g., sports fields) with benches that bring spectators and organize sports activities as it increases natural surveillance (Taylor et al., 2019). ...
During past decades, much progress has been made to elucidate the relationship between the quantity of urban green space and crimes, but less is known about how their spatial distribution is associated with crimes. Therefore, this study aims to understand how the composition and configuration of urban green space are related to crimes in metropolitan cities in the United States. Our study performed landscape analysis using 756 census tracts for violent crimes and non-violent crimes in Chicago from 2017 to 2021 while controlling socioeconomic status. Spatial lag models showed that tree canopies were negatively associated with crime rates, while grass areas were positively associated with crime rates. In terms of the spatial distribution, there were more crime incidents in irregularly shaped green spaces compared to reguraraly shaped green spaces. On the contrary, disconnected tree canopies were more likely to have lower crime rates. Aggregated (i.e., a single large) also tended to have less crime rates. The results of our study provide some evidence of the role of the spatial distribution of urban green space on crimes and shed light on the ways to reduce crimes through effective urban green space planning
... In that sense, studies have noticed that the above-discussed inverse relationship between crime and green areas may not occur when vegetation is dense and low, because it creates concealment areas [44]; when visibility is limited, for example, when trees obstruct views from windows [45]; when parks are ill-maintained and designed, for example, without proper lighting or facilities [42]; or when the area increases [32]. Kim and Hipp [60] found higher crime levels in street segments around parks, and Kimpton et al. [42] and Taylor et al. [61] observed that the sociodemographic context of the surrounding neighbourhoods could influence crime patterns in green areas. Because they may be larger public areas attracting a vast amount of people, informal social control and natural surveillance do not occur homogenously throughout the space [39]. ...
... Furthermore, at this stage, control variables have not been considered to account for the potential co-variates that certainly influence the density of criminal occurrences, be they socio-economic, morphological, or environmental. As Weisburd et al. [21] affirmed, spatial units are also relevant social systems, and their variability needs to be tackled at a micro-scale, as socio-urban contexts influence patterns observed in surrounding green areas [42,61], as do physical features and environmental quality [46]. And greenspaces themselves have different characteristics, so generalizations cannot be directly made [44], as confirmed by this initial analysis. ...
In post-pandemic, climate-changing societies, the presence of urban greenspace assumes paramount functions, at the same time that socio-economic crises and shocks augment vulnerabilities and insecurities. The recent literature on environmental criminology argues that the geography of crime is not random, and that the presence of greenery, due to its impact on well-being and the environment, can have positive associations with feeling safe; although the opposite effect can occur if spaces are not properly designed or maintained. In this paper, the case study of Porto, Portugal, is presented; one of the municipalities with higher crime rates, that also pledged to double the available greenspace in the near future. As a way to support decision-making, the aim of this study was to present an overall exploratory diagnosis of how street crime patterns, of different typologies, spatially co-exist with greenspaces. Using a 10-year street crime dataset at the segment level, descriptive quantitative methods with the support of GIS have been applied to plot crime’s spatial distribution over time, as well as the walking accessibility to greenspaces. The results confirm crime’s geographical non-randomness, with distinct categories occupying specific locations, even though there was a consistently proportional distribution in the different distance bands. On the contrary, the cumulative effect of the proximity to greenspaces was variable. Almost half of the city’s street crimes (46%) were within a 5 min walking distance of greenspaces, but they were much closer to smaller inner-city urban gardens, with higher densities of street crimes (hot spots), than to larger municipal parks, where lower densities (cold spots) were seen.
... Greenspace is part of that built environment and is loosely defined as parks, open grass-covered areas, tree canopy, and or vegetation (Taylor et al., 2019), and it has benefits to physical, mental, and social wellbeing (Dawson et al., 2019;Foster et al., 2017;Kondo et al., 2018;Yang et al., 2021). ...
... These findings are consistent with other studies exploring the complexities of place-based relationships (Burrows et al., 2018;Chen et al., 2020;Hunter et al., 2019;Irvine et al., 2013). The studies identified in this review did not address the potential "dark side" of greenspace, whereby urban greenspace becomes a venue for illicit behavior and crime (Kimpton et al., 2017;Shepley et al., 2019;Taylor et al., 2019). This may account for the quality and safety concerns mentioned and should be considered in future research. ...
Purpose
The purpose of this integrative review was to explore how adolescents and young adults used the social determinant of the built environment, specifically greenspace, as a potential point of intervention to address overall well‐being, specifically mental health symptoms.
Method
The approach used strategies described by Whittemore and Knafl. Peer‐reviewed, published research articles in English were identified using electronic databases CINAHL, PubMed, and EMBASE. Seventeen research reports using qualitative or quantitative methods with adolescents and young adults. Each article was evaluated for quality using a critical appraisal tool by Hawker et al. Data were analyzed and then synthesized using the Matrix Method.
Findings
Three themes related to the purpose and aims were extracted: elements of greenspace, activity variation, and amenities. All themes shared a common element of quality, which influenced the perception of safety and greenspace use.
Discussion
The science of urban greenspace and adolescent‐young adult well‐being is still relatively new. Public health nurses can incorporate social determinants of health, such as the built environment in research, to understand how greenspace is to be used as an alternative health strategy to possibly reduce mental health symptoms and improve well‐being.
... The authors suggest these findings may be the result of the huge variety of greenspaces and argue that differentiation by greenspace is needed to unpack how each type of space may influence opportunities for crime and disorder. Taylor et al. (2019) found in a recent study that community cohesion and crime in the surrounding neighborhood impacted "disorder crime" within parks with a large sample of urban parks. In this study, disorder crime was operationalized as "narcotics distribution or possession, prostitution, gambling, public intoxication, underage consumption, loitering, and vandalism" (Taylor et al., 2019, p. 3). ...
... First, our results highlight the importance of developing an understanding of collective efficacy and disorder that extends outside the neighborhood into the larger community, to include parks, schools, and community centers. In fact, prior research has called for this expansion of research to include other environments (see Gau, 2014;Gibson et al., 2002;Swatt et al., 2013;Taylor et al., 2019). There is some research that indicates these associations may differ by context. ...
Although past research has investigated collective efficacy, disorder, and fear of crime in neighborhoods, less is known about the role of these concepts in other contexts. The current study investigates the links between collective efficacy, fear of crime, and perceived disorder. Data is drawn from a sample of city park users in a mid-sized U.S. Southeastern city. Results indicated that perceptions of disorder were significantly associated with higher levels of collective efficacy, while greater levels of fear and experiencing victimization while in a park were associated with lower levels of collective efficacy. Findings indicate that perceptions are crucial when examining disorder, fear, and collective efficacy. Policy implications are discussed including suggestions on how to reduce fear levels and build collective efficacy. Future research should continue to look at collective efficacy in other environments beyond the neighborhood context and across more cities.
... To explore the impact of urban spatial environments on crime, researchers have employed various analytical models, such as risk terrain modeling (RTM) (Caplan and Kennedy 2010), hierarchical linear models (Burley 2018), structural equation models (Taylor et al. 2019), discrete choice models (Marchment and Gill 2019), and regression models (Bowers 2013;Sohn 2016). Among these, regression models are one of the primary tools used to investigate the relationship between environmental characteristics and crime (Ratcliffe 2012;Wang et al. 2016b;Chen et al. 2017). ...
Exploring the impact of urban spatial environments on crime is a key topic in environmental criminology. Geographic big data provide solid support for environmental crime analysis at a micro-scale, especially the points of interest (POIs) and street view images (SVI). These data have also been used to explore the effects of urban facilities and street perception characteristics on crime. However, although urban facilities and street perception characteristics are not independent regarding their influence on crime, existing research often overlooks the interaction between these two features in their impact on crime. This study therefore aims to explore the joint effects of urban facilities and street perception characteristics on crime incidents. First, combinations of urban facilities representing spatial scenes of crime are discovered based on POIs. Then, street perception characteristics of the urban spatial environment are obtained based on SVI and deep learning techniques. On this basis, a quantitative framework for micro-scale urban spatial environments is constructed by integrating urban facilities and street perception characteristics. Finally, the geographically weighted regression model is used to explore the joint influence of urban facilities and street perception characteristics on crime. The experimental results show that the impact of urban facilities on crime incidents is greater than that of street perception characteristics. The influence of the same street perception characteristic on crime incidents varies depending on the type of urban facilities. Complex interaction effects are observed between urban facilities and street perception characteristics on crime.
... On the other hand, people from lower socioeconomic backgrounds may live in areas with higher crime rates [47]. CPTED principles are essential for these people to alleviate their security concerns [48]. Effective CPTED principles to reduce crime can lead to a more positive perceived level of safety among users in these areas [44]. ...
While urban greening is an effective adaptation strategy for building resilient cities, socioeconomic factors and individual perceptions of urban parks play a significant role in enhancing their safety and inclusiveness. Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED) is a widely recognized approach for enhancing safety in urban public spaces. However, existing research has largely overlooked the impact of socioeconomic factors and interpersonal needs on shaping perceptions of safety. Baitashan Park is Located in Lanzhou City, Gansu Province, China. It is an iconic urban park with significant cultural and recreational value. Despite the park’s popularity, it faces challenges such as uneven accessibility, maintenance discrepancies, and perceived safety concerns, especially among users from the lower socioeconomic status (SES) group. This study examines how SES and interpersonal needs affect the relationship between CPTED principles and perceived safety. Our findings reveal that interpersonal needs significantly mediate the impact of CPTED on perceived safety, with SES playing a moderating role in both the direct and indirect effects. Specifically, the influence of CPTED on perceived safety through interpersonal needs is more pronounced for individuals with higher SES, while the direct effect of CPTED on perceived safety is also stronger for users with higher SES. These results suggest that the effectiveness of CPTED principles can be enhanced by considering the interplay between socioeconomic status and interpersonal dynamics. This study underscores the importance of adopting a holistic approach to urban park design, integrating environmental, social, and economic factors to promote safety, inclusivity, and well-being for all park users.
... (3) 500-1000 feet to capture the environment that is about two city blocks away from the outlet, and (4) 1000-1500 feet to capture the area that is about three city blocks away from the outlet. We used these buffer distances based on prior studies (Groff & McCord, 2012;Grubesic & Pridemore, 2011;McCord & Houser, 2017;Taylor, Haberman & Groff, 2019) and because an average street block in Milwaukee is about 500 feet in length, based on our measurements of the street file data. These buffers allowed us to determine whether firearm violence decreases as a function of increased distance from the outlet. ...
... Based on his experience in the United States, Paulsen (2013) highlights that there is a belief prevalent among these professionals that crime is influenced by a multitude of factors, with the environment often perceived as playing only a peripheral role. For instance, when designing a park or residential complex, the primary focus might be on aesthetics or maximising units and attractiveness to the paying user of the space, with little thought given to how design choices could deter or facilitate criminal activity (Taylor et al. 2019). When planning a shopping mall, the goal might be maximising areas for profit without thinking about the effect of crowdedness in particular places or the crime attractor/ generator potential (Ceccato et al. 2018;Ceccato and Tcacencu 2018;Savard and Kennedy 2014). ...
In this article, we discuss the role of urban planning professionals in situational crime prevention. We begin by examining their role as city “shapers” and the reasons behind their frequent neglect of crime-related factors in their decision-making process. We also explore why criminology tends to underestimate the influence of urban planning professionals on the urban environment, a factor crucial for effective crime prevention. To highlight the disconnection between urban planning and crime prevention, we present findings from a survey conducted with urban planners and safety experts in 290 Swedish municipalities. The article concludes with future research and practice recommendations, stressing the urgent need for improved communication and collaboration between urban shapers and environmental criminologists and a more comprehensive understanding from all parties involved.
... Beyond their primary function places such as parks, transport stations and shops provide opportunities for social interaction, sense of community and belonging to develop (Felder & Pignolo, 2018;Zahnow et al., 2021). Despite the social and functional benefits of public places evidence shows that popular public places like shopping malls (Ceccato et al., 2018) and parks (Marquet et al., 2020;Taylor, Haberman, & Groff, 2019) can also be generate crime (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1993a). Crime generators are places that bring large numbers of people together to engage in everyday legitimate activities but in doing so generate opportunities for crime to occur (Brantingham & Brantingham, 1995). ...
... Other confounding influences of surroundings on facilities and crime may be common. Boessen and Hipp (2018) and Taylor et al. (2019) posit that the characteristics of areas around parks influence crime within them. In short, findings about land use and crime may be sensitive to which area characteristics researchers include in their analysis, how well those characteristics are measured, and how the researchers specify their analytic models. ...
One of the most facts about crime is that it concentrates at a few proprietary places: addresses, facilities, and land parcels. Do these crime-places radiate crime into their surroundings? Intuitively, crime radiation seems likely. And it may come in three forms: radiation from facilities that do not contain crime but make their environments crime-prone (cold dot radiation); radiation from facilities containing a great deal of crime (hot dot radiation); and radiation from places containing consensual illegitimate activity that direct offender foraging (veiled dot radiation). If radiation is common, then addressing crime-provoking places is essential for crime reduction. But researchers (with one exception) have not addressed crime radiation directly. There are three bodies of research which may provide indirect evidence of radiation: 1) the land use and crime research; 2) the near repeat victimization studies, and 3) the diffusion of crime control benefits research. We conducted narrative reviews of each to determine if radiation is likely. Each review shows evidence consistent with crime radiation. But each review reveals uncertainty about whether it is radiation or something else creating the findings. We conclude by offering a set of hypotheses for direct tests of the radiation conjecture. ***OPEN ACCESS ARTICLE - DOWNLOAD HERE: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2024.101955
... To explore the impact of urban spatial environments on crime, researchers have employed various analytical models, such as risk terrain modeling (RTM) (Caplan and Kennedy 2010), hierarchical linear models (Burley 2018), structural equation models (Taylor et al. 2019), discrete choice models (Marchment and Gill 2019), and regression models (Bowers 2013;Sohn 2016). Among these, regression models are one of the primary tools used to investigate the relationship between environmental characteristics and crime (Ratcliffe 2012;Wang et al. 2016b;Chen et al. 2017). ...
Flows can reflect the spatiotemporal interactions or movements of geographical objects between different locations. Measuring the spatiotemporal autocorrelation of flows can help determine the overall spatiotemporal trends and local patterns. However, quantitative indicators of flows used to measure spatiotemporal autocorrelation both globally and locally are still rare. Therefore, we propose the global and local flow spatiotemporal Moran's I (FSTI). The global FSTI is used to assess the overall spatiotemporal autocorrelation degree of flows, and the local FSTI is applied to identify local spatiotemporal clusters and outliers. In the FSTI, to reflect flow spatiotemporal adjacency relationships, we establish flow spatiotemporal weights by multiplying the spatial and temporal weights of flows considering spatiotemporal orthogonality. The flow spatial weights include contiguity‐based (considering first/higher‐order and common border) and Euclidean distance‐based weights. The temporal weights consider ordinary and lagged cases. As flow attributes may follow a long‐tail distribution, we conduct Monte Carlo simulations to evaluate the statistical significance of the results. We assess the FSTI using synthetic datasets and Chinese population mobility datasets, and compare some results with those of recent flow‐related methods. Additionally, we perform a sensitivity analysis to select a suitable temporal threshold. The results show that the FSTI can be used to effectively detect spatiotemporal variations in the autocorrelation degree and type.
... Mullenbach [24], Triguero-Mas [25], and Zhang [26] argued that urban parks have a positive value in land development (green) gentrification (gentrification) and have become social healers of social space. Nazmfar [27], Sezavar [28], and Taylor [29] tested the spatial association between urban park characteristics and crime based on GIS and generalized structural equation modeling, revealing the impact of environmental variables such as park size, class, features, guardrails, vegetation distribution, and density on crime. Schwartz [30] and Scopelliti [31] measured the well-being benefits of urban parks in the United States and Colombia using Twitter and questionnaire data. ...
Planners need to fully understand the quantity of land supply and its matching relationship with population demand, as these are prerequisites for urban greenspace planning. Most papers have focused on single cities and parks, with little attention paid to comparative analysis between multiple cities on a macro scale, ignoring the influence of spatial effects and leading to a lack of basis for regional green infrastructure planning. This paper selected 102 cities in Hunan province as case studies to comprehensively conduct empirical research using the spatial mismatch model and the geographically weighted regression method. The urban parkland in Hunan province are characterized by significant spatial heterogeneity and correlation, and the mismatch between land supply and population demand should not be ignored, with oversupply and undersupply co-existing. The urban parkland and its mismatch with population are influenced by a number of factors, and each factor has a stronger influence on the latter than the former. Different factors vary widely in the nature and intensity of their effects, and the dynamics are more complex. Economic development, financial capacity, and air quality are key factors, with the former having a negative impact and the latter having opposite (positive) effects. We suggest that when the government allocates land resources and targets for urban parks, it should formulate a differentiated allocation plan based on the supply and demand conditions of each city; besides, it should also place emphasis on regional integration and coordination and support mutual cooperation.
... The neighbourhood and built environment are critical social determinants of health (SDOH), including mental health (Jennings & Bamkole, 2019). Greenspace is part of the built environment and is loosely defined as parks, open grass-covered areas, tree canopy and or vegetation (Taylor et al., 2019), and it has benefits to physical, mental and social well-being (Bezold et al., 2018;Dawson et al., 2019;Foster et al., 2017;Kondo et al., 2018). ...
Introduction
Greenspace is beneficial for improving adolescent mental health, yet healthcare professionals still do not understand the connection between the built environment and subjective mental well‐being. We also need to understand how this population uses greenspace and how they feel when in it.
Aim
The aim of this qualitative study was threefold: to understand why adolescents use greenspace, to identify how they use greenspace and to explore how they feel when they are in greenspace.
Design
Focused ethnography.
Methods
Data were collected between June 2022 and August 2022 using participant observation, photo elicitation and semi‐structured interviews. Braun and Clarke's (2006) six phases of thematic analysis were used to guide data collection and analysis.
Results
A total of 11 adolescents between ages 12 and 18 who resided in and around Newark, NJ, were recruited. Three themes were identified from the data: (1) A tranquil space in an unsafe place; (2) Park means family connection with burgeoning independence; and (3) My park: Sense of ownership and responsibility.
Conclusions
This study deepens the understanding between subjective mental well‐being and urban greenspace exposure. Adolescents accepted responsibility for maintaining “my park”, which strengthens community cohesion, detailing the importance of youth input during urban planning.
Implications for Practice
Implications from this study suggest that environmental interventions may help ameliorate an ongoing mental health care crisis among adolescents. Healthcare providers should consider the built environment as another approach to promoting mental health.
Patient or Public Contribution
None other than research participants.
... Park security is essential for users' comfort as users mostly require a feeling of freedom from anxiety and worry, both from crime and accident aspects at the park. Crime in parks is influenced by the social cohesion of communities and park features (Taylor et al., 2019), while security in parks is a high priority in fitting the needs of an inclusive park (Chang et al., 2012). In this indicator, park security can be divided into security from the criminal and accident aspects. ...
Urban Park is a green open space in the form of social facilities that play an essential role in improving the quality of life of urban communities. This study aims to determine the categories of urban park services that can fit the community needs in Semarang City, Indonesia, covering locations of observation: Simpang Lima Park, Indonesia Kaya Park, Pandanaran Park, Banjir Kanal Barat Park, and Sri Gunting Park. Data were obtained by using a semi-open questionnaire from 100 park users. The analysis process used a scoring technique and hypothetical score category. The results showed that urban park services were in the “medium’ category. It can be seen from the assessment of 17 ideal urban park variables, dominated by the “medium” category (335<=X<397). They are completeness of the facilities, quality of facilities, types and the number of trees, suitability of the distance between spaces, park cleanliness conditions, clean air quality, wind, and sun direction orientation, parks’ use for social interaction, and users’ interest to promote the parks. These results indicated that urban park services were not yet maximum in fitting the community needs. This study is expected to be used for evaluation and input for future urban park planning.
... In addition, the choice of facilities with too much plastic in the space can also lead to a risk of microplastics being inhaled by children [24], the above being factors caused by the environment of the activity space. Smaller pocket parks also have the potential to increase the opportunity for conflict due to the concentration of play facilities, such as strangers from different communities who may have a negative impact on children due to cultural differences [25]. ...
Urbanization is a global trend that is expected to continue, and by 2025, it is estimated that almost 60% of the world’s children will live in urban areas. Urban community pocket parks provide a solution to the need for parks in high-density urban communities due to their flexible location, small size, and patchy distribution. This paper aims to examine and optimize the construction of urban community pocket parks from a child’s perspective to encourage children’s participation in these parks. The first step was to conduct a literature review to identify key evaluation indicators for assessing the child-friendliness of pocket parks. Then, the AHP-entropy TOPSIS approach was used to establish an indicator system to effectively evaluate the child-friendliness of pocket parks in urban communities. The system included physical space, cognitive ability, emotional development, environmental perception, and social interaction. Finally, suggestions for optimization were made based on the weighting of influencing factors. The results show that freedom of movement (6.2%) significantly affects the child-friendliness ratings of community pocket parks. Additionally, Hefei residents are not sufficiently influenced by the diversity of play (2.29%) and play facility planning (2.58%) in pocket parks. Therefore, consideration should be given to focusing on the degree of nature adaptation in park construction and renewal projects, as well as understanding children’s perception of nature.
... The longer the time spent with neighbours, the lower the frequency of burglary, motor vehicle theft, and robbery (Bellair, 2010). The neighbourhood hypothesis asserts that the high crime rate is due to a lack of informal social control, that is, crime is made easy by the risk of no resident intervention (Taylor, 2019). Some researchers emphasize the role of social disintegration, i.e. the disappearance of informal social relations can reduce the level of collective effectiveness of communities, and thus make communities insecure (Ray 2011). ...
Gated communities are considered a way of living that provides privacy and security. Existing research has mostly focused on subjective emotional judgments such as fear of crime, while it is unclear whether communities with different degrees of closure have avoided insecure incidents. Taking six communities and 649 questionnaires in Changsha, China as study cases, we analyze the relationship between community closure and community security. The results show that not gated communities but open communities are the safest, while semi-gated communities are the least safe. It is confirmed that community security is regardless of being gated. One possible explanation for this is the joint effect of ‘dual security scenarios’. This means that the living communities’ security is not only rooted in the construction of a safe physical space, but also depended on a humanistic atmosphere with informal relations and residents’ safety awareness, providing natural surveillance possibilities.
... Res. Public Health 2022, 19, 15504 3 of 20 of visitor usage patterns and desired improvements in community parks in Jinan City or in any other region of China. Our study is formulated to fill the gap of knowledge in this area through the following questions: (a) Who uses community parks? ...
Urban community parks have significant benefits for city residents, both physical and spiritual. This is especially true in developing countries, such as China. The purpose of our study is to describe the current situation of the community parks in five main districts of Jinan City while recognizing features of the community parks that influence usage patterns. Our study also means to determine the desired improvements of visitors that promote access to and use of community parks on the basis of the Chinese context. We conducted a survey among 542 community park visitors and obtained valid responses. The findings of respondents show that community parks are mostly used by people over 55 years (34.7%) and children under 10 years (23.6%). The main motives for using community parks are for exercise (24.2%) and to socialize with others (21.6%). The majority of respondents (65.7%) rated the community park as satisfactory and considered only a few improvements needed. Regarding the desired improvements, numerous respondents mentioned adding more physical training facilities (13.3%) and activity areas (7.6%), as well as emergency call buttons in areas frequented by children and older people (7.6%). Furthermore, most of the respondents (79.9%) indicated that they would like to use the community parks more frequently if there is additional progress to make the parks more attractive, cleaner, and friendlier. These results can help park designers, government agencies, and community groups to provide the planning and design strategies for community parks to promote their upgrading in China.
... For the model-based strategy, observations are used to fit the predefined models (e.g. hierarchical linear model (Burley, 2018), structural equation model (Taylor, Haberman, & Groff, 2019), discrete choice model (Marchment & Gill, 2019) and regression models (Chen, Liu, Xiao, Xu, & Long, 2020). Particularly, regression analysis models are widely used to investigate relationship between crime counts and candidate influencing factors. ...
Assessing the effect of street built environment on crime occurrence is a hot research subject in environmental criminology, which also plays an important role in crime prevention or even urban planning. Recent development in emerging geotagged big data (e.g., the street-view images) makes it possible to quantify the influence of street built environment on crime. However, previous studies have often neglected the multiscale problem in exploring the association between environmental features and crime occurrence. Therefore, in this study, a multiscale analysis method was proposed to quantitatively study the influence of street built environment on crime occurrence using street-view images. Firstly, inspired by the theory of crime prevention through environmental design, we established a multiscale descriptive framework for environmental features with simultaneous consideration of the physical features and scene perception of street built environment. Then, a multiscale geographically weighted regression model was used to explore the spatial scale of influence for different streetscape features on crime occurrence. Experimental results indicated that the proposed method could reflect the difference of the spatial scale of various environmental features on crime, thereby uncovering the association between environmental features and crime occurrence with better accuracy. This study may enrich the theory in environmental criminology, and it provides useful insights for crime prevention through urban streetscape design.
... Equitable UGS distribution helps promote the healthy development of cities and mitigate health inequalities, an essential part of environmental justice (Garrison, 2018;Rigolon & Németh, 2019;Sugiyama et al., 2016;Taylor et al., 2019;Wang & Lan, 2019). Recently, studies have explored UGS equity with different political and economic backgrounds or different characteristics of population distribution. ...
Urban green space (UGS) plays an essential role in sustainable urban development and is closely related to public health and human well-being. The inequity of UGS violates environmental justice and threatens the life quality of residents. Although previous studies have examined UGS distribution and the disparity between social groups, they seldom consider the spatial heterogeneity of the UGS inequity for the vulnerable. To find out which vulnerable groups are suffering the insufficiency of UGS resources and to identify the specific spaces with severe UGS inequity in the context of high-density cities, this study employed a geographically weighted regression (GWR) approach to investigate the spatial relationship between UGS availability and neighborhood vulnerable socio-economic variables in Guangzhou, China. Results showed that the older adults, less-educated population, immigrants, and households with a living area below 50m² in more than half of the neighborhoods in Guangzhou were suffering UGS inequity. These neighborhoods were detected spatially and had different spatial agglomeration characteristics. Based on this, the UGS inequity level of each neighborhood was comprehensively evaluated so that we can identify the spaces facing serious UGS inequity issues that should be paid attention to in future UGS system planning and policymaking.
... Well-maintained public parks, and those with one or more of fencing, lighting, playing fields and some sort of security show lower crime levels in adjacent areas than poorly maintained parks or those lacking basic facilities (Groff and McCord, 2012;Kimpton et al., 2017). The nature of the surrounding areas also influences the pattern and extent of crime (Boessen and Hipp, 2018;Taylor et al., 2019). Studies that have found elevated crime levels in or adjacent to parks interpret it as parks providing vantage points to observe adjacent properties as well as attracting visitors who represent potential targets for criminals. ...
Assumptions about the link between green space and crime mitigation are informed by literature that overwhelmingly originates in the Global North. Little is known about the association between green spaces and crime in the Global South. We utilized 10 years of precinct-level crime statistics (n = 1152) over South Africa, a global crime hotspot, to test the hypothesis that green space is associated with reduced crime rates. We found that, after controlling for a number of socio-demographic confounders (unemployment, income, age, education, land use and population density), for every 1% increase in total green space there is a 1.2% (0.7 to 1.7%; 95% confidence interval) decrease in violent crime, and 1.3% (0.8 to 1.8%) decrease in property crime, with no effect on sexual crimes. However, the direction of the association changed for property crimes when exploring the effect of green space characteristics including tree cover and park accessibility. Property crimes increase by 0.4% (0.1 to 0.7%) with a percentage increase in tree cover, and by 0.9% (0.5 to 1.3%) with every kilometer increase in proximity to a public park. Further research, including experimental studies, is needed to better isolate causal mechanisms behind crime-green space associations, especially considering that green space may map to race and income inequality and that there may be more crime reporting in affluent areas. Nevertheless, our results provide a complementary contribution to the evidence from the Global North, highlighting the need for more nuanced definitions of green space and its characteristics when considering links to crime. When viewed in light of the broader suite of ecosystem services provided by green space, our results support urban greening as a major strategy towards achieving just and sustainable cities and towns.
... Parks usually serve as destinations for dog-walkers [158,111], whose pets may be perceived as a threat to other park users [159,160,161,162,163,164]. Some conflicts may arise between users focused on different activities, e.g. dog walkers and people using open spaces for sports at the same time [165,166]. Additionally, free-living wild or semi-wild animals (such as birds, rats, bats, mice, squirrels or other small mammals) might be perceived negatively by people [167,168]. ...
The objective of this study was to investigate how gender differentiates the perception of safety in urban parks. Gender was recognized in relation to selected, most important factors providing a sense of security classified into 6 groups: visibility, technical condition, cleanliness, external protection, other park users, and mobility facilities, in order to identify those of them which are significant for women as a group considered to be more insecure in public spaces than men. Survey questionnaires were administrated to a sample of randomly selected park users in Poland (N = 394; men and women) asked to indicate the importance of particular factors in the context of perceived safety. The results showed statistically significant differences in the perception of safety between groups of male and female respondents in the case of more than a half of the factors. This knowledge is crucial for designing more inclusive urban parks, so that they can meet the needs and expectations of both male and female users.
... On the contrary, on the basis of the feedback results, only setting municipal buildings at the end of the neat townhouse area increases the crime rate at the corner of the block, while the impact on crime distribution of adding small public activity spaces, such as squares or parks, is completely different from the general situation. Even though, under normal circumstances, the corners of urban parks tend to become areas where crime is concentrated, the limited size of the public activity spaces in the samples may reduce the crime rate (Taylor et al., 2019). From these results, it can be observed that the influencing factors of crime rate are complicated and that the specific impact of parks of different sizes and placements on different planning types still needs real-time feedback from the model generated by the neural network. ...
As the impact of crime on the lives of residents has increased, there are a number of methods for predicting where crime will occur. They tend to explore only the association established between a single factor and the distribution of crime. In order to more accurately and quickly visualize and predict crime distribution in different neighborhoods, and to provide a basis for security planning and design by planning designers, this paper uses GAN neural networks to build a prediction model of city floor plans and corresponding crime distribution maps. We take Philadelphia as the research sample, use more than 2 million crime information of Philadelphia from 2006 to 2018 to draw the crime hotspot distribution map, and collect the corresponding map of Philadelphia, and train the model for predicting the crime rate of the city with more than two thousand sets of one-to-one corresponding images as the training set. When the training is complete, a floor plan can be fed directly to the model, and the model will immediately feed back a hotspot map reflecting the crime distribution. Using the untrained Philadelphia data as the test set, the model can accurately predict crime concentration areas and the predicted crime concentration areas are similar to the concentration areas considered in previous studies. With the feedback from the model, the city layout can be adjusted and the crime rate can be greatly reduced when the simulated city planner tunes into the city plan. In addition the ideas in this paper can be applied as a set of methodologies to predict other relevant urban characteristic parameters and visualize them.
... These elements configure defensible spaces (Newman, 1972(Newman, [1996)-zones designed and organized to reduce the probability of the commission of crimes and avoid the emergence of risky places (Zahnow & Corcoran, 2019). For instance, some park features such as security fencing can decrease crime, violence, and disorder (Taylor, Haberman, & Groff, 2019). ...
This research article seeks to identify how the type of land use affects the number of robberies and burglaries in Mexico City. Also, it searches for the factors that promote and prevent these crimes in urban settlements, specifically at the neighborhood level in two places: street and home, which are public and private spaces. We run a log-linear ordinary least squares regression model, and some of the results are interesting. With slight differences in the significance of the control variables, it can be inferred that neighborhoods with a predominantly mixed land use tend to concentrate higher rates of street robbery (violent and nonviolent) but lower rates of home burglaries. Additionally, our model’s evidence suggests that public transport stops, public schools, convenience stores, clandestine garbage dumps, and bars and restaurants are attractors of pedestrian robbery; meanwhile, convenience stores are detractors of home robberies and burglaries. Against what many studies suggest, the variable of pawnshops per square kilometer had no statistically significant effect on any robbery or burglary rate.
... Parks not only differ in the number or quality of amenities they provide, but also in the neighborhood or area within which they reside. Recently, Boessen and Hipp (2018) and Taylor et al. (2019) found that blocks/neighborhoods with parks had higher crime rates than those without, but importantly, that the impact of a park was (in part) an artifact of the "broader socio-spatial context" within which the park was placed (Boessen and Hipp 2018, 186). In the context of parks, the three theories converge to explain this result. ...
Cities promote the distribution of more and better greenspaces across their urbanized areas. These spaces are not, however, well received in all quarters, and a particular category of greenspace, the public park, is often lamented for its relationship with crime.his has been found true of parks, but little has been done to disaggregate the impact of park types or their location within the city. This study conducts such an investigation to identify the effects of different types of parks and to identify any differences of those effects across space. After accounting for the unique socio-economic and demographic circumstances of different areas within a particular Canadian city, London, Ontario, it is found that only very few parks are connected with higher rates of property crime.
... In contrast, blocks with or near private schools of any type were not associated with higher levels of crime and blocks near public elementary schools were associated with fewer burglaries. Analyzing disorder INLOW -7 of 18 within parks, Taylor et al. (2019) found that disorder was significantly shaped by nearby crime and neighborhood social cohesion. Violent crime within parks was significantly affected by park security fencing as well as nearby crime. ...
This paper provides a comprehensive review of space‐ and place‐based criminology, with a focus on the relationship between crime, the built environment, land use, and/or physical geography, through sociological and critical geography lenses. An historical overview of major criminological and spatial theories and contributors is presented before examining the current state of the field. In honor of critical geography's goal to be “a people's geography,”¹ this paper aims to be an accessible overview of space‐ and place‐based criminological research, especially for readers who are unfamiliar with these topics.
... Dla kontrastu, w porze nocnej, przebywa tutaj zdecydowanie mniej odwiedzających, a co za tym idzie nadzór społeczny jest niewystarczający. Poziom zagrożeń w parkach został określony także w zależności od jego typu (raczej trawiasty, czy bardziej zadrzewiony) oraz liczby i rodzaju urządzeń aktywizujących odwiedzających (Groff, McCord 2012;Boessen, Hipp 2018;Matijosaitiene et al. 2019;Shepley et al. 2019, Taylor, Haberman, Groff 2019. ...
The article presents the spatial distribution of environmental crime predictors, valuation of the impact of these factors on local security conditions and spatiotemporal patterns of crime within space of the Stare Bałuty housing estate in Łódź. The purpose of this study was to recognize the impact of spatial distribution of crime predictors on the pattern of urban crime. The main conclusion from this research is that the city space is diverse both in terms of identified crime predictors and the sites of committed offences. It turned out
that the distribution patterns of these two phenomena overlap to a large extent, and that there is a tendency to concentration of crime in the immediate surroundings of the identified crime predictors.
... Additionally, decisions on whether to commit a crime are made more easily and quickly with high blood alcohol content (Roncek, Bell 1981;Roncek, Maier 1991;Gruenewald et al. 2006;Day et al. 2012;Toomey et al. 2012;Snowden 2019). The impact on the distribution of crime was proven also in case of: parks (Groff, McCord 2012;Boessen, Hipp 2018;Matijosaitiene et al. 2019;Shepley et al. 2019;Taylor, Haberman, Groff 2019), football stadiums (Ristea et al. 2018), public transport stops (Ceccato, Uittenbogaard 2014;Matijosaitiene, Stankevice, Velicka 2016), schools (Roncek, Faggiani 1985;Yue et al. 2017) and many others. The possibility of predicting what kinds of actions may be conducted in the vicinity of other forms of land use and when was also described (Lin, Yen, Yu 2018;Matijosaitiene et al. 2016). ...
The article refers to various studies on the creation of safe spaces as well as works on the influence of land-use on the distribution of crime in urban space. The goal of the study is to identify places and facilities which constitute a potential threat to safety and impact the spatial distribution of crime. An analysis of relationships between various types of crime predictors and the spatial distribution of crimes at the address-level has also been made. The most important conclusion drawn from the study is that the distribution of crime predictors strongly impacts the presence of crime in their direct vicinity and this influence on crime gradually lessens as the distance increases. The influence of such crime predictors as honeypots and public facilities on attracting crime as well as movement predictors and conflicts of land use on repelling crime was determined.
... In addition, researchers have relied on previous research findings (e.g., Groff 2011;Haberman et al. 2013;Groff and Lockwood 2014;Oh et al. 2019;Taylor et al. 2019;Tillyer and Walter 2019). Insofar as multiple buffer sizes are evaluated, this approach can take on an exploratory nature. ...
Objectives: The current study develops a methodology to identify spatially relevant
buffer sizes for micro-place evaluation research. It applies this methodology in an
examination of the causal impact of demolitions on crime in Detroit, Michigan.
Methods: We utilize Ripley’s bivariate K-function to guide our choice of buffer size. We
select a buffer size as the distance at which the examined spatial features exhibit
significant sustained attraction prior to the introduction of the intervention. We argue
that buffers that are identified in this way capture the spatial relationship between
environmental features and are therefore better-suited to capture the actual impact of
the treatment on crime. We apply this knowledge in a synthetic control design that
estimates the citywide effect of demolitions on disaggregated crime outcomes.
Results: With the exception of burglaries, we find fairly limited evidence of a strong,
consistent effect of demolitions on crime. The largest negative effects were observed in
the immediate months following demolition. Overall, the considerable uncertainty of our
estimates suggests that the effect of demolitions may not be consistent across all
neighborhoods.
Conclusions: At the very least, demolition programs may help temporarily reduce
burglaries in areas immediately around demolition sites. However, additional crime
reductions gains may be possible if demolition efforts are coupled with complementary
crime prevention approaches that focus on the restoration of vacant land. We hope
future micro-place evaluation research will use and expand upon our buffer size
selection protocol to help improve how places are understood and captured.
... Berg and Jeong-Yoo [12] showed that the equilibrium crime rate was stable whenever the broken window policy targeted the lowest among multiple equilibrium crime rates. Taylor et al. [13] examined the determinants of park crime by drawing together threads from community criminology into one conceptual frame. H. Wang et al. [1] observed that performance in crime rate inference significantly improved when employing the geographically weighted regression on top of the negative binomial model (GWNBR) and this outperformed the negative binomial model. ...
Objectives: Crime is one of the most important social problems, affecting public safety, children's development, and adult socioeconomic status. The NORDIC model was applied to reduce the crime rate. Methods: The NORDIC model was adapted to crime prevention. The approach was tested in a realistic case study on the crime rates in Sweden. Results: Governments obtained a tool to monitor, manage, and evaluate criminality. Law enforcement authorities and politicians could also use the tool to redesign the crime policy. The model produced constructed shadow costs to induce economic incentives to reduce the crime rate. The model considered the public's awareness of the crime. Conclusions: This paper introduced a practical, economic instrument for improved management of the crime rates. The NORDIC model reduces the Swedish crime rates and its danger to health as well as to raise the public's awareness of crime issues.
... User participation has been noted for its particular effectiveness in urban settings [89] and provides opportunities for community members to coalesce around common goals. Community cohesion is a primary predictor of reductions in violent crime [90]. ...
Can the presence of green space in urban environments reduce the frequency of violent crime? To ascertain the evidence on this topic, we conducted an in-depth literature review using the PRISMA checklist. The search parameters included US articles written in English and published since 2000. More than 30,000 potential paper titles were identified and ultimately, 45 papers were selected for inclusion. Green spaces typically comprised tree cover, parks and ground cover. Criminal behaviors typically included murder, assault, and theft. The majority of the research reviewed involved quantitative methods (e.g., comparison of green space area to crime data). We extracted multiple mechanisms from the literature that may account for the impact of green space on crime including social interaction and recreation, community perception, biophilic stress reduction, climate modulation, and spaces expressing territorial definition. Recommendations are made for future research, such as meta-analysis of existing data and the development of grounded theory through qualitative data-gathering methods. By providing evidence that access to nature has a mitigating impact on violence in urban settings, city governments and communities are empowered to support these interventions.
Purpose
This study examines how crime varies across Los Angeles census tracts, emphasizing two key neighborhood characteristics: (1) greenspace as a feature of the physical environment and (2) social disconnection as a measure of resident interaction.
Methods
We employ negative binomial regression models to assess the effects of greenspace and social disconnection on violent and property crime. Greenspace is measured using two indicators: the percentage of tree canopy and the percentage of grass within census tracts. These measures are analyzed alongside social disconnection and additional neighborhood characteristics.
Results
Findings indicate that both tree canopy and grass are associated with lower counts of violent and property crimes. In contrast, social disconnection does not demonstrate a significant relationship with either crime outcome. Additionally, the crime-reducing effect of tree canopy is most pronounced in neighborhoods with high levels of poverty, highlighting the role of socioeconomic conditions in shaping its impact.
Conclusion
The findings support routine activities theory and opportunity perspectives, as greenspace effects—most notably for tree canopy—were not only statistically significant but also substantial compared to other common predictors of crime. Given its crime-reducing potential, policymakers may consider greenspace as a strategy for “designing out crime” through urban planning.
Environmental criminology and urban planning literature acknowledge the link between neighborhood permeability and crime patterns, yet consensus eludes discussions about the precise impacts of population mobility. In this study, we enhance permeability measurement by detailing the direction of population flow through fine-scale mobility data analysis on the census tract level for outflow and inflow measurements. We collect and analyze the relationship between mobility flow and crime incidents, including aggravated assault, burglary, motor vehicle theft, and robbery in Houston during 2019. Our findings indicate a positive correlation between population outflow and inflow and all crime types examined while controlling for other factors. Notably, the effect of population outflow surpasses that of population inflow across all crime models. In line with existing literature, we observe a positive association between concentrated socioeconomic disadvantage, residential instability, and crime risk in the study area. Drawing on insights from environmental criminology theories, especially routine activity theory and social disorganization theory, this study contributes to the existing literature by enhancing the measurement of travel mobility and its directions under community permeability. The results provide insight into how population mobility influences crime resilience with fine-scale geographic patterns. The findings underscore the importance of distinguishing between direction-specific measurements when considering environmental permeability within crime-place research models.
Firearm violence is a leading cause of morbidity and mortality among young men in the US. While an association of alcohol availability with violence is well established, the mechanisms through which it operates are unclear, and the role of alcohol availability in firearm violence specifically is less often studied. In this study we examined the effects of off-premises alcohol outlet characteristics on firearm violence in their immediate environs in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. Firearm violence was 1.5–3 times higher in areas near off-premises retail alcohol outlets, with levels on the higher end of the range when outlets possessed certain characteristics, specifically graffiti, greater foot traffic, loitering, or younger clientele. Examining alcohol outlet characteristics provides insight into mechanisms driving the alcohol-violence association and may aid in harm reduction.
Sexual crime is a critical global social problem. There remains a critical knowledge gap concerning whether and to what extent sexual crimes in public outdoor spaces can be influenced by landscape morphology of green spaces. This missing knowledge hinders the effective use of green spaces to reduce sexual crimes in these public settings. To address this issue, we collected a dataset comprising 5,155 cases of sexual crimes that occurred in public outdoor spaces in the United States from August 2021 to July 2022. A random forest model was employed to examine the statistical relationships between landscape morphology and sexual crimes. Additionally, we utilized the Shapley Additive Explanations (SHAP) model to quantify the interaction effects of landscape morphology with socioeconomic and demographic characteristics. This study yields three key findings: (1) Both the proportion and configuration factors of landscape morphology may significantly influence the sexual crime probability. (2) The relationships between landscape morphology and sexual crimes are nonlinear, and threshold values for the satisfactory dose and the preferred dose of green spaces can be identified. (3) There are significant interaction effects between landscape morphology with socioeconomic and demographic characteristics, emphasizing the importance of prioritizing green space interventions in socioeconomically disadvantaged areas. Lastly, through summarizing the findings of this study and previous research, we propose the Landscape-Sexual Crime Model (LSCM), which advocates for further research to explore effective strategies for using green spaces to reduce sexual crimes.
Objective : to identify the level of crime in urban greenspaces and their correclation with certain crime types.
Methods : dialectical approach to cognition of social phenomena, allowing to analyze them in historical development and functioning in the context of the totality of objective and subjective factors, which predetermined the following research methods: formal-logical and sociological.
Results : greenspaces play an important role in the urban landscape, with prior research suggesting that they are associated with numerous health and social benefits for residents. Despite this, research conflicts regarding the relationship between greenspaces and crime, with some studies finding these locations to be criminogenic and others finding them to be protective against local crime. This study examines this relationship in Portland, Oregon, considering different greenspace types as well as different crime types.
Scientific novelty : this study presents a novel methodological adaption to measure crime concentration and specialization around discrete location types by integrating a street network buffer into the standard Location Quotient (LQ) metric. Results suggest that Portland’s greenspaces as a whole do not experience a concentration of crime; however, varying patterns emerge when examining different greenspace and crime types. This study identifies diverse crime concentrations in proximity to small parks, while finding other greenspace categories to be associated with crime-specific concentrations nearby. Others, still, have lower than expected counts of crime concentrating nearby, potentially demonstrating protective trends. These results highlight the importance of disaggregating both crime and location types to better understand the complex relationship between greenspaces and crime.
Practical significance : the main provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in scientific, pedagogical and law enforcement activities when considering the issues related to minimizing crime on the territory of urban green spaces.
The article was first published in English language by Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society and The Western Society of Criminology Hosting by Scholastica. For more information please contact: CCJLS@WesternCriminology.org
For original publication: Hodgen, Ch., & Wuschke, K. (2023). The Grass is Always Greener: Analyzing Crime Concentration and Specialization in Urban Greenspace Environs. Criminology, Criminal Justice, Law & Society, 24(1), 19–37.
Publication URL: https://ccjls.scholasticahq.com/article/73940-the-grass-is-always-greener-analyzing-crime-concentration-and specialization-in-urban-greenspace-environs
Statement of the problem. 311 call data are replacing on-site assessments as a popular alternative metric to gauge urban streetblock conditions, including physical incivilities like litter, trash and rubbish. Work to date, however, has not yet established the ecological construct validity, and thus the meaning, of streetblock 311 call counts for specific physical incivilities. The current work gauges this validity over time. Procedures. Philadelphia open source geolocated 311 data (35,055 streetblocks within all of Philadelphia’s 45 neighborhoods) were combined with streetblock litter scores from two open source on-site assessments made by trained city raters. Following the Hawley/Bursik change framework, this work examined connections between ecological discontinuities in 311 streetblock litter call counts and later ecological discontinuities in on-site litter assessments. Results/implications. Earlier 311 litter call count shifts connected positively albeit modestly to later assessed litter shifts. Nevertheless, so too did earlier call count shifts in a theoretically unrelated category. For this physical incivility, and perhaps others, category-specific streetblock call count shifts have demonstrated some modest convergent predictive validity, but not discriminant predictive validity. This is the first theoretically aligned, streetblock-level ecological change analysis linking 311 calls about a specific physical incivility to a specific corresponding on-site condition. Neighborhood spatiotemporal inequalities surfaced.
Whilst some land uses are highly criminogenic, others remain largely free of crime. This patterning is a reflection of the types and timing of daily activities that take place in a given land use and the opportunities that this presents for crime. While the criminology literature has developed a rigorous understanding of geographic component of crime, relatively less emphasis has been placed on the temporal dimension. Here, we address this through applying a technique to examine micro-temporal variations in crime at places. This technique adopts a factor approach to model hourly counts of crime across seven land use types (commercial, residential, parkland, agricultural, medical/hospital, industrial and education) to unveil the number and distribution of crime signals across a 24-hour period along with how these signals mix across each land use type. Results reveal clear and distinct differences between crime type and land use, highlighting the diurnal nature of crime patterns and speak to the literature on risky places and risky times. The utility of our approach lies in its capacity to delineate common temporal rhythms and how these rhythms are shared across different land use types.
Objectives
Researchers have long studied the persistence of violence and aggravation from disorder to violence in communities. Recently this work has begun to consider how these phenomena might operate simultaneously at multiple geographic scales. We examine the role of neighborhoods, streets, and addresses in these phenomena, presenting and assessing a five-part typology for cross-scale interactions.
Methods
We calculated six measures of physical disorder, social disorder, and violent crime from administrative records for all parcels (i.e., addresses) in Boston, MA, for 2011–2016. Multilevel models used these measures to predict public violence and gun-related events in the following year at all three geographical scales and with cross-scale interactions.
Results
Persistence was common at all scales. Aggravation from disorder to crime was greatest for addresses. Nearly all significant cross-level interactions involved addresses. The most common interactions were reinforced persistence, when persistence of violence at an address was reinforced by violence in the street or neighborhood; and mediated persistence, when persistence at a higher geographic scale operated through addresses with disorder.
Conclusions
The study suggests that action is greatest at addresses, but streets and neighborhoods offer critical context. It also provides a framework for future work assessing the complementarity of communities and places.
Urbanization and ageing are the two main processes currently shaping the social environment worldwide. In this context, creating senior friendly cities should be an important target, especially in developed countries, which have the highest rates of population over 60 years old. Our study focuses on the use of urban parks and aims to analyze how friendly their planning, design, and use are for elderly people. We used field observation carried out in four case study parks in Bucharest (Romania) to assess the spatial planning and design of urban parks, and to identify the environmental problems. We applied a total of 5752 questionnaires (16% to elderly people) in the majority of Bucharest’s parks in order to analyze the behavior and perception of seniors in contrast with that of the general population. The analysis highlighted the lack of endowments especially planned or designed for seniors and the multiple problems deriving from their interaction with other visitor groups which make them feel disrespected or unsafe. Our study highlights the need for including the needs, demands, and desires of elderly people in decision making processes, with the aim of creating inclusive and senior friendly parks.
Crimes are created by the interactions of potential offenders witb potential targets in settings that make doing tbe crime easy, safe and profitable (see, e.g., Clarke, 1992; Brantingbam and Brantingbam, 1993a and 1993b; Felson, 1994). Eear of crime is created by situations and settings tbat make people feel vulnerable to victimization (see, e.g.. Fisher and Nasar, 1992a and 1992b; Nasar and Eisher, 1992 and 1993; Brantingbam et al., 1995). Tbe urban settings that create crime and fear are human constructions, tbe by-product of tbe environments we build to support the requirements of everyday life: homes and residential neighbourhoods; shops and offices; factories and warehouses; government buildings; parks and recreational sites; sports stadia and theatres; transport systems, bus stops, roadways and parking garages. The ways in which we assemble tbese large building blocks of routine activity into tbe urban backclotb can have enormous impact on our fear levels and on tbe quantities, types and timing of tbe crimes we suffer. Although criminologists bave argued this point in various ways for at least a hundred years (e.g., Eerri, 1896; Burgess, 1916; Shaw and McKay, 1942; Jeffery, 1971; Brantingham and Brantingham, 1993a and 1993b) it is only recently tbat large multipurpose municipal data bases, in conjunction with police information systems, have begun to make it possible to actually explore bow the juxtaposition of land uses and transport networks shapes the backcloth on whicb crime occurs. Tbis paper attempts to set out some of the next steps in understanding the construction of tbe backcloth and its effects on crime. Tbe model that will eventually emerge should provide us with a planning tool tbat will
This article reviews the current status of the concept of Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED). It provides an overview of its history and origins and defines how it is commonly understood and conceptualized. Globally, CPTED is an increasingly popular crime prevention strategy supported by governments all over Europe, North America, Australia, and New Zealand, as well as in Asia and South Africa. This review inspects some of the evidence associated with CPTED and provides a detailed overview of the main criticisms facing this field.
Research addressing the link between crime and parks has primarily focused on fear of crime with limited empirical research verifying or denying a crime-park relationship. This article examines the results of two nearly identical studies examining the relationship between neighborhood parks and crime, in two very dissimilar cities, Philadelphia, PA and Louisville, KY. These cities vary greatly in size, population density, median income, per cent minorities and per cent living in poverty, among other factors. Findings of the studies, which are grounded in theories of environmental criminology, show that neighborhood parks are associated with increased crime levels in their immediate surroundings. In addition, although characteristics of parks significantly related to crime levels in each city vary somewhat, findings clearly demonstrate the underlying importance guardianship plays is explaining the criminogenic nature of neighborhood parks.
Research on IUU fishing has identified the importance of ports of convenience as facilitators of IUU fishing activities. These types of ports allow IUU fishing vessels to offload their illegal catch undetected and transfer it via other methods to target destinations and into international markets. No study to date has explained what port characteristics make them attractive to IUU fishing vessels. Applying the risky facilities framework, this study empirically tests ports’ traits that facilitate vessel entry and offloading of illegal catch. A total of 120 ports visited by IUU fishing vessels are studied for measures of regulation of behavior and degree of enforcement activity occurring within their jurisdiction. Additionally, country-level characteristics are examined. Policy recommendations are devised to inform change in place management practices and to discourage IUU fishing activities.
Crime has gone down, but fear remains high. This high fear level indicates that the recent hard-hitting policy focus on crime and gang suppression is not sufficient to calm public fears. Fear-of-crime researchers have developed four theoretical perspectives grounded in social disorganization theory to explain fear on the basis of environmental factors other than crime. These perspectives are similar in their focuses on urban community factors as key elements, but they differ in how they construct the thought processes of individuals who are afraid. This study uses qualitative data from focus groups conducted in 1997 in Santa Ana, California, to describe in residents’own words how they think about gang crime and their reasons for being afraid. It confirms that each theoretical perspective on fear of crime is important and shows how each of them is connected to the others in the thoughts of these residents.
Sellers and buyers of illicit goods and services (e.g., drugs, sex, stolen merchandise, stolen and illegal firearms) must find ways of meeting each other and making exchanges in order to get the rewards they seek. However, they also risk having their money or illicit goods stolen by others or being apprehended by the police. There are two strategies that participants in illicit markets can use to balance risks and rewards. First, they can sell only to people they know or to people who know people they know. This substantially reduces the risk of being arrested or ripped-off, but it restricts sales and buying opportunities. Second, they can sell to strangers. For the seller, this approach provides access to more customers. For the buyer, this approach allows shopping. Nevertheless, it increases participants' risks of arrest and rip-off. The two strategies to marketing illicit goods and services result in very different geographical patterns of retail marketplaces, the types of places used and the relationship of illicit retailing to licit routine activities. The general model of the geography of illicit retail market places explains these two strategies and why they give rise to very different results. Data from a study of drug markets in San Diego, CA show the plausibility of the general model Implications for prevention, control, displacement and re- search on illicit retail markets are discussed.
This article is an area study on the hypothesis that violent crime is linked to a subculture of violence, social disadvantage, or land uses such as rental, retail/office/commercial, or public/institutional property. Rates and types of reported violent crimes are related to neighborhood characteristics available through U.S. Census data and the county planning commission's geographical information office. The research design called for the geocoding of 26,467 violent reported crimes, which were aggregated by census block group. Variables in the analysis of these spatial units include frequency and characteristics of reported violent crimes, rates of violent crime, indicators of social disadvantage, housing types, housing values, and land use. Analysis employed multiple regression, with simple assault, aggravated assault, homicide, and robbery as the dependent variables. Variables helpful in the prediction of violent crime rates were also placed as map layers on data maps. Results indicate that assault in neighborhoods is associated with social disadvantage and the land uses of retail/office/commercial and public/institutional. Robbery is associated with recreational, retail/commercial/office, renter, and public/institutional land uses. Both percentage of renters and percentage of African Americans fail to predict violence when controlling for social disadvantage. Implications concern issues of theoretical criminology related to routine activities theory, the southern regional subculture of violence, and social disorganization theory. Land use planning and crime are also discussed.
Drawing on Jacobs’s (1961) and Taylor’s (1988) discussions of the social control implications of mixed land use, the authors explore the link between commercial and residential density and violent crime in urban neighborhoods. Using crime, census, and tax parcel data for Columbus, Ohio, the authors find evidence of a curvilinear association between commercial and residential density and both homicide and aggravated assault, consistent with Jacobs’s expectations. At low levels, increasing commercial and residential density is positively associated with homicide and aggravated assault. Beyond a threshold, however, increasing commercial and residential density serves to reduce the likelihood of both outcomes. In contrast, the association between commercial and residential density and robbery rates is positive and linear. The implications of these findings for understanding the sources of informal social control in urban neighborhoods are discussed.
Using data collected from an inner-city Philadelphia neighborhood, we explore street block-level relationships between land use, physical deterioration, resident-based control, and calls for police service. We hypothesize that land use is a key factor influencing both resident-based control and physical deterioration and that these, in turn, are related to calls for service. Analyses show that the presence of storefronts is the strongest determinant of calls for service for crime and noncrime problems. Physical deterioration and resident-based control are less influential. In accord with our hypotheses, land use influences resident-based control and deterioration. It appears that land use and physical deterioration influence different aspects of resident-based informal control. Also, not all dimensions of resident-based control relate to police activity. Results underscore the importance of clarifying which specific dimensions of land use, deterioration, and resident-based control influence crime-related outcomes.
Several hypotheses have been proposed to explain why some bars generate more crime than others. Using data gathered from bars in Cincinnati, Ohio, we find little support for the hypothesis that high crime bars are simply the product of high crime neighborhoods. To explain the unequal distribution of violence across drinking establishments, we propose a model that recognizes crime as an outcome of place manager decision-making. This model explains how managers create environments that suppress or facilitate violence through business-related choices. Implications of the model for understanding crime distributions, conducting future research, and extending current theoretical frameworks are discussed.
Even by their simple presence, people can discourage crime from happening at specijic times and places. Such direct-contact discouragement can occur when "guardians" keep an eye on potential crime targets (Cohen and Felson, 1979), or when "handlers" do the same for potential offenders (Felson, 1986). Eck (1994) adds a third type of discouragement role: "man- agers" who monitor places. Eck presents the routine activity approach as two triplets, with potential offenders, targets, and places monitored by guard- ians, handlers, and managers, respectively. Clarke (1992) notes the varying degrees of responsibility for discouraging crime. His ideas are adapted to current purposes, listing four steps of crime discouragement. Personal dis- couragement is exerted by family andfriends; assigned discouragement, by those so employed; diffuse discouragement, by those employed but not assigned to that specific task; and general discouragement, by unpaid persons lacking a personal tie or occupational responsibility. The multiplica- tion of these four steps by Eck's triplets gives us 12 types of discouragement against crime. These types help us also to think about other aspects of crime prevention. A case can be made that the offender is not the most important actor for explaining crime. From the perspective of the routine activity approach (Cohen and Felson, 1979; Felson, 1994; see also work on lifestyles by Hindelang et al., 1978), those who interfere with offenders, however inadvertently, play an even more central role in crime and its prevention. The "capable guardian" against crime serves by simple presence to prevent crime, and by absence to make crime more likely. For example, a retired person at home might well discourage daytime burglary of his or her own home or even the home next door. Conversely, someone working away from home during the day contributes by that absence to a greater risk of burglary. Two persons walking down the street might serve as effective
This paper examines the age/crime distribution to determine whether there is a single pattern that is constant over time and across crime categories. Using arrest data of the FBI's Uniform Crime Reports for the periods of 1940, 1960, and 1980, the article compares parameters including age of maximum criminality, overall shape of the age-crime curve, and rate of decline from the peak age. Not only is there variation by crime type when the age-crime statistics for 1980 are examined; there is considerable change between 1940 and 1980. The most significant change has been the progressive concentration of offending among the young; this suggests increasing discontinuity in the transition from adolescence to adulthood in modern times. Variations found in the age distribution for different crime types support the traditional sociological view that, although crime rates typically decline throughout life after the initial rise in adolescence, certain crimes peak later, or decline more slowly, or both.
The current work investigated impacts of local violent crime rates on residents' willingness to trust neighbors. Crime has been thought to "atomize" community. Many works have considered impacts of crime on local social climate or vice versa. A smaller number of works have linked crime with general judgments about trustworthiness, but there has been little work on crime and trust of neighbors. 2002 survey data of 4,133 Philadelphia residents in 45 neighborhoods were combined with census and reported crime data to address this question. Multilevel, multinomial logit models confirmed that residents' willingness to trust their neighbors varied significantly across neighborhoods for two response category contrasts: strongly agreeing or agreeing neighbors were trustworthy, each relative to strongly disagreeing. As expected, residents in neighborhoods with higher crime rates judged their neighbors as less dependable, even after controlling for local participation. Neighborhood crime and status impacts both depended on the contrast considered and on how status and crime were disentangled. Results align with some earlier works showing contingent effects of crime on ties, or contingent effects of ties on crime. Results extend earlier works by simultaneously focusing on one critical and central assessment of neighbors, showing important differences across response categories, and simultaneously finding extraneighborhood impacts.
The explanation of crime has been preoccupied with individuals and communities as units of analysis. Recent work on offender decision making (Cornish and Clarke, 1986), situations (Clarke, 1983, 1992), envi- ronments (Brantingham and Brantingham 1981, 1993), routine activities (Cohen and Felson, 1979; Felson, 1994), and the spatial organization of drug dealing in the U.S. suggest a new unit of analysis: places. Crime is concen- trated heavily in a Jew "hot spots" of crime (Sherman et aL 1989). The concentration of crime among repeat places is more intensive than it is among repeat offenders (Spelman and Eck, 1989). The components of this concen- tration are analogous to the components of the criminal careers of persons: onset, desistance, continuance, specialization, and desistance. The theoret- ical explanationfor variance in these components is also stronger at the level of places than it is for individuals. These facts suggest a need for rethinking theories of crime, as well as a new approach to theorizing about crime for public policy.
Although neighborhood studies often focus on the presence of some particular entity and its consequences for a variety of local processes, a frequent limitation is the failure to account more broadly for the local context. This paper therefore examines the role of parks for community crime, but contributes to the literature by testing whether the context of land uses and demographics nearby parks moderate the parks and crime relationship. A key feature of our approach is that we also test how these characteristics explain crime in the park, nearby the park, and in other neighborhoods in the city with data from nine cities across the United States (N = 109,808 blocks). We use multilevel Poisson and negative binomial regressions to test our ideas for six types of street crime. Our findings show that nearby land uses and socio-demographic characteristics are a key driver of crime being located within the park or nearby the park. Our results also show a clear distance decay pattern for the impact of various land uses and socio-demographics nearby parks. The results emphasize a need for research to consider the broader socio-spatial context in which crime generators/inhibitors are embedded.
In Breaking Away from Broken Windows Ralph Taylor uses data on recent Baltimore crime-reduction efforts to attack the ‘broken windows’ thesis--that is, the currently fashionable notion that by reducing or eliminating superficial signs of disorder (dilapidated buildings, graffiti, incivil behavior by teenagers, etc.), urban police deparments can make significant and lasting reductions in crime. Taylor argues that such measures, while useful, are only a partial solution to the problem at hand. His data supports a materialist view: changes in levels of physical decay, superficial social disorder, and racial composition do not lead to higher crime, while economic decline does. He contends that the Baltimore example shows that in order to make real, long-term reductions in crime, urban politicians, businesses, and community leaders must work together to improve the economic fortunes of those living in high-crime areas.
Why do certain people commit acts of crime? Why does crime happen in certain places? Presenting an ambitious new study designed to test a pioneering new theory of the causes of crime, Breaking Rules: The Social and Situational Dynamics of Young People's Urban Crime demonstrates that these questions can only go so far in explaining why crime happens - and, therefore, in preventing it.
Based on the work of the Peterborough Adolescent and Young Adult Development Study (PADS+), Breaking Rules presents an analysis of the urban structure of Peterborough and its relation to young people's social life. Contemporary sciences state that behaviour is the outcome of an interaction between people and the environments to which they are exposed, and it is precisely that interaction and its relation to young people's crime involvement that PADS+ explores. Driven by a ground-breaking theory of crime, Situational Action Theory, which aims to explain why people break rules, it implements innovative methods of measuring social environments and people's exposure to them, involving a cohort of 700 young people growing up in the UK city of Peterborough. It focuses on the important adolescent time window, ages 12 to 17, during which young people's crime involvement is at its peak, using unique space-time budget data to explore young people's time use, movement patterns, and the spatio-temporal characteristics of their crime involvement.
Presenting the first study of this kind, both in breadth and detail, with significant implications for policy and prevention, Breaking Rules should not only be of great interest to academic readers, but also to policy-makers and practitioners, interested in issues of urban environments, crime within urban environments, and the role of social environments in crime causation.
Cities across the United States increasingly are debating the best way to use vacant “infill” lots. The community garden movement is one of the major contenders for the space, as are advocates for small public “pocket” parks and other green spaces. To allocate the land most efficiently and fairly, local governments need sound research about the value of such gardens and parks to their host communities. At the same time, cities are looking for new ways of financing the development and maintenance of public garden and park space. Some have turned to tax increment financing to generate resources, other are introducing impact fees or special assessments to cover the costs of urban parks. In order to employ such financing mechanisms, both policy concerns and legal constraints require local governments to base their charges on sound data about the impacts green spaces have on the value of the neighboring properties that would be forced to bear the incidence of the tax or fee. Despite the clear public policy need for such data, our knowledge about the impacts community gardens and other such spaces have on surrounding neighborhoods is quite limited. No studies have focused specifically on community gardens, and those that have examined the property value impacts of parks and other open space are cross-sectional studies inattentive to when the park opened, so that it is impossible to determine the direction of the causality of any property value differences found. The existing literature also has paid insufficient attention to qualitative differences among the parks studied and to differences in characteristics of the surrounding neighborhoods that might affect the parks’ impacts. Applying hedonic methods to a unique data set of all property sales in New York City over several decades, we compared the prices of properties within a given distance of community gardens to prices of comparable properties outside the designated ring, but still located in the same neighborhood. By examining whether and how this difference changed once a community garden was established, we account for any systematic differences between the sites used for community gardens and other land in the neighborhood, thus resolving questions about the direction of causality and helping to disentangle the specific effects of community gardens from other contemporaneous changes occurring across neighborhoods and properties in the city. We find that the opening of a community garden has a statistically significant positive impact on residential properties within 1000 feet of the garden, and that the impact increases over time. We find that gardens have the greatest impact in the most disadvantaged neighborhoods. Higher quality gardens have the greatest positive impact. Finally, we find that the opening of a garden is associated with other changes in the neighborhood, such as increasing rates of homeownership, and thus may be serving as catalysts for economic redevelopment of the community.
This chapter focuses on the issues in current city planning and rebuilding. It describes the principles and aims that have shaped modern, orthodox city planning and rebuilding. The chapter shows how cities work in real life, because this is the only way to learn what principles of planning and what practices in rebuilding can promote social and economic vitality in cities, and what practices and principles will deaden these attributes. In trying to explain the underlying order of cities, the author uses a preponderance of examples from New York. The most important thread of influence starts, more or less, with Ebenezer Howard, an English court reporter for whom planning was an avocation. Howard's influence on American city planning converged on the city from two directions: from town and regional planners on the one hand, and from architects on the other.
Book description: The growing potential of GIS for supporting policing and crime reduction is now being recognised by a broader community. GIS can be employed at different levels to support operational policing, tactical crime mapping, detection, and wider-ranging strategic analyses. With the use of GIS for crime mapping increasing, this book provides a definitive reference.
GIS and Crime Mapping provides essential information and reference material to support readers in developing and implementing crime mapping. Relevant case studies help demonstrate the key principles, concepts and applications of crime mapping.
This book combines the topics of theoretical principles, GIS, analytical techniques, data processing solutions, information sharing, problem-solving approaches, map design, and organisational structures for using crime mapping for policing and crime reduction. Delivered in an accessible style, topics are covered in a manner that underpins crime mapping use in the three broad areas of operations, tactics and strategy.
* Provides a complete start-to-finish coverage of crime mapping, including theory, scientific methodologies, analysis techniques and design principles.
* Includes a comprehensive presentation of crime mapping applications for operational, tactical and strategic purposes.
* Includes global case studies and examples to demonstrate good practice.
* Co-authored by Spencer Chainey, a leading researcher and consultant on GIS and crime mapping, and Jerry Ratcliffe, a renowned professor and former police officer.
This book is essential reading for crime analysts and other professionals working in intelligence roles in law enforcement or crime reduction, at the local, regional and national government levels. It is also an excellent reference for undergraduate and Masters students taking courses in GIS, Geomatics, Crime Mapping, Crime Science, Criminal Justice and Criminology.
Purpose:
The purpose of this study was to examine the association between adolescent and parental perceptions of neighborhood safety and adolescents' physical activity in multiple locations and to investigate the moderating effect of sex within this association.
Method:
This cross-sectional study was conducted with 928 adolescents aged 12 to 16 years old and 1 of their parents. Adolescents and parents reported their perceptions of neighborhood safety (traffic safety, pedestrian safety, crime safety, and stranger danger safety). Adolescents reported how often they were physically active in multiple locations (physical activity in the neighborhood, in parks, and for active transport). Mixed-effects linear regression models were used to investigate these associations while controlling for demographics and the Walkability Index.
Results:
Parent-perceived crime safety was positively associated with adolescents' physical activity in parks (B = .094, p = .024). Parent-perceived traffic safety was positively associated with adolescents' reported physical activity in the neighborhood (B = .186, p = .014). Adolescents' physical activity for active transport was positively associated with parent-perceived traffic safety (B = .179, p = .001), stranger danger safety (B = .110, p = .013), and crime safety (B = .077, p = .035). There were 2 interactions by sex on the relation between adolescent traffic safety perception and parent pedestrian safety perception in the neighborhood and adolescents' physical activity in parks (i.e., statistically significant only for boys).
Conclusions:
Parents' perceptions of traffic, stranger danger, and crime safety were all related to adolescents' active transportation. Multiple safety concerns may be motivating parents to restrict adolescent mobility by walking and bicycling.
For close to a century, the field of community criminology has examined the causes and consequences of community crime and delinquency rates. Nevertheless, there is still a lot we do not know about the dynamics behind these connections. In this book, Ralph Taylor argues that obstacles to deepening our understanding of community/crime links arise in part because most scholars have overlooked four fundamental concerns: how conceptual frames depend on the geographic units and/or temporal units used; how to establish the meaning of theoretically central ecological empirical indicators; and how to think about the causes and consequences of non-random selection dynamics. The volume organizes these four conceptual challenges using a common meta-analytic framework. The framework pinpoints critical features of and gaps in current theories about communities and crime, connects these concerns to current debates in both criminology and the philosophy of social science, and sketches the types of theory testing needed in the future if we are to grow our understanding of the causes and consequences of community crime rates. Taylor explains that a common meta-theoretical frame provides a grammar for thinking critically about current theories and simultaneously allows presenting these four topics and their connections in a unified manner. The volume provides an orientation to current and past scholarship in this area by describing three distinct but related community crime sequences involving delinquents, adult offenders, and victims. These sequences highlight community justice dynamics thereby raising questions about frequently used crime indicators in this area of research. A groundbreaking work melding past scholarly practices in criminology with the field's current needs, Community Criminology is an essential work for criminologists.
Goldwater's fantastic photographs merge with the text to produce a documentary account of how we live today in multicultural America, one which takes its place among the finest firsthand studies."-Mitchell Duneier, Princeton University, author of Sidewalk and Slim's Table. What can neighborhood baseball tell us about class and gender cultures, urban change, and the ways that communities value public space? Through a close exploration of a boys' baseball league in a gentrifying neighborhood of Philadelphia, sociologist Sherri Grasmuck reveals the accommodations and tensions that characterize multicultural encounters in contemporary American public life. Based on years of ethnographic observation and interviews with children, parents, and coaches, Protecting Home offers an analysis of the factors that account for racial accommodation in a space that was previously known for racial conflict and exclusion. Grasmuck argues that the institutional arrangements and social characteristics of children's baseball create a cooperative environment for the negotiation of social, cultural, and class differences. Chapters explore coaching styles, parental involvement, institutional politics, parent-child relations, and children's experiences. Grasmuck identifies differences in the ways that the mostly white, working-class "old-timers" and the racially diverse, professional newcomers relate to the neighborhood. These distinctions reflect a competing sense of cultural values related to individual responsibility toward public space, group solidarity, appropriate masculine identities, and how best to promote children's interests-a contrast between "hierarchical communalism" and "child-centered individualism." Through an innovative combination of narrative approaches, this book succeeds both in capturing the immediacy of boys' interaction at the playing field and in contributing to sophisticated theoretical debates in urban studies, the sociology of childhood, and masculinity studies.
The real estate market consistently demonstrates that many people are willing to pay a larger amount for a property located close to a park than for a house that does not offer this amenity. The higher value of these residences means that their owners pay higher property taxes. In many instances, if the incremental amount of taxes paid by each property which is attributable to the presence of a nearby park is aggregated, it is sufficient to pay the annual debt charges required to retire the bonds used to acquire and develop the park. This process of capitalization of park land into the value of nearby properties is termed the “proximate principle.”
Results of approximately 30 studies which have empirically investigated the extent and legitimacy of the proximate principle are reported, starting with Frederick Law Olmsted's study of the impact of New York's Central Park. Only five studies were not supportive of the proximate principle and analysis of them suggested these atypical results may be attributable to methodological deficiencies.
As a point of departure, the studies' results suggest that a positive impact of 20% on property values abutting or fronting a passive park area is a reasonable starting point. If it is a heavily used park catering to large numbers of active recreation users, then the proximate value increment may be minimal on abutting properties, but may reach 10% on properties two or three blocks away.
The Youngstown Neighborhood Development Corporation initiated a ‘Lots of Green’ programme to reuse vacant land in 2010. We performed a difference-in-differences analysis of the effects of this programme on crime in and around newly treated lots, in comparison to crimes in and around randomly selected and matched, untreated vacant lot controls. The effects of two types of vacant lot treatments on crime were tested: a cleaning and greening ‘stabilisation’ treatment and a ‘community reuse’ treatment mostly involving community gardens. The combined effects of both types of vacant lot treatments were also tested. After adjustment for various sociodemographic factors, linear and Poisson regression models demonstrated statistically significant reductions in all crime classes for at least one lot treatment type. Regression models adjusted for spatial autocorrelation found the most consistent significant reductions in burglaries around stabilisation lots, and in assaults around community reuse lots. Spill-over crime reduction effects were found in contiguous areas around newly treated lots. Significant increases in motor vehicle thefts around both types of lots were also found after they had been greened. Community-initiated vacant lot greening may have a greater impact on reducing more serious, violent crimes.
Whereas one line of recent neighborhood research has placed an emphasis on zooming into smaller units of analysis such as street blocks, another line of research has suggested that even the meso-area of neighborhoods is too narrow and that the area surrounding the neighborhood is also important. Thus, there is a need to examine the scale at which the social ecology impacts crime. We use data from seven cities from around the year 2000 to test our research questions using multilevel negative binomial regression models (N = 73,010 blocks and 8,231 block groups). Our results suggest that although many neighborhood factors seem to operate on the microscale of blocks, others seem to have a much broader impact. In addition, we find that racially and ethnically homogenous blocks within heterogeneous block groups have the most crime. Our findings also show the strongest results for a multitude of land-use measures and that these measures sharpen some of the associations from social characteristics. Thus, we find that accounting for multiple scales simultaneously is important in ecological studies of crime.
The field of environmental criminology is a staple theoretical framework in contemporary criminological theory. With this book, Martin Andresen presents the first comprehensive and sole-authored textbook on this influential and compelling school of criminological thought. He covers a wide range of topics, including: • the origins of environmental criminology; • the primary theoretical frameworks, such as routine activity theory, geometric theory of crime, rational choice theory, and the pattern theory of crime; • the practical application of environmental criminology; an examination of how theories are operationalized and tested; • policy implications for the practice of crime prevention.
We provide a comprehensive overview of the strengths and weaknesses of different spatial econometric model specifications in terms of spillover effects. Based on this overview, we advocate taking the SLX model as point of departure in case a well-founded theory indicating which model is most appropriate is lacking. In contrast to other spatial econometric models, the SLX model also allows for the spatial weights matrix W to be parameterized and the application of standard econometric techniques to test for endogenous explanatory variables. This starkly contrasts commonly used spatial econometric specification strategies and is a complement to the critique of spatial econometrics raised in a special theme issue of the Journal of Regional Science (Volume 52, Issue 2). To illustrate the pitfalls of the standard spatial econometrics approach and the benefits of our proposed alternative approach in an empirical setting, the Baltagi and Li (2004) cigarette demand model is estimated.
Recent research on urban parks and crime in Philadelphia has shown that some parks have higher crime densities than other places within the city. Why that relationship exists is an open question. Here, field survey data collected through primary observation, along with official Philadelphia crime data from 2008 to 2009, is used to evaluate one possible explanation: the relationship between assessed physical disorder and crime. Regression models are used to examine both the influence of crime on incivilities and the inverse relationship, over an approximate 1-year time period. Findings show that contrary to what theories of incivilities would suggest, assessed physical disorder in parks in 1 year has no significant connection to crime in the next. However, both disorder and violent crime counts are significantly related to subsequent levels of observed incivilities. Results suggest that increasing the police presence in urban parks may serve to reduce both future criminal activity and physical disorder. The findings have implications for residents, park managers and police.
This article offers a detailed analysis of a neighborhood dispute over fencing a public park. Unlike the archetypal turf battles between longstanding and new neighborhood residents described in previous research, here the daily visits of Latino "outsiders" coming into a local public space produce conflict over park usage and control. The usually cited conditions for conflict, such as reactionary residents resisting ethnic transition and protecting their backyards, do not apply in this case, as the park sits amidst a relatively stable, affluent, white "liberal" neighborhood. This case study shows how sources of tension and trouble extend beyond the property interests and actions of the park users to include the more symbolic and indirect concerns about identity as reflected in park use. Together with longstanding concerns over neighborhood reputation and property values, changing demographics and greater sensitivity to the perception of racism distinctively shaped the unfolding of conflict in this case. The bumpy course of conflict and shifting opinions about the fence shed light on the new complexities and contradictions of contemporary social diversity and exclusion in city parks and other public spaces.
The systemic model posits that informal control reduces crime and that social networks reduce crime indirectly by stimulating informal control. The systemic literature consistently supports the informal control-crime relationship but reveals wider variation in the measurement and effects of network dimensions. Recognizing this pattern, some scholars advocate an explicit distinction between networks and informal control. We formally address that issue with analysis of the measurement structure of multiple network and informal control indicators using data collected in 300 Seattle neighborhoods. Results reveal several distinct network dimensions that are themselves distinct from informal control. Regression analysis supports the systemic model: informal control reduces crime victimization, and networks exhibit an indirect, negative effect through informal control. Consistent with prior research, some network measures have a positive, direct effect on crime. We conclude that a distinction between networks and informal control is essential when testing and evaluating the systemic model.
Property offenders construct cognitive images of the physical environment to decide where to commit crimes. At least three levels of target selection occur-neighborhoods, or regions; street blocks; and specific sites. Information on the physical characteristics of neighborhoods, such as ease of entry and exit, the number of internal boundaries limiting ease of circulation, and signs of guardianship or of incivilities, are weighed by the offender to determine risks, opportunities, and conveniences. This framework for understanding links between offenders and the physical environment provides a typology for evaluating research on environmental design and crime prevention, especially research on defensible-space theory, territorial perspectives, and the incivilities thesis. The incivilities thesis suggests that offenders take into account social and physical incivilities when deciding which neighborhood to choose as crime targets. Three recent studies involving neighborhoods in Atlanta, Georgia, Baltimore, Maryland, and Hartford, Connecticut, show that the effects of environmental design on crime range from small to moderate. Available research suggests that crime prevention efforts should be directed at the street-block rather than at the neighborhood level of analysis.
City structure. Cities are usually classified according to size. They may be also classified according to the nature and organization of their leading industries. Land valuations in the forms of business, industrial, and residential utilities, largely determine the structure of the modern city. Every city has its central business district, located near the geographical center of the city. Sub-business districts tend to form at street-car crossings and around neighborhood institutions. The basic industries are usually located around the outskirts of the city's corporation, while manufacturing establishments employing women are usually located near the center of the city. Real estate values distribute a city's population into various residential sections of different economic and social status. Racial and nationality bonds tend to subgroup the population within the various economic areas. Mobility population. The term implies the extent to which the individual varies his environment, either by change of residence or by use of secondary means of communication. The mobility of modern life facilitates disorganization of traditional group and institutional structures. It is a measure of progress, but at the same time aggravates many of our political and social problems. Change or residence is much more frequent among the lower economic classes in Columbus than among the well-to-do. But dependence upon local institutions is considerably greater in the poorer neighborhoods than in better residential sections, on account of inability to use secondary means of communications.
This study tests the crime impact of the Boston South-west Corridor parkland, a 5-mile transit and linear park, on its adjoining neighbourhoods 15 years after its completion in the early 1980s. The study responds to concerns of local neighbourhoods during the time of planning and construction, and to evidence of general public uneasiness about the dangers of linear parks to communities. In an analysis of two residential neighbourhoods adjoining the corridor, the study searched first for evidence of crime spill-over from the corridor, and secondly for neighbours' perceptions of corridor safety. To test crime spill-over, police calls from houses adjacent to the corridor were compared with calls from houses further away; interviews with residents investigated perceptions of the corridor's safety. Findings revealed that though police calls were marginally more frequent from houses next to the corridor, these were considerably less frequent than calls from houses next to commercial streets. Interviews with residents revealed generally positive estimates of park safety by day, with low estimates of night-time safety and mixed estimates of its safety during twilight hours. Interviews also revealed heavy reliance on the corridor by the elderly and people with small children. The study concludes with recommendations for the future design of linear parks in cities.
Research on physical activity (PA) has expanded in recent years to examine environmental influences that enhance or limit the opportunities people have to be active. The purpose of this study was to review and critically examine evidence related to parks and recreation as features of the built environment and the relationship of these settings to PA. Fifty studies were retrieved from four major databases that reported an empirical relationship between parks or recreation variables and PA variables. Mixed associations with PA were observed for different types of parks or recreation settings, while proximity to parks or recreation was generally associated with increased PA. Shortcomings exist in this literature and many opportunities for researching parks, recreation, and active living are evident for the future.
Problem: Children make little use of many neighborhood parks even though they have facilities for active recreation.
Purpose: We examined the factors that bring children to parks, and aimed to understand how park visitation patterns differ between boys and girls, among children of different races and ethnicities, and between inner-city and suburban children.
Methods: We surveyed children and their parents in 12 middle schools and analyzed the results. Our team also observed children at 50 inner-city and 50 suburban parks, and we used multiple regression models containing park- and neighborhood-level variables to relate them to the numbers of children using parks.
Results and conclusions: The study confirms that many middle-school children make little use of parks. This is primarily explained by their own lack of interest in the existing park activities and their households' lack of time and concerns about safety. Active recreation facilities and organized sport programs, natural features, and good levels of maintenance and cleanliness are the most significant factors attracting middle-school children to parks. Our survey found some significant gender, racial, and ethnic differences in preferences for park equipment, perceptions of park safety, and park visitation patterns. Additionally, our regression models confirmed that inner-city and suburban children were attracted to parks of different sizes and containing different facilities, and that the association between park safety and park use was also different in these two settings.
Takeaway for practice: Neighborhood parks provide the potential for active recreation, but they are often underutilized and attract only a subset of neighborhood children. Planners should take into account that different factors attract different groups of children to parks.
Research support: This research was supported by the John Randolph and Dora Haynes Foundation.
Structured interviews were conducted with African-American, Hispanic-American, Asian-American and Caucasian-American park users (N = 463) during one of their visits to a large urban park. The participants varied from 55 to 93 years of age. Most (77%) of the interviews were conducted by interviewers of the same ethnicity as the interviewee, and interviews were conducted in Spanish or Chinese when that was the preferred language of the interviewee. A stratified quota sampling plan was established to ensure that interviews were conducted in all areas of the park, at all times of the day and on both weekdays and weekends. Preliminary analyses indicated that neither gender nor age differences accounted for a meaningful percent of the variance in the dependent variables. Consequently, chi-square analyses and analyses of variance were performed with ethnicity as the independent variable. Significant differences were found among the ethnic groups in their use of park facilities, the social milieu within which they visit the park, and their ratings of the psychosocial benefits of park use.
This book presents the results of 20 years of ecological research into the nature of the relationship between the distribution of delinquency and the pattern of physical structure and social organization of 21 American cities. Uniform findings in every city confirm the hypothesis that the physical deterioration of residential areas accompanied by social disorganization is greatest in a central zone in the business district, intermediate in a middle zone, and lowest in the other zones, and that there is a progressive decline in the incidence of delinquency from the innermost zone where it is most concentrated to the peripheral areas. Delinquency is found to be highly correlated with changes in population, inadequate housing, poverty, presence of Negroes and foreign-born, tuberculosis, mental disorders, and adult criminality. The common basic factor is social disorganization or the absence of community effort to cope with these conditions. Causation of juvenile delinquency is to be sought more in terms of the community than of the individual. 107 maps pertaining to the cities studied and 118 tables relating to population and delinquency rates are included as well as a chapter describing the Chicago Area Project as a demonstration of the effective mobilization of community forces to combat delinquency and crime. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)