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Civic Islam: Muhammadiyah, NU and the Organisational Logic of Consensus-making in Indonesia
Abstract
Civil Islam notes a tendency or orientation within Indonesian political Islam that is broadly compatible with electoral democracy and religious pluralism. Scholarly and popular discourses on Islam in Indonesia frequently situate the Muslim civic organisations Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) within this tradition. Muhammadiyah and NU do play important roles in both reproducing democratic norms and upholding the state’s formal commitment to religious pluralism. However, this is not because of an ideological commitment to civil Islam, but rather an organisational logic of risk management – which shapes both the timing of their interventions in politics and the compromise-oriented solutions they propose. Drawing on analysis of parliamentary contention over pornography and the legal status of the Ahmadiyah sect, I argue that these “big tent” organisations seek compromise solutions designed to preserve their own levels of influence and overcome their own internal ideological cleavages. This article thus suggests a new category of analysis – civic Islam – to describe organisations whose policy interventions are driven more by internal factors than by an ideological commitment to the civil Islamic project.
... In the Indonesian context, religious organizations such as Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Muhammadiyah, and others are deeply involved in the construction of social norms, attitudes, and socialization through religious activities and education (Azra 2002). For instance, religious educational institutions attempt to enhance individuals' religiosity by publishing advisory textbooks for Muslim women, incorporating these religious texts into their educational curriculum, and suggesting guidelines regarding religious practices (Brown 2019;van Doorn-Harder 2006). That is, religious factors, such as religiosity and involvement with religious communities, influence the construction of social norms in Indonesia. ...
... The significant effect of the involvement of individuals in the 20s and over 30s groups with religious communities implies that religious factors might have a stronger impact on adults as a socialization function. As discussed, in Indonesia, the role of religious organizations extends beyond religious activities to socialization (Brown 2019;van Doorn-Harder 2006). Therefore, involvement with religious communities can significantly influence the construction of social norms among adults. ...
This study investigated how religious factors exert social pressure to discipline female bodies through hijab practices in Indonesia. This study identified relationships among factors, such as religiosity, individuals’ involvement with religious communities, subjective norms regarding the hijab practice, and the regulation of sexuality. This study found that religious factors positively influence subjective norms which reinforce the regulation of sexuality. Although recent studies have underscored the role of the hijab as a tool for expressing Muslim identity and as a means for Muslim women to construct modernity, the results of this study reveal that the disciplinary function of the hijab still seems to have a greater impact. A group analysis reveals differences in the influence of religious factors on subjective norms. While religiosity has a larger impact among adolescents than their involvement with religious communities, this impact is insignificant in the age group of 20s and 30s. The varying effects of religious factors among different age groups imply that religious values rather than involvement with religious communities have a much greater impact on the construction of subjective norms among adolescents while the role of religion in socialization might be enhanced as individuals get older.
... Even though religious organizations play a salient role in governing members of society ( Agyekum, 2014 , p. 4), their impact on the construction of womanhood has been insufficiently addressed. The 2 biggest religious organizations in Indonesia, Nahlatul Ulama (NU, Revival of Ulama) and Muhammadiyah (followers of Muhammad), have played a vital role in Indonesian civic society by diffusing ideologies and guidelines concerning religious practices and social norms ( Brown, 2019 ). Accordingly, religious organizations such as these significantly affect individual conduct and govern individual bodies. ...
... As Muslims come from various ethnic and religious subgroups that practice and understand Islam differently ( Koehrsen, 2021 ;Saniotis, 2012 ), it is essential to understand the diverse factors affecting religious practice and how Islamic doctrine is understood in Islamic societies. In this context, religious organizations, such as NU and Muhammadiyah in Indonesia, significantly influence various fields, including culture, politics, and education ( Brown, 2019 ;Kato, 2021 ). Even though the Middle East is regarded as the core Islamic region, Indonesia is the most populous Muslim country ( Seo, 2013 ), and has the biggest Islamic organizations. ...
This study investigated the ways in which two religious organizations in Indonesia govern female bodies; specifically focusing on the construction of ideal Muslim womanhood through hijab practice. This mixed-method study combines partial least squares path modelling (PLS-path modelling), ethnographic research during fieldwork, and content analysis of social media accounts. The quantitative analysis revealed that among members of Muslimat, involvement with the religious organization and subjective norms exerted a stronger influence on sharia compli-
ance regarding hijab practices than among members of ‘Aisyiyah . Content analysis revealed that Muslimat prefers unified and monotonous hijab styles, while ‘Aisyiyah permits more colours and patterns. While both organizations tend to avoid presenting female sexualities, ‘Aisyiyah favours long and wide hijab, thus more strongly regulating
the presentation of female sexualities. This research reveals the dynamics of religious organizations’ governing
hegemony, highlighting the increasing influence of religion in the construction of ideal Muslim womanhood in
Indonesian society.
... These two organizations were both founded in the 20th century but had different traditions of thought. Muhammadiyah represents modernist Islam, while NU represents traditionalists (Brown, 2019). Also, their background aspect shows the tendency of their respective ideological patterns. ...
... On the contrary, it contains wisdom and positive value when synergized because they each have quantitative advantages. Muhammadiyah developed a modern education system (Brown, 2019) that has advantages in schools. In comparison, NU developed more religious education with advantages in pesantren and madrasas (Najib, 2020). ...
Muhammadiyah and NU are the mainstream Islamic social organizations established before the Indonesian independence. These organizations drive the renewal of Islamic thought, da'wah, social, health, and education. They have thousands of educational institutions spread throughout Indonesia and play an important role in the development of Islamic education, so they are the main pillars of National Education. This study aimed to discuss the role and contribution of Muhammadiyah and NU as pillars of national and Islamic education. A historical approach through source search (heuristics), assessment (criticism), and construction was used. Through an integrative and modern Islamic education system, the results showed that Muhammadiyah had opened the minds of Muslims and the Indonesian people about the importance of religion and science to realize a progressive Islamic society. Furthermore, NU prioritizes the education system of traditional pesantren and madrasas and has instilled basic Islamic teachings in shaping the morals of Muslims and the Indonesian nation. Therefore, Muhammadiyah and NU education contribute to religious moderation (Islam wasathiyah) and pillars of national education. The results of this study have implications for the development of any National Education policy that cannot deny the roles of Muhammadiyah and NU.
... Information obtained through in-depth interviews with old figures shows that so far, the patterns of inter-community relations are still heavily influenced by the culture of Islamic organizations such as NU or Muhammadiyah. Even so, a conducive situation so far can be created and maintained (Brown, 2019). ...
Sedan is one of the sub-districts that has the highest level of religious adherence in Rembang Regency and has fanaticism towards female ulema. This study discusses the role of female ulema in influencing rural communities. This study aims to discuss the existence of female ulema, especially in the village in influencing the community in deciding their religious actions because of the authority that these female ulema has. The method used in this research is a qualitative approach. The analysis and data collection process was carried out by observation and interviews with informants whose backgrounds were female ulema who preached, young women, middle-aged women, all of whom came from rural areas. The activity started with the preaching activities of female ulema, efforts to approach rural communities, and paying attention to washatiyah through their preaching methods. From this research it is known that in the rural area, female ulema have an important influence as evidenced by the high number of rural people who come every preaching of female ulema, people often turn to female ulema in determining their main decisions related to religious matters, so that women ulema are very entrusted with rural community activities. This has a positive impact on the community with the ease with which the community makes religious decisions because of the existence and authority of female ulema in the midst of rural communities.
... Dalam pelaksanaan pembangunan, Indonesia telah menandatangani sebuah Millenium Development Goals (MDG's) yaitu deklarasi yang merupakan kesepakatan oleh perwakilan kepala negara dari 189 negara PBB (Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa) pada bulan September tahun 2000 (Sulistyastuti, 2007). Pelaksanaan MDG's pada tahun 2015 mulai membentuk kemiskinan dan kelaparan, aspirasi pendidikan dasar bagi seluruh warga negara, kesetaraan gender dan pemberdayaan perempuan, penurunan angka kematian anak, peningkatan kesehatan ibu, memerangi HIV/AIDS, malaria dan penyakit menular lainnya dan dapat menjamin kelestarian lingkungan hidup dinegaranya (Brown, 2019). ...
Peran LSM sangat membantu bagi pemerintah dalam melaksanakan program-programnya, khususnya program jambanisasi di Kelurahan Jangli. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui perencanaan dan implementasi yang tepat untuk program Jambanisasi di Kelurahan Jangli tahun 2018. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif. Pengumpulan data melalui komunikasi, dokumentasi dan observasi. Wawancara dilakukan terhadap aktor kunci dari masing-masing aktivitas untuk mendukung terjadinya kebijakan, aktor tersebut yaitu Ketua LSM, Koordinator Lapangan, Ketua RT Kelurahan Jangli, Warga Jangli sebagai penerima jamban yang sudah jadi dan Warga Jangli sebagai penerima jamban yang belum jadi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa masih terdapat warga Semarang yang belum mempunyai jamban, salah satunya warga yang bermukim di Kelurahan Jangli. Masih terdapat banyak warga yang membuang kotoran di sungai dan hutan sehingga hal itu menimbulkan pencemaran pada air sungai dan udara. Dari keadaan tersebut sehingga memunculkan inisiatif dari Pemerintah Kota Semarang untuk menangani kasus tersebut dengan diadakannya pembagian jamban air. Hal ini juga ditujukan keinginan untuk menjadikan masyarakat hidup sehat. Permasalahan muncul ketika dilapangan ternyata yang terjadi banyaknya jamban dan plat yang terbengkalai. Dimana akuntabilitas LSM terhadap program jambanisasi dapat dikatakan belum maksimal berhasil. Selain itu faktor lain dari kegagalannya program jambanisasi ini ialah salah satunya peran masyarakat dalam program tersebut juga tidak aktif, dimana sebagian banyak masyarakat setempat yang tingkat kepeduliannya masih sangat rendah. Sedangkan dari pihak pemerintah sendiri pun juga masih minimnya kontrol secara nyata terhadap program tersebut sehingga tidak adanya evaluasi bertahap terhadap program ini.
... At least, Islamic preachers have positioned themselves as part of a 'public religion' that supports civil society in the state. The 'public religion' formed by this concept is that religion includes public consumption and is not imprisoned in ideological structures and commitments (Brown, 2019). Meanwhile, religious consumption is influenced by public acceptance, which I borrow from the myth of pluralism put forward by Mietzner and Muhtadi. ...
The emergence of ‘cyber religion’ in the last three decades extrapolates the spread of religion to digital technology. Islamic transmission is also experiencing a rejuvenation of authority, where the emergence of celebrity preachers with their visualisations has shifted the traditional authority built and produced by traditional ‘ulamā’ and their pesantren from textual transmission to digital media transmission. They also use this momentum to expand their business and to establish their trademark. This article highlights the visualisation of Islamic da’wah using digital media platforms as the new face of ‘Contemporary Indonesian Islam’. By taking the positioning of Islamic preachers from traditional circles, local (kyai kampung), and celebrity preachers, this research focuses on packaging preaching narratives and managing their preaching on digital media platforms. I used two different analyses. First, Shusterman’s analysis explores aesthetic arguments and perceptual persuasion, and Heide A. Campbell analyses the Digital Creatives of Religious Authority (DCRA) from managing preaching content on digital media platforms. This study found that digital media platforms are a new way for Indonesian Muslims to reproduce, consume and reconceptualise religious material. Instead of being an effort to promote Islam, this research argues that digital Islam has transformed from a religious authority to a business authority that enables a new culture with what is called ‘digital Islamisation’. The results of this research have implications for the digital acquisition of Islam as a new way of creating religious authority where the Islamic Market has been coloured by the involvement of business features played by Islamic preachers.
... With this idea, being comfortable with Islamist groups like Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah, which support moderate Islam, should be seen as an important part of pluralism. Even though Indonesia has two well-known Islamic groups with a lot of power in making policy decisions and using consensus-building strategies to work with political parties and government officials (Brown, 2019), the need to protect pluralism's values is still contentious. ...
This article examines how Barasuara's composition "Hagia" contributes to promoting religious tolerance and orientational pluralism in Indonesia, aiming to comprehend the manifestation of these concepts within the musical piece. The study uses qualitative methods and Heim's theoretical frameworks to show that the lyrics of "Hagia" show a diverse and pluralistic ethos by focusing on a number of different points of view and themes that help create an environment where religious tolerance can thrive. The study results indicate that cultivating a pluralistic understanding through music can foster acceptance and inclusivity among individuals of different religious backgrounds. Furthermore, the article argues that the influence of religion may vary between younger and older individuals. "Hagia" transcends relativism by advocating for active consideration and recognition of others' beliefs, thereby suggesting that a pluralistic understanding can aid individuals in becoming more accepting and inclusive of their religion as well as others, or what can be called religious tolerance. This study contributes to a more nuanced comprehension of societal responsibilities in fostering a more inclusive and tolerant society. It facilitates a more comprehensive understanding of the subject matter at hand.
... Hadirnya partai politik dari ragam spektrum ini menjadi penting karena politisi lokal banyak yang memakai isu konflik dalam pembangunan rumah ibadah untuk kepentingan politiknya (Crouch, 2010). Absennya kelompok-kelompok moderat dalam jaringan ini terjadi karena isu kedaerahan dan kecenderungan mereka untuk mencari solusi kompromis untuk mempertahankan kekuatan sehingga mempertimbangkan intervensi yang harus dilakukan (Brown, 2019). Lebih lanjut, desentralisasi yang umumnya ada dalam organisasi ini menyerahkan berbagai fatwa dan kebijakan teologis pada kalangan ulama-ulama lokal (Arifianto, 2017) hal ini menyebabkan lemahnya modal sosial bagi kalangan islam moderat untuk mendorong munculnya wacana alternatif di dalam peristiwa ini. ...
Religious community relations in Indonesia require much attention as religious identity is frequently used to gain political power. One of the issues that is frequently politicised is the establishment of places of worship. The interrelationships of various groups that unite their power to become a force in legitimising the rejection of the establishment of places of worship must be investigated further. This study employed the Discourse Network Analysis technique to describe the discourse in the news reporting on establishing a church in Palembang. Twenty-five news stories from thirteen Palembang news portals were investigated, analysed using DNA and visualised using Visone. The findings show that various groups are involved, including church-building committees, community organisations, religious organisations, cultural organisations, political parties, and government institutions. The common argument is that the construction of houses of worship must be halted because it does not follow procedures. Political parties are central to this network. This implies that the relevant stakeholders could not keep the conflict out of politics. Meanwhile, the absence of parties who should have been present to maintain tolerance is an important entry point to ensure this does not happen again.
... Apart from the fact that they are social and intellectual movements driven by philanthropic ideas based on educational initiatives and school networks, NU and Muhammadiyah embrace the values of moderation in Islam. Despite their paradoxical character, which is "compatible with democracy but also with certain types of authoritarianism" (Menchik 2019, p. 419), NU and Muhammadiyah continue to uphold Indonesia's commitment to religious pluralism, reproduce democratic norms, reject the idea of an Islamic state based on sharia law and forge a political compromise between liberalism and religious conservatism in Indonesia (Hefner 2019;Menchik 2019;Brown 2019). Even though they value diversity and tolerance, they reject liberalism because they do not want to separate the public sphere from religion because, for them, religion is integral to peaceful coexistence (Menchik 2016). ...
This chapter examines the attitudes of Muhammadiyahand Nahdlatul Ulamatoward LGBT people who have been facing growing hostility from the country’s predominantly Muslim society since 2016. My analysis draws on insights from the discourse of criminalisationand care that has characterized the debate over sexual and gender minorities in Indonesia. This chapter, drawing on interviews and desktop research, demonstrates that the Muslim mass organisations Muhammadiyahand Nahdlatul Ulama display ambivalent attitudes between criminalisationand caretowards LGBT people. Focusing on Muhammadiyah and their autonomous women’s organisation Aisyiyah it argues that the organisations` leaders at the national level are more inclined to criminalise sexual and gender minorities, while at the regional level they are more likely to practice care for minorities, through equal cooperation and interpersonal relations. One reason for this difference is the distance or proximity to the people concerned. Those in charge at the national level are far away from the grassroots, while those at the regional level work more closely with the people.
... The special section offers a different picture by showing that studies involving youth represent a particularly suitable terrain for observing trends that cannot be reduced to 'religious radicalization' (cf. Hasan 2017), and can be linked to more general trends that have been defined variously as 'public Islam' (Esposito and Burgat 2003), 'civic Islam' (Brown 2019), 'public piety' (Stille 2020), or 'post-Islamism' (Bayat 1996). The aforementioned Arab Springs have provided concrete examples of how, building on a conception of the political use of religion that intends to reform society by keeping existing structures in place, young Muslims are envisioning a better society by appropriating codes and organizational modalities derived from the world of social movements and civil society (cf. ...
This article argues for a non-normative and pluralistic approach to the study of utopia among Muslim people. The authors employ the contributions to this special section as a starting point to redress a number of ethnocentric biases clouding the relationship between utopia and Islam. They criticize arguments that deny Muslims the ability to produce ‘genuine’ utopias, highlighting commonalities between a religious culture and the secular culture in the West that has endorsed the notion of utopia. At the same time, the contributors show how in scholarly research a normative and prejudicial concept of ‘Islamic utopia’ has obscured the variety of forms that utopianism assumes among Muslim people, particularly the youth. This article envisages an inductive approach that takes into account both the different positionalities from which the concepts of Islam and utopia are appropriated and the diverse political outcomes that are produced.
... In short, Muhammadiyah is a vast and influential organization that reached the world's fifth largest economy (movement) (Nashir, 2015). Thus, the role and commitment of Muhammadiyah is not only due to its ideological commitment to Islam people, but also the organizational logic of risk management that shapes the organization's character in politics and its solutions that are compromise-oriented toward the State (Brown, 2019). ...
This research aims to analyze the Al-Maun Praxis movement as a new religion-based social movement in Indonesia, implicating its role and influence in educational institutions. The phenomenon of the Al-Ma'un praxis movement developed by Muhammadiyah universities has been studied scientifically by a sociological approach, especially the new social movement with its two theories; the theory of resource mobilization and identity-oriented theory. However, this research shows that those two theories can be used simultaneously by prioritizing the identity-oriented approach and then analyzing the resource mobilization theory. This research discusses the Muhammadiyah organization with the Al-Ma'un Praxis Movement Program at PTM as a model for a new religious-based social movement in Indonesia; in identity-oriented theory, Muhammadiyah as Movement Identity and Surat Al-Ma'un as Movement Theology, and Muhammadiyah as Movement Ideology. The more comprehensive areas in the idea of resource mobilization are: Islam and Mohammadness (Agama Islam dan Kemuhammadiyahan; AIK) as medium to mobilize Muhammadiyah resources, the capital of resource mobilization comes from Muhammadiyah residents at Muhammadiyah Universities, Mobilization of resources in the form of empowerment of charity and creativity based on Muhammadiyah philanthropy.
... The choice of shift cannot be separated from Indonesia's domestic structural conditions after two decades of the end of the authoritarian New Order regime which was marked by the increasing role of Muslims in domestic politics. Foreign researchers use several concepts to interpret this phenomenon, such as moderate Islam (Menchik, 2019), civic Islam (Brown, 2019), religious nationalism (Bourchier, 2019), or the battle of conservatism and intolerance within politics of accommodation (Mietzner & Muhtadi, 2018). The growing narrative of religious tolerance driven by the NU communities to counter the spirit of conservative Islamism during and after the 2015 presidential election has been used by the Chinese government to shift the scholarships' target audiences into Muslim communities in order to build a positive image about China's Uighur policy and its foreign policy as a whole. ...
The increasing cooperation between Indonesia and China within the last two decades is the gradual evolvement of reconciliation since the resumption of the relationship between these two countries in August 1990. During the course of reconciliation, China has been trying to enhance its positive image in Indonesia as an effort in eliminating suspicion and negative perception towards China in Indonesian public discourse. This article tries to scrutinize and problematize China’s efforts in increasing its positive image abroad using cultural resources it has within the soft power conceptual framework. We argue that China has been eagerly balancing its soft p\ower strategy by focusing on cultural rapprochement to gradually eliminate suspicion and negative perception that still live in Indonesia public discourse. Assuming that the Chinese government is aware that its relations with Indonesia has not been fully resumed caused by the negative perceptions by Indonesians, it must use cultural rapprochement as a substitutive element within its foreign policy. This is a systematic literature review study that focusing its inquiry on Chinese diplomacy in education and Muslim community, Confucius Institute, and Chinese-Indonesian business community as a case to enhance our conceptual framework of China’s cultural soft power. It concludes that the instrumentalization of cultural diplomacy as a substitution of China’s economic agenda in Indonesia was partly successful in changing Indonesia’s policy making process, as can we have seen in alignment of Indonesia regulations in favour of China’s BRI in many infrastructure projects but ineffective in shifting the suspicious and sensitive Indonesian public perception.
... Muhammadiyah was the richest Muslim organisation that brought the modern institution tagline, benefiting from the government scheme policy (Brown 2019). It founded the most famous private universities, hospitals, schools in all degrees and charity institutions to contribute to various sectors significantly. ...
This study showed the nexus between state and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), being the mainstream Islamic group addressing political ideology beyond Pancasila. The transnational influence views religion as an ideology, not faith, resulting in the different nation’s elites response. Furthermore, the government failed to formalise the relationship by endorsing NU to take concrete measures in the area. This study demonstrated how Indonesian religious organisations could maintain stability. The post-Suharto era evinced the special relationship between the state and the largest Muslim organisation, helping the government to defuse militant doctrines. Furthermore, this study defied the secularisation theories to set aside the religion’s role in adapting national democracy or social development. The findings indicated that the compromising politicking religion could strengthen the national identity and ideology shield of external infiltration doctrine.
Contribution: This article examines the problem of contemporary nationalism post-Suharto and the variety of potential disintegration. Indeed, the appearance of nationalist-based religious groups such as NU strengthens the nation’s integrity by building awareness of binding religion and nationalism.
... Indonesia has grown to be more conservative since then. Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah, the two biggest Islamic organizations in Indonesia, have become more conservative since the mid-2000s (Brown, 2019). The conservatives regard the LGBT as the western liberal values and perceive them as a hostile entity and label LGBT as a moral crisis (Davies, 2018). ...
The research set out to investigate how Islamic hegemonic processes disseminate in society. It also tried to examine how LGBT individuals negotiate the tension and navigate their behaviors of being Muslim and LGBT. In Indonesia, being a Muslim and LGBT was viewed as irreconcilable by the general public. Despite that, some people identified as both Muslim and LGBT. This posed a tension that needed to be addressed. The research distributed online forms across several social media to find willing participants. The online forms yielded seven different responses from people who identified as Muslims and LGBT, three of whom were willing to participate in follow-up interviews. The willing participants were then personally interviewed in informal settings using Zoom video calls due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The interviews were semi-structured, and they were carried out over the course of four weeks. The research drew on concepts such as cultural hegemony and ideological state apparatuses as conceptual frameworks to guide the research and the interviews. The findings suggest that family and education are the two most influential hegemonic instruments in instilling Islamic hegemonic values in the participants. The research also finds that the respondents perform unique distinct negotiation strategies according to their personal beliefs and values on social and spiritual levels.
... Kedua organisasi ini diklaim sebagai organisasi paling moderat dan toleran justru paling intoleran dan represif terhadap perbedaan interpretasi ideologi Islam (Maksum et al. 2020). Terlebih Muhammadiyah dan NU memainkan peran penting dalam mereproduksi norma-norma demokrasi dan menegakkan komitmen formal negara terhadap pluralisme agama (Brown 2019). Karena inilah dakwah KH. ...
This article discusses the concept of da'wah nationalism in broadcasting Islamic values under the auspices of the Islamic boarding school developed by KH. Much. Imam Chambali. This study uses qualitative research with field research methods focused on the values of nationalism developed by KH. Much. Imam Chambali. The data collection instruments consist of interviews, documentation, and observations with the analysis technique of the Miles and Huberman model (data reduction, data presentation, and concluding). The results of the study illustrate that KH. Much. Imam Chambali carried out nationalism da'wah by planting and developing nationalism. How this is done can be seen clearly in three aspects. First, providing da'wah materials containing elements commemorating the services of heroes is expected to help foster a sense of nationalism. The second is an effort to inculcate an attitude of internal and inter-religious tolerance to create harmony. Third, acculturating the local language with its da'wah messages so that the da'wah message can be easily accepted by the community and as a tool to maintain nationalism in the era of globalization.
... In general, the identity of Indonesian migrants is strongly linked with the home country as source -Indonesia. The academic discourse on identity that specifically focuses on Islamic identity in Indonesia is divided into two major narrativestraditional Islam and modern Islam (Brown 2019). However, scholarly analysis of the dichotomy of Islamic identity in Indonesia has departed from Clifford Geertz's argument (1964) regarding the related terms santri, priyayi, abangan. 2 Some experts have criticized this dichotomy, because they consider it to be contradicted by the reality of developments at the grassroots level of Islamic society alongside Indonesia's social, economic and political modernization. ...
Empirical studies on relationships between Indonesians and Malaysians, especially those living in Penang, Malaysia, diverge significantly from the narratives commonly found in mainstream media. At the national level, the two countries have frequently been involved in problems that have led to inter-state tensions. However, at the grassroots level of personal relationships, specifically between Indonesian migrants and local Malaysians, harmony and cohesion as well as mutual benefits are more often expressed by those involved. This article argues that a similarity of identity has made it easier for Indonesian migrants to build cohesion with the local Malaysian population and with Malays in particular. As a consequence of these similar identities and cohesive relationships, Indonesian migrants experience various benefits and feel safer when facing legal issues. This article outlines the origins of Indonesian migrant identity and discusses specific elements to elaborate on the role of identity at the personal level of Indonesia–Malaysia relations.
... The existence of Islamic traditionalism as a counterpoint is often associated with its opposition to the identity of Islamic reformism. The context in Indonesia illustrates the establishment of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) organization in Indonesia which identified as an alliance of traditionalist Muslims to match the contestation of teachings echoed by reformist Islamist group called Muhammadiyah [1]. Not only in Indonesia, the identity of Islamic traditionalism in India, represented by Sunni group is also confronted by Islamic reformers concerning on the purification of religious teachings [2]. ...
... NU plays an important role in reproducing democratic values and maintaining the commitment of state ideology and religious pluralism. However, this is not because of ideological obligations towards civil Islam, but rather because of the logic of risk management organizations that shape them in politics and the compromise-oriented solutions they propose (Brown, 2019). ...
... Many reports put forward by mainstream Western media about Islam negatively, have an impact on the relationship of Islam and the West that is not productive. This makes the positive relationship between Islam and the West that has been forged when President Bill Clinton and scientists who are sympathetic to Islam experience a split (Brown 2019). Even the occurrence of the murder of several citizens indicates a rift in Muslim-Western relations (Kronfeld 2012). ...
Abstrak. Artikel ini hendak menjelaskan tentang pemberitaan yang terkait Islam di Media mainstream Barat. Pemberitaan di media mainstream barat cenderung negative. Islam itu identic dengan musuh peradaban. Artikel ini berasumsi bahwa pemberitaan negative tentang Islam di Barat dikarenakan adanya tindakan-tindakan yang dilakukan oleh sebagian kelompok migran muslim yang kurang dapat berhubungan dengan baik sesama anggota masyarakat di Barat. Pada era post Truth pemberitaan media tentang Islam sebenarnya dipengaruhi persoalan kepentingan ekonomi dan politik dari kebijakan media. Pemberitaan media tentang Islam merupakan hal yang sangat kompleks tidak hanya dapat dilihat dalam perspektif yang tungal. Artikel ini mempergunakan pendekatan kritis atas perspektif yang digunakan oleh media-media Barat mainstream ketika memberitakan muslim di Eropa. Jika pada persoalan agama dan politik maka media Barat harus dilihat bagaimana mendidik agar kita menjadi “melek media” bagi kalangan masyarakat.
Abstract. This article asserts that the imagination of religion and politics in the era of post-truth media can be said to be negative. Religion and politics are mutually antagonistic. Even among supporters of political forces hostile to each other due to religion. This paper provides an explanation that due to media portrayals, especially the foreign media about the impact of Islam is worrying enough in the era of post-truth. Media portrayals of religion and politics are negative then the public needs to get a reinforcement-strengthening (media literacy) relating to religion and politics in the era of post-truth. This article also explains that there is a fairly complex problem when the media provides related depictions of religion and politics, especially related to Islam in the spotlight in the international media and the mainstream media. This article is not directly about to give a critique of the media portrayal of the religion (Islam) in particular and the world of politics going on, because the adherents of a religion does not necessarily become enemies of each other. If you bring religion and politics as the enemy that happens is the commodification religion and politics by the media so that the media does not educate people but just a mere profiteering.
Political Islam in Indonesia plays an important role in democratic development, although it is often faced with challenges in managing the relationship between religion and the state. As a Muslim-majority country, the application of Islamic values in politics raises debates about its compatibility with democratic principles such as freedom, equality and pluralism. On the one hand, Islamic politics can strengthen political ethics and social justice, but on the other hand, it has the potential to trigger polarization if not managed properly. This research explores the contribution of Islamic politics to democracy in Indonesia, particularly in instilling ethical values, strengthening public participation, and building inclusive dialogue. Using a qualitative approach and literature review, this research analyzes literature that discusses the role of Islamic politics in Indonesia's democratic dynamics. The results show that Islamic politics contributes through the values of justice, welfare, and transparency, as well as expanding political participation through religious parties and organizations such as NU and Muhammadiyah. Islamic politics also plays a role in creating interfaith dialogue and resolving social conflicts. The findings confirm the importance of inclusive and democracy-oriented Islamic politics to unite plural societies. However, this research is limited to a literature review, so a field study is needed for a more comprehensive understanding. The Relationship between Religion and State 63 Amanda Putri Widia et al., https://journal.abdurraufinstitute.org/index.php/suffah Abstrak: Politik Islam di Indonesia memainkan peran penting dalam pembangunan demokrasi, meskipun sering dihadapkan pada tantangan dalam mengelola hubungan antara agama dan negara. Sebagai negara dengan mayoritas Muslim, penerapan nilai-nilai Islam dalam politik kerap memicu perdebatan mengenai kesesuaiannya dengan prinsip demokrasi seperti kebebasan, kesetaraan, dan pluralisme. Di satu sisi, politik Islam dapat memperkuat etika politik dan keadilan sosial, tetapi di sisi lain, ia berpotensi menimbulkan polarisasi sosial jika tidak dikelola dengan baik. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengeksplorasi kontribusi politik Islam terhadap demokrasi di Indonesia, khususnya dalam menanamkan nilai-nilai etis, memperkuat partisipasi publik, dan membangun dialog inklusif di tengah masyarakat yang beragam. Dengan pendekatan kualitatif dan kajian pustaka, penelitian ini menganalisis literatur akademik tentang peran politik Islam dalam dinamika demokrasi Indonesia. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa politik Islam berkontribusi melalui nilai-nilai keadilan, kesejahteraan, dan transparansi dalam pengelolaan negara. Partai-partai berbasis Islam serta organisasi seperti NU dan Muhammadiyah turut memperluas partisipasi politik bagi kelompok yang kurang terwakili. Selain itu, politik Islam juga berperan dalam menciptakan dialog lintas agama dan menyelesaikan konflik sosial. Temuan ini menegaskan pentingnya politik Islam yang inklusif dan berorientasi pada nilai-nilai demokrasi untuk mempersatukan masyarakat plural Indonesia. Namun, penelitian ini terbatas pada kajian pustaka tanpa analisis empiris, sehingga diperlukan penelitian lanjutan dengan metode studi lapangan untuk pemahaman yang lebih komprehensif.
The founders of the nation based their philosophy, known as Pancasila, on the religious and cultural diversity of the Indonesian people. It is the foundation of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. The purpose of this research is to analyse and present a summary of Muhammadiyah's dar al-'ahdi (national consensus) interpretation of the Pancasila State concept. One of the biggest social-community organisations, Muhammadiyah, sees Pancasila as a dar al-'ahdi (national consensus) that was established in the Muhammadiyah Muktamar decision tanfidz of 2015. Because Muhammadiyah holds the belief that Pancasila must occupy the highest position in the life of the nation and state with the concept of Pancasila state darul al-'ahdi wa shahadah, this concept was developed. Muhammadiyah has observed Pancasila being strengthened and is dedicated to doing so as well as interpreting the diversity that has been reflected in the faith and conviction of Muhammadiyah life's values. The Pancasila as Dar al-'Ahdi wa al-Syahadah-based Indonesian state already has a solid ideological foundation.
Muhammadiyah continues to make a positive contribution to the progress of Indonesia. If in the first century of his age, Muhammadiyah focused on advancing education, health and compensation to the d} u'afā, then through the 47 th Congress in Makassar (2015), Muhammad-iyah recommended an important point by paying attention to the minority groups. In more detail, this article examines a number of things, namely the views that underlie young Muhammadiyah intellectuals voicing partiality towards the religious minority, the role or form of alignments and the implications of these views on thought upheavals within Muhammadiyah internally and at the national level. This article draws conclusions by describing the important roles of young Muhammadiyah intellectuals in fighting for the basic rights of a religious minority that continue to face the complicated problem of citizenship. Data mining is more focused on advocacy and intellectual works, including by conducting a literature review of statements of attitudes, published books, journals, research reports, and opinions in the mainstream and alternative media.
This article discusses another dimension in the discussion about Pancasila, which aims to create a conducive climate in establishing a social order in society. Many Muslim scholars see Pancasila as the best interpretation, which aligns with the values of the holy book in Islam. Pancasila has a significant role in maintaining the integrity of the Indonesian state and opposing disintegration. In a fragile situation, the pressure to maintain unity is increasing, and Pancasila is the only option to connect all faiths in a society as diverse as Indonesia. This article shows that, as Indonesia's basic interpretation according to Islamic normative texts, Pancasila is the most reliable concept in formulating equality of belief and justice before the law for all people. The research findings show Pancasila's significant contribution to maintaining Indonesia's integrity by ensuring that all elements can contribute to achieving the best results, not only in the field of religion but also in building national pride. Thus Pancasila plays an essential role in maintaining the unity and integrity of the Indonesian state. Pancasila creates a conducive social climate and conforms to Islamic values.
This article employs the notions of exclusivism and inclusivism to categorise the responses of prospective Islamic religion teachers towards various Islamic religious sects. Despite the prevalent criticism surrounding the perceived oversimplification and a lack of insight provided by the two typologies, we have found them to be valuable tools for elucidating the phenomena under investigation. Quantitative data were collected from 154 respondents using questionnaires containing multiple-choice questions. Data frequency, cross-tabulation and gamma values are statistical techniques employed to analyse and characterise data and ascertain the nature of their associations or dependencies. This study provides evidence indicating that a significant proportion of prospective Islamic religious teachers had a worldview characterised by exclusivity. Their exclusivist stance is seen in their acknowledgment of sects that deviate from their own, such as Wahhabism, Shia, and those engaging in non-scriptural forms of worship. Some individuals agree with the designation of heretical being attributed to those who adhere to distinct religious worship customs. Moreover, these individuals perceive contentious theological assertions, such as those made by Sheikh Panji Gumilang, as warped, misguided and beyond redemption.Contribution: This study implies the need to review and reconstruct higher education curricula to prepare prospective Islamic religion teachers who are moderate, tolerant, inclusive, and uphold human rights.
This study aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of how Barasuara's Hagia manifests religious tolerance and orientational pluralism in Indonesia. It is important to highlight that the responsibility for religious tolerance and pluralism extends beyond leadership to every stratum of society. By leveraging music as a vehicle to promote pluralism and instill values within individuals at their core, this approach may prove to be more effective than other governmental-implemented formalized methods. Religion can impact the behavior of young people, who are more ardent than older people, who are more cautious. By applying a qualitative approach, this study shows how orientational pluralism in the Hagia of Barasuara exemplifies religious tolerance. Through the emphasis on divergent viewpoints and other interconnected themes, the lyrical compositions of Hagia demonstrate the potential for religious tolerance and are therefore indicative of a pluralistic and diverse ethos. In conclusion, the lyrical composition suggests that pluralistic understanding can improve inclusive views toward one's own and other religions. Hagia's recognition and admiration of various religious beliefs demonstrate that sheer relativism is insufficient; individuals must show proactive compassion for others.
This article aims to conduct a philosophical review of the concept of High Politics initiated by Amien Rais and offered to be a reference for Muhammadiyah in 1986 in organizing. The aim is to address political dynamics in Indonesia to have a moral framework in the context of following the dynamics of political progress. This paper questions the extent of this insight when viewed from the perspective of Buya Hamka’s, which is also a critical Muhammadiyah actor. Buya Hamka and Amien Rais were involved in determining Muhammadiyah to have a political view as a responsive attitude to the political dynamics of the time. This study is a literature study using Karl Menheim's sociology of knowledge approach to philosophically examine the ideas of High Politics with Hamka's political ideas when interpreting verses that contain values contained in high politics. This article concludes that there is no significant difference between the high politics framework and Hamka's idea of the verses used as a foothold in the high politics formula, only when Amien Rais formulates the framework, there is no opinion that refers to buya Hamka. Likewise, with Hamka there is no serious tendency in his interpretation of formulating political cases. However, both of them have the same orientation regarding the essence of politics and da'wah as a means of creating the general good and amar maruf nahi munkar. Likewise with the state system, both of them also have in common that they see the state system as taught by Islam as prioritizing deliberation or democracy and not being centralized. These two views that were born in different eras are equally intertwined with the dynamics in the Muhammadiyah organization, which is faced with an unstable political atmosphere.
This article analyzes the articulation of Islamic thought in the 2014 and 2019 elections, both of which were marked by efforts by progressive and conservative Muslims to dominate public spaces. Contestation was evident in these political discourses, with progressive Muslims advocating for moderatism, political ethics, and tolerance in narratives of inclusivism, pluralism, and tolerance while conservative Muslims seminating extremism, the formalization of sharia law, and intolerance in narratives of exclusivism and homogenization. The analysis questions the continuity-discontinuity, motives, and actors of progressive and conservative Muslim movements and investigates the challenges for progressive Muslims in disseminating their narratives in Indonesia. The result argues that massive religious organizations in Indonesia such as Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama articulate, internalize, and institutionalize progressive thought within their organizations and educational institutions. This article further recommends progressive Muslims reckon and countermeasure conservativism among religious and political elites whose narratives exploit religious sentiments for practical purposes.
For all religions, including Islam, pluralism in society is a challenge. Many thought reconstructions and debates regarding the Islamic paradigm are results of conflicts between right and left Islamic ideologies about the religious paradigm. This research aimed to determine how Jaringan Islam Liberal (JIL) and Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) groups embrace tolerance and social networks. The data were analyzed using van Dijk’s critical discourse analysis and a multi-level approach to offer a more critical understanding of the paradigms. This research discovered that JIL has promoted religious tolerance within its theological domain, while HTI has reacted adversely. HTI has not renounced tolerance, but its ideology does not include religious tolerance. HTI derives its legitimacy from Islam; its activists see Islam as a religion and an ideology. JIL also views religion as more than just text and pursues a contextual view of theology. Meanwhile, HTI was restricted to its textual interpretation. Its dissemination in several media outlets further demonstrated its paradigm and the unity of HTI members.
The Tegalrejo Islamic Student Dormitory Boarding School, Magelang, Central Java, is an Islamic educational institution with an integrated implementation of religious education with the studies of the yellow book (turath) which synergizes with public school education, using curriculum 13. Apart from being Salafi, The API Islamic Boarding School understands that Ahlussunnah Wal Jamaah (Aswaja) strongly emphasizes the attitude of religious moderation. Education as a fundamental aspect includes Islamic boarding schools as a forum to galvanize the younger generation of Islam who are ready to accept the relay of struggle from previous leaders and scholars. Pesantren is a fortress to prevent the degradation of the nation's moral values. The purpose of this study is to find out the role of ustadz/ustadzah in giving their teachings to students in terms of moderation and eliminating intolerant behavior. The method used is qualitative by conducting observations, interviews, and collecting documentation, as well as distributing questionnaires as supporting data. The results of this study describe the application of the school curriculum at the APi Tegalrejo Islamic boarding school Magelang combined with the study of the yellow book (classic) as a reference in terms of religious knowledge. Thus giving birth to an attitude of religious moderation among students under the auspices of the pesantren. In this study, it was found as a form of contribution that the use of educational curriculum 13 which was integrated with the study of classical book studies, based on Salafi and Aswaja-oriented, was able to provide insight to santri students at the API Boarding School to become moderate students, this was shown by the students being able to follow the dynamics developmental life in society which involves issues of religion, social, culture, science, business skills and technology today.
Berbagai kajian yang dilakukan terhadap dakwah masih didominasi oleh dakwah dalam bentuk lisan maupun tulisan. Penggunaan media atau suatu tindakan juga sudah memperoleh perhatian sebagai bagian dari dakwah, meski masih belum sebanding dengan dakwah lisan dan tulisan. Artikel ini mengangkat pembangunan fasilitas publik yang dilakukan organisasi Muhammadiyah sebagai bentuk dakwah. Pembangunan fasilitas publik ini kerap dianggap sekadar wujud filantropi. Penulis melihat bahwa pembangunan fasilitas publik adalah bagian dari dakwah yang dilakukan Muhammadiyah. Dengan perspektif komunikasi dari James W. Carey dan komunikasi profetik, proses komunikasi tidak hanya dilihat dalam bentuk lisan, tulisan, atau gestur/tindakan, tetapi juga bentuk lain seperti materi, dalam konteks artikel ini adalah infrastruktur fasilitas publik, yang ditujukan sebagai pengamalan nilai-nilai profetik, termasuk di dalamnya adalah dakwah. Perspektif infrastruktur puitis dari Brian Larkin memungkinkan infrastruktur tidak hanya dilihat dari aspek fungsionalnya saja, tetapi juga aspek politisnya, termasuk nilai-nilai yang dibawa lewat pembangunan infrastruktur. Muhammadiyah dengan nilai Islam modern menerapkan dakwah Islam modern lewat fasilitas publik sesuai kebutuhan masyarakat, pendidikan campuran agama dan sains, dan Kawasan Tanpa Rokok (KTR). [Various studies conducted on da'wah are still dominated by da'wah in oral and written form. The use of media or an action has also received attention as part of da'wah, although it is still not comparable to oral and written da'wah. This article discusses the construction of public facilities by the Muhammadiyah organization as a form of da'wah. The construction of public facilities is often seen as just a form of philanthropy. We see that the construction of public facilities is part of the da'wah carried out by Muhammadiyah. With the communication perspective of James W. Carey and prophetic communication, the communication process is not only seen in the form of spoken, written, or gesture/action, but also other forms such as material, in the context of this article is the infrastructure of public facilities, which are intended as the practice of prophetic values, including da'wah. Brian Larkin's poetic infrastructure perspective allows infrastructure not only to be seen from the functional aspect, but also from the political aspect, including the values brought through infrastructure development. Muhammadiyah with modern Islamic values applies modern Islamic da'wah through public facilities according to community needs, education that is a mixture of religion and science, and Non-Smoking Areas (KTR).]
This article discusses islamophobia as a threat to multiculturalism in Indonesia. To test this assumption, this article uses the theory expressed by Huntington as a multicultural clash between Western civilization and Islam. The method used is qualitative-explorative with a phenomenological approach. By analysis using Nvivo 12 Pro Tools. The results of this study state that islamophobia has significantly undermined the harmonization of diversity in Indonesia. This is evidenced by the phenomenon of mutual disbelief among fellow Muslims and bigotry between Islamic groups in Indonesia. As an offer to face the threat of division from the high influence of Islamophobia, it is to present Islam as rahmatan lil alamin to maintain national and state harmonization in Indonesia. Pendahuluan Islam berasal dari kata "Salam" yang berarti damai. Islam mengajarkan misi damainya ke dunia terlepas dari latar belakang agamanya. Islam disebut juga
This article ascribes social-interactional strategies of ethnic Chinese toward the local people in developing mutual social relationship after the conflicts or post-conflicts. The context of multicultural ethnic life had distressed Chinese people to mingle with local people in West Kalimantan causing a wide social gap in the society. This research was conducted through an ethnography methodology to reveal the facts utilizing observation, interview, and documentation to collect the data. There were twelve participants participated as the informants of the research included four Chinese and eight local people. The results of the research revealed that ethnic Chinese had been successful to rebuild and develop the social relationship with the local people through social interaction and engagement. The strategy used was to prioritize human values while interacting, as well as to respect the culture diversity that existed in the community. By implementing the strategy, the social—interactional relationship between Chinese and local people after the conflicts became harmonious. This result could also trigger or lead other multicultural communities to implement similar strategies to fix or rebuild their inter-ethnic relationship. Finally, this article contributes to propose problem solutions to solve social conflicts in multicultural community, and as an effort to prevent the inter-ethnic conflicts.
While Intersectionality and Postcolonial Studies have emerged as transdisciplinary academic fields in the last three decades, despite several similarities shared by these two theoretical strands (for e.g., critical analysis of structural relationships of power, dominance, and discrimination), there has been a dearth of research that has examined critical questions of disability within either frame. This is surprising on two fronts: First, structural disparities of marginalized groups (for e.g., people with disabilities, refugees, BIPoC etc.) both in the global South and North have become a relevant issue in public, political and academic discourse (Afeworki Abay, Schülle & Wechuli, 2021). Second, disability as a social category cuts across all of other social categories within the colonial context and as Soldatic (2020) illustrates, it has particular resonance for understanding practices of post/de/settler colonial governance in terms of Indigeneity, gender and sexuality, diversity, class and caste, and the racialization of internal social relations within the colonial apparatus. In fact, the paucity of disability scholarship engaged with the different theoretical impositions of (post/de/settler) colonial theorizing could be argued to have ‘undone’ empirically grounded research on questions of disability and its intersectionality with the array of colonial structural, institutions and practices of social categorization. For example, very little is known about the complex intersectional relationship between gender, disability, indigeneity or forced migration as potential sources of social disadvantages under different types of colonial regimes (post/de/settler). Interestingly, a growing number of scholars are seeking to address such concerns within their own fields of social categorization, including but not limited to sexuality and gender diversity, race and religion from an Indigenous Standpoint. This group of scholars have begun to point out that combined, theories of colonialism (post/de/settler) and intersectionality would prove to be an enormously fruitful scholarly practice to overcome the existing epistemic limitations of current strands within their fields. As critical disability scholars, we concur with these arguments and this international anthology, aims to respond to these calls for increased nuance when engaging with questions of, and concerns in relation to, disability. The collection of authors, we suggest, will rigorously demarcate the different structures of colonialism (post/de/settler) and examine the critical importance of disability to sustaining these unique practices of power. Please be aware that this co-edited collection is forthcoming in January 2024.
National book chapter ini membahas tentang hukum dan teknologi
Muhammadiyah keeps onto make a positive contribution to the progress of Indonesia. In the first century of its advent, Muhammadiyah focused on advancing education, health, and compensation to the du‘afā, while through the 47th Congress in Makassar (2015), Muhammadiyah had issued an important point which emphasizes on the minority groups. This article examines a number of issues dealing with the views that underlie young Muhammadiyah intellectuals in voicing partiality towards the religious minority, the role or form of alignments and the implications of these views on thought upheavals within Muhammadiyah internally and at the national level. The study finds that the young Muhammadiyah intellectuals play a pivotal role in fighting for the basic rights of a religious minority which continues to face the complicated problem of citizenship. The data has been focused on advocacy and intellectual works, including a literature review of statements of attitudes, published books, journals, research reports, and opinions in the national mainstream and alternative media.
The landscape of the Indonesian public sphere amidst the rise of new media has opened both opportunities and threats dealing with Islamic teaching. This condition shapes a danger for the two largest of moderate Muslim Organisations (Muhammadiyah and Nahdatul Ulama/NU), in which they do not engage a lot of this development of the digital platform. Consequently, dealing with religious issues, their voices become voiceless. By employing desk research through some relevant references and collecting information from social media, specifically Instagram and Youtube, this article examines the role of the Islamic organization of moderate Islam in the rapid of the digital platform as the new of the public sphere. The article finds that they have difference respond to dealing with the presence of the new religious authorities. In comparison, while Muhammadiyah is more accepting of them calmly, NU is more reactively in responding.
Lanskap ruang publik Indonesia di tengah muncunya media sosial membuka kesempatan sekaligus ancaman terkait dengan dakwah Islam. Hal itu merupakan ancaman bagi dua organisasi besar Moderat Islam di Indonesia (Muhammadiyah dan NU), di mana mereka menjadi kelompok minoritas dalam aktivitas dakwah online. Akibatnya, berkaitan dengan issu-isu keagamaan, suara mereka menjadi tidak terdengar/didengarkan. Dengan melakukan riset studi literatur yang relevan dan informasi yang didapatkan dari akun media sosial, khususnya Instagram dan Youtube, artikel ini menjelaskan peranan organisasi Islam moderat di tengah cepatnya platform digital di ruang publik. Artikel ini menemukan bahwa Muhammadiyah dan NU memiliki respon yang berbeda terkait dengan kehadiran otoritas keagamaan baru. Sebagai perbandingan, penerimaan Muhammadiyah terhadap kehadiran mereka terlebih lebih biasa ketimbang dengan NU yang reaktif.
Civil Islam, Hefner argues, is an orientation toward civil pluralism justified through Islamic scripture and philosophy. Hefner juxtaposes civil Islam with conservative Islam, which experienced a concurrent – and to a degree state-driven – resurgence in the 1990s. Thus, Civil Islam is also the story of conflict among Indonesian Muslims over the soul of the democracy-to-be: between the advocates of an inclusive Islamic civil pluralism and advocates of an exclusionary Muslim nationalism. Given the rise of such challenges, how should we read Civil Islam with two decades of hindsight? This article is an introduction to a special issue entitles "Civil Islam Revisited". https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10357823.2019.1626534
For much of the 2000s, scholars and activists lauded Indonesia’s surprisingly successful transition to democracy. Recent years, however, have made imperfections visible to the point where the breakdown of Indonesian democracy is imaginable if not yet under way. This article investigates the conditions under which moderate Islamic organisations support non-democratic values and actors, and by doing so contribute to Indonesia’s democratic decline. Drawing on original survey data and interviews, as well as case studies in which the preferences of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah leaders have become visible, this article argues that these organisations’ values are compatible with both democracy and authoritarianism. While NU and Muhammadiyah exemplify the civic associational ties and democratic culture that are necessary for making democracy work, civic pluralism is not their only value. NU and Muhammadiyah have a hierarchy of values that they promote and defend, and are willing to forgo civic pluralism in order to combat blasphemy against Islam, ensure Muslim control over overwhelmingly Muslim regions, and limit political expression concerning heterodox approaches to Islam or non-Muslim involvement in matters of aqidah (faith). NU and Muhammadiyah also operate within the country’s political patronage system, and their material interests can lead them away from supporting democratic values.
This paper analyses forms of religious mobilisation and the resultant Islamisation in Indonesia and Malaysia after independence against the backdrop of interactions in and among three different spheres: the state, political society, and civil society. Islamisation in Indonesia has been propelled by different actors, and only from the mid-1980s until the fall of Suharto did the state apparatus control and direct its dynamics with growing intensity. Since then, the process has preponderantly been driven by civil society forces. Whereas there has been a blossoming of a diverse, yet mostly conservative Islam across the society, in the party system the Islamisation of politics has been moderate. In Malaysia, Islamisation has been much more actively planned and stimulated by the central bureaucracy. Religion in political society has been strongly politicised, while Islamic civil society organisations and groupings had a strong impact only briefly. Whereas in Indonesia civil society mass organisations have structured the discourse on Islam to a large extent and have therefore limited the ability of the state and political parties to set the agenda and mobilise Islam, in Malaysia the state and Islamic political parties have acted more independently. Authoritarian rule in Indonesia previously obstructed religious mobilisation by Islamic and Islamist parties. The brittle electoral democracy since the fall of Suharto has fuelled mobilisation efforts, but the role of the Islamic and Islamist parties has still been limited. Electoral authoritarianism in Malaysia, in contrast, has been conducive to a form of religious mobilisation that is centred upon the activities of parties.
Most studies of civil society are mainly normative, both in their conceptualization and in their theoretical assumptions. We suggest a new, or better revised, research agenda of the study of civil society, which should include (at least) these four points. First, the concept of civil society should be seen as a heuristic device. Second, the separation between ‘civil society’ and ‘uncivil society’ makes sense only in a normative framework, and then exclusively with uncivil society defined as a sub-set of civil society. Third, empirical research on civil society should study the nature of the relationship between civil society organizations and democracy/democratization, rather than assume it. Fourth,‘uncivil’ movements and contentious politics should be included in the study of civil society.
In recent decades the study of social movements, revolution, democratization and other non-routine politics has flourished. And yet research on the topic remains highly fragmented, reflecting the influence of at least three traditional divisions. The first of these reflects the view that various forms of contention are distinct and should be studied independent of others. Separate literatures have developed around the study of social movements, revolutions and industrial conflict. A second approach to the study of political contention denies the possibility of general theory in deference to a grounding in the temporal and spatial particulars of any given episode of contention. The study of contentious politics are left to 'area specialists' and/or historians with a thorough knowledge of the time and place in question. Finally, overlaid on these two divisions are stylized theoretical traditions - structuralist, culturalist, and rationalist - that have developed largely in isolation from one another. This book was first published in 2001.
For much of the 2000s, scholars and activists lauded Indonesia’s surprisingly successful transition to democracy. Recent years, however, have made imperfections visible to the point where the breakdown of Indonesian democracy is imaginable if not yet under way. This article investigates the conditions under which moderate Islamic organisations support non-democratic values and actors, and by doing so contribute to Indonesia’s democratic decline. Drawing on original survey data and interviews, as well as case studies in which the preferences of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah leaders have become visible, this article argues that these organisations’ values are compatible with both democracy and authoritarianism. While NU and Muhammadiyah exemplify the civic associational ties and democratic culture that are necessary for making democracy work, civic pluralism is not their only value. NU and Muhammadiyah have a hierarchy of values that they promote and defend, and are willing to forgo civic pluralism in order to combat blasphemy against Islam, ensure Muslim control over overwhelmingly Muslim regions, and limit political expression concerning heterodox approaches to Islam or non-Muslim involvement in matters of aqidah (faith). NU and Muhammadiyah also operate within the country’s political patronage system, and their material interests can lead them away from supporting democratic values.
Indonesia's Islamic organizations sustain the country's thriving civil society, democracy, and reputation for tolerance amid diversity. Yet scholars poorly understand how these organizations envision the accommodation of religious difference. What does tolerance mean to the world's largest Islamic organizations? What are the implications for democracy in Indonesia and the broader Muslim world? Jeremy Menchik argues that answering these questions requires decoupling tolerance from liberalism and investigating the historical and political conditions that engender democratic values. Drawing on archival documents, ethnographic observation, comparative political theory, and an original survey, Islam and Democracy in Indonesia demonstrates that Indonesia's Muslim leaders favor a democracy in which individual rights and group-differentiated rights converge within a system of legal pluralism, a vision at odds with American-style secular government but common in Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe. Challenges the assumption that liberal modes of tolerance are necessary for making democracy work Instead of asking whether Islam is compatible with democracy, it investigates the more important question: what kind of democracy do Muslims want? Draws on twenty-four months of field research in Indonesia, including archival research, ethnographic observation and an original survey.
In October 2002 a bomb blast in a Balinese nightclub killed more than two hundred people, many of them young Australian tourists. This event and subsequent attacks on foreign targets in Bali and Jakarta in 2003, 2004, and 2005 brought Indonesia into the global media spotlight as a site of Islamist terrorist violence. Yet the complexities of political and religious struggles in Indonesia, the most populous Muslim country in the world, remain little known and poorly understood in the West. In Riots, Pogroms, Jihad, John T. Sidel situates these terrorist bombings and other “jihadist” activities in Indonesia against the backdrop of earlier episodes of religious violence in the country, including religious riots in provincial towns and cities in 1995-1997, the May 1998 riots in Jakarta, and interreligious pogroms in 1999-2001. Sidel's close account of these episodes of religious violence in Indonesia draws on a wide range of documentary, ethnographic, and journalistic materials. Sidel chronicles these episodes of violence and explains the overall pattern of change in religious violence over a ten-year period in terms of the broader discursive, political, and sociological contexts in which they unfolded. Successive shifts in the incidence of violence-its forms, locations, targets, perpetrators, mobilizational processes, and outcomes-correspond, Sidel suggests, to related shifts in the very structures of religious authority and identity in Indonesia during this period. He interprets the most recent “jihadist” violence as a reflection of the post-1998 decline of Islam as a banner for unifying and mobilizing Muslims in Indonesian politics and society. Sidel concludes this book by reflecting on the broader implications of the pattern observed in Indonesia both for understanding Islamic terrorism in particular and for analyzing religious violence in all its varieties.
Civil Islam tells the story of Islam and democratization in Indonesia, the world's largest Muslim nation. Challenging stereotypes of Islam as antagonistic to democracy, this study of courage and reformation in the face of state terror suggests possibilities for democracy in the Muslim world and beyond. Democratic in the early 1950s and with rich precedents for tolerance and civility, Indonesia succumbed to violence. In 1965, Muslim parties were drawn into the slaughter of half a million communists. In the aftermath of this bloodshed, a "New Order" regime came to power, suppressing democratic forces and instituting dictatorial controls that held for decades. Yet from this maelstrom of violence, repressed by the state and denounced by conservative Muslims, an Islamic democracy movement emerged, strengthened, and played a central role in the 1998 overthrow of the Soeharto regime. In 1999, Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid was elected President of a reformist, civilian government. In explaining how this achievement was possible, Robert Hefner emphasizes the importance of civil institutions and public civility, but argues that neither democracy nor civil society is possible without a civilized state. Against portrayals of Islam as inherently antipluralist and undemocratic, he shows that Indonesia's Islamic reform movement repudiated the goal of an Islamic state, mobilized religiously ecumenical support, promoted women's rights, and championed democratic ideals. This broadly interdisciplinary and timely work heightens our awareness of democracy's necessary pluralism, and places Indonesia at the center of our efforts to understand what makes democracy work.
This book examines popular culture in Indonesia, the world's most populous Muslim nation, and the third largest democracy. It provides a full account of the key trends since the collapse of the authoritarian Suharto regime (1998), a time of great change in Indonesian society more generally. It explains how one of the most significant results of the deepening industrialization in Southeast Asia since the 1980s has been the expansion of consumption and new forms of media, and that Indonesia is a prime example of this development. It goes on to show that although the Asian economic crisis in 1997 had immediate and negative impacts on incumbent governments, as well as the socioeconomic life for most people in the region, at the same time popular cultures have been dramatically reinvigorated as never before. It includes analysis of important themes, including political activism and citizenship, gender, class, age and ethnicity. Throughout, it shows how the multilayered and contradictory processes of identity formation in Indonesia are inextricably linked to popular culture. This is one of the first books on Indonesia's media and popular culture in English. It is a significant addition to the literature on Asian popular culture, and will be of interest to anyone who is interested in new developments in media and popular culture in Indonesia and Asia. © 2008 Editorial selection and matter; Ariel Heryanto. All rights reserved.
Since democratization, Indonesia has played host to a curious form of ethnic conflict: militant vigilante groups attacking a small, socially marginal religious sect called Ahmadiyah. While most scholars attribute the violence to intolerance by radicals on the periphery of society, this article proposes a different reading based on an intertwined reconfiguration of Indonesian nationalism and religion. I suggest that Indonesia contains a common but overlooked example of “godly nationalism,” an imagined community bound by a shared theism and mobilized through the state in cooperation with religious organizations. This model for nationalism is modern, plural, and predicated on the exclusion of religious heterodoxy. Newly collected archival and ethnographic material reveal how the state's and Muslim civil society's long-standing exclusion of Ahmadiyah and other heterodox groups has helped produce the “we-feeling” that helps constitute contemporary Indonesian nationalism. I conclude by intervening in a recent debate about religious freedom to suggest that conflicts over blasphemy reflect Muslim civil society's effort to delineate an incipient model of nationalism and tolerance while avoiding the templates of liberal secularism or theocracy.
Navigating political action typically requires coalition building across different interest groups. Because members represent divergent interests and are embedded in different networks, however, alliance formation is difficult. In this article, I consider how elites rely on political brokerage to overcome these divisions and form successful coalitions, with successful organization of the parliamentary opposition to the king before the English Civil War as a case in point. Supporting quantitative evidence comes from rich network data on the business, kinship, and political affiliations among 346 political and mercantile elites. Rather than the mere presence of mediator positions, I argue that effective brokerage of mobilizing alliances between interest groups requires political mediators who are equally affiliated with these diverse networks. Successful brokerage is conditional on both their structural position between groups and the diversity of ties that compose their personal networks. The results demonstrate that new merchant elites who were engaged in the American colonial trades acted as political mediators and facilitated the formation of a parliamentary opposition strong enough to defeat the royalist forces in London.
This article shows that occupancy of brokerage positions in the U.S. health policy domain's communication network is a crucial determinant of influence. However, the ability to convert structural position into power is contingent on the type of brokerage position occupied and whether the actor is a government organization. In the government sector, actors in representative positions are more influential to the extent that they take public stands on events, whereas liaison and itinerant positions only confer influence if their occupants remain impartial. The article concludes that the influence of government organizations is contingent on their capacity to link disparate actors in the communication network while remaining uncommitted to specific policy agendas.
In recent years, the importance of religion in the study and conduct of international affairs has come precipitously into view. This book seeks both to interrogate the problematic neglect of religion in extant scholarship and to take the first steps towards its rectification. Drawing on the work of leading scholars across many disciplines as well as policy makers and analysts, this books aims to form an authoritative guide to the interconnections of religion and global politics. The chapters aim to convey a sense for the big puzzles, issues, and questions in six major areas. Chapters critically revisit the “secularization thesis,” which proclaimed the steady erosion of religion's public presence as an effect of modernization; explore the relationship between religion, democracy, and the juridico-political discourse of human rights; assess the role of religion in fomenting, ameliorating, and redressing violent conflict; and consider the value of religious beliefs, actors, and institutions to the delivery of humanitarian aid and the fostering of socio-economic development. Later chapters address the representation of religion in the burgeoning global media landscape and the unique place of religion in American foreign policy and the dilemmas that it presents.
Although sociologists have frequently touched on ideas related to brokerage in their research, brokerage is rarely considered a central concept in the discipline's theoretical or analytic arsenal. Theoretically, brokerage is one of a small number of mechanisms by which disconnected or isolated individuals (or groups) can interact economically, politically, and socially. Across substantive domains, we are particularly struck by a dual aspect of brokerage: On the one hand, brokerage has the capacity to ease social interaction, enhance economic activity, and facilitate political development. On the other hand, brokerage often breeds exploitation, the pursuit of personal profit, corruption, and the accumulation of power; through these and other processes, brokerage can exacerbate existing inequalities. In this review, we make the case for elevating the concept of brokerage to a more prominent place in the sociological canon. Brokerage's significance stems from its potential for macro-level consequences, which...
This paper argues that while most teachers, researchers, and practitioners of organizational communication encourage clarity, a critical examination of communication processes in organizations reveals that clarity is both non‐normative and not a sensible standard against which to gauge individual or organizational effectiveness. People in organizations confront multiple situational requirements, develop multiple and often conflicting goals, and respond with communicative strategies which do not always minimize ambiguity, but are nonetheless effective. Strategic ambiguity is essential to organizing in that it: (1) promotes unified diversity, (2) facilitates organizational change, and (3) amplifies existing source attributions and preserves privileged positions.
This paper explores the language and implications of the Indonesian pornography law passed in 2008 and a 2006 draft that targeted ‘pornographic action' as well as pornographic media. While noting how pornographic action was seen as an attempt to impose Shari'a law especially insofar as it focused on women's bodies, this paper also examines how pornography, widely available through new technologies and economic liberalization, has come to be seen as an array of foreign and mapped sexual practices. This paper argues that as sexual practices become ethnicized, and as pornography comes to encompass a wide range of bodily practices from bathing to dancing to dressing, ethnicity itself has become pornographic, and the nation has been encouraged to become voyeuristic peeping Toms monitoring cultural performance.
Scholars have worked either on civil society or on ethnic conflict, but no systematic attempt has yet been made to connect the two. In an attempt to explore the possible links, this article makes two interconnected arguments. First, interethnic and intraethnic networks of civic engagement play very different roles in ethnic conflict. Because they build bridges and manage tensions, interethnic networks are agents of peace. But if communities are organized only along intraethnic lines and the interconnections with other communities are very weak (or do not exist), ethnic violence is then quite likely. Second, civic networks, both intra- and interethnic, can also be broken down into two other types: associational forms of engagement and everyday forms of engagement. This distinction is based on whether civic interaction is formal or not. Both forms of engagement, if robust, promote peace: contrariwise, their absence or weakness opens up space for ethnic violence. Of the two, however, the associational forms turn out to be sturdier than everyday engagement, especially when confronted with attempts by politicians to polarize the people along ethnic lines. Both arguments have significance for theories of ethnic conflict and social capital.
The long and uneasy relationship between Ahmadiyah and mainstream Muslims took a turn during the period between 1980 and 2005 when the MUI (Indonesian Ulama Council) issued edicts (fatwa) on the heresy of Ahmadiyah. After these consecutive edicts were publicly declared, the Ahmadis became the major target of persecution, and violent attacks. In Lombok in particular Ahamadi followers were forced to leave their destroyed houses, mosques and schools to live as refugees in a public shelter. This paper is a study of the Ahmadiyah sect and the basis of its beliefs. It also traces the origin and development of the sect in Indonesia and the subsequent debates and controversy which led to the religious group being “de-legitimized” by the state. This paper argues that government interference in the definition of officially acceptable religion has heightened religious violence. The research also reveals how government treats Ahmadiyah refugees who for so long have become the victims or the silent majority of this conflict.
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