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Democratic Socialism in Chile and Peru: Revisiting the “Chicago Boys” as the Origin of Neoliberalism
Abstract
In the 1950s and 1960s, the U.S. government paid the economics department at the University of Chicago, known for its advocacy of free markets and monetarism, to train Chilean graduate students. These students became known as the “Chicago Boys,” who implemented the first and most famous neoliberal experiment in Chile after 1973. Peruvian, Mexican, and other Latin American economics students followed a similar path and advocated a turn to neoliberal policies in their own countries. The Chicago Boys narrative has become an origin story for global neoliberalism. However, the focus on this narrative has obscured other transnational networks whose ideas possess certain superficial, but misleading, similarities with neoliberalism. I examine Chilean and Peruvian engagements with Yugoslavia's unique form of socialism, its worker self-management socialism, which was part of a worldwide discussion of anti-authoritarian socialism. I first introduce the Yugoslav socialist model that inspired those in Chile and Peru. I then examine socialist discussions in Chile and Peru that called for decentralized, democratic socialism and looked to Yugoslavia for advice. I conclude by examining the 1990s postponement of socialism in the name of a very narrow democracy and realization of neoliberalism. The Chicago Boys story assumes the easy global victory of neoliberalism and erases what was at stake in the 1988–1994 period: radically democratic socialism on a global scale. For text: https://d101vc9winf8ln.cloudfront.net/documents/31681/original/Bockman_CSSH_2019.pdf?1561725989
... These conditions of Chilean cultural policy mostly result from the transition from dictatorship to democracy, during which neoliberalism permeated the cultural sector and affected citizens' participation (Bockman, 2019;Vellinga, 1998). Indeed, cultural policies constituted an area where progressive forces could act with relative freedom during this period but continued to be influenced by economic and political elites after democratization (Hamdawi, 2021). ...
This study investigates the impact of cultural policies on performing arts attendance among individuals with disabilities in Chile, highlighting how accessibility, sociodemographic factors, and institutional practices shape cultural participation. Drawing on data from the 2017 National Survey of Cultural Participation in Chile (N = 12,151), this research employs quantitative analysis to explore barriers faced by people with disabilities. Our findings underscore the limited efficacy of current policies in promoting inclusivity within the performing arts sector in Chile. We argue that without targeted policy reforms aimed at improving accessibility and fostering inclusivity, cultural institutions will continue to marginalize individuals with disabilities. The study contributes to the discourse on inclusive policy, advocating for systemic changes to create equitable opportunities for cultural engagement and strengthen the commitment to diversity and inclusion within Chile's cultural landscape.
... While in the non-poor population people work in activities such as manufacturing, where 13% of people work, 19% are engaged in the agricultural sector, and 32% in transport, commerce, and telecommunications. [43]. The present research focuses on the province of Pataz, especially in the districts of Ongón and Urpay Districts, where it has been a persistent problem for Peruvians, and for a long time, the question of its reduction has become an imperative need to achieve development. ...
Poverty is a social problem that has affected millions of societies on the planet. Quality of life standards is as diverse as each person's perception of them. The objective of this research was to describe to what extent and how rural poverty affects the quality of life of the inhabitants in the districts of Ongón and Urpay-Pataz, 2022. The research methodology was applied, with a quantitative approach, and a non-experimental design with causal and cross-sectional correlational scope. The variables considered were rural poverty and quality of life. The population was made up of 1250 inhabitants of the district of Ongón and 2048 inhabitants of the district of Urpay-Pataz, 2022, and simple random sampling. The sample was was 340 inhabitants of both districts. The survey technique was used and the questionnaire as an instrument. There was a significant influence of rural poverty on the quality of life of the inhabitants in the districts of Ongón and Urpay-Pataz, which suggested a decrease in rural poverty contingent on an improvement in the quality of life of the population. Rural poverty among the inhabitants was at a good to a regular level associated with aspects of family farming, social protection, sustainable management, rural non-agricultural employment and integrated infrastructure packages in the districts, and access to health, food, and sanitation services. The quality of life of the inhabitants was located at a good level to regulate linked to physical, psychological, social, and environmental aspects, access to electricity services. The influence of rural poverty and the quality of life due to its physical, social, and environmental dimensions in the inhabitants of the district of Ongón and Urpay, Pataz, were evident.
... However, it would not be accurate to say that Yugoslav endeavours in South America were without results, nor that Yugoslav moderate positions in NAM curtailed all Yugoslav ambitions in the region. All these challenges notwithstanding, Yugoslav socialism was followed with great interest and inspired several left-wing and nationalist movements and leaders over the years (Bockman 2019;Cosovschi 2021). Moreover, as argued by several scholars of Yugoslav foreign policy, Yugoslavia understood pragmatism as best suited to safeguard Yugoslav national interests. ...
... However, it would not be accurate to say that Yugoslav endeavours in South America were without results, nor that Yugoslav moderate positions in NAM curtailed all Yugoslav ambitions in the region. All these challenges notwithstanding, Yugoslav socialism was followed with great interest and inspired several left-wing and nationalist movements and leaders over the years (Bockman 2019;Cosovschi 2021). Moreover, as argued by several scholars of Yugoslav foreign policy, Yugoslavia understood pragmatism as best suited to safeguard Yugoslav national interests. ...
The subject of this chapter is the study of migration as a business in the aftermath
of the Second World War by focusing on the aforementioned aspects. The main idea is to research the generation of revenue through the migration process. The means which generated this revenue were the migrants themselves; “human cargo” is the term used by the transport sector in reference to the individuals it carried. Thus, human mobility is examined as commerce and migrants as “goods”. Particular attention will be given to the participation of states and private companies. It should be noted that this perspective of migration as a business does not reflect how the migrants perceived themselves in this
process, as commodities, but comments on how the procedural mechanism that managed the migratory process was handled; an approach which was carried out not under humanitarian terms, but under commercial ones. Therefore, this chapter researches the mechanisms of migration, focusing on “how” rather than “why” the migrants moved, acknowledging a migration business which profits from the commercialization of the
migratory process.
... However, it would not be accurate to say that Yugoslav endeavours in South America were without results, nor that Yugoslav moderate positions in NAM curtailed all Yugoslav ambitions in the region. All these challenges notwithstanding, Yugoslav socialism was followed with great interest and inspired several left-wing and nationalist movements and leaders over the years (Bockman 2019;Cosovschi 2021). Moreover, as argued by several scholars of Yugoslav foreign policy, Yugoslavia understood pragmatism as best suited to safeguard Yugoslav national interests. ...
The book explores the linkages between Southern Europe and South America in the post-World War II period, through organized migration and development policies.
In the post-war period, regulated migration was widely considered in the West as a route to development and modernization. Southern European and Latin American countries shared this hegemonic view and adopted similar policies, strategies and patterns, which also served to promote their integration into the Western bloc. The book showcases how overpopulated Southern European countries viewed emigration as a solution for high unemployment and poverty, whereas huge and underpopulated South American developing countries such as Brazil and Argentina looked at skilled European immigrants as a solution to their deficiencies in qualified human resources. By investigating the transnational dynamics, range and limitations of the ensuing migration flows between Southern Europe and Southern America during the 1950s and 1960s, this book sheds light on post-WWII migration-development nexus strategies and their impact in the peripheral areas of the Western bloc.
Whereas many migration studies focus on single countries, the impressive scope of this book will make it an invaluable resource for researchers of the history of migration, development, international relations, as well as Southern Europe and South America.
... However, they are not central concepts in its design. It is important to note that, at that time, a neoliberal government policy has taken hold in Chile [42]. ...
In this article, it was analyzed the long-term disaster recovery after the earthquake and tsunami that affected Talcahuano, Chile in February 2010. Under the assumption that disaster governance is neither politically nor discursively neuter, the aim of this article is to describe the long-term recovery process of Talcahuano, where urban planning was adjusted to the political neoliberal frame.We used a unique-case study. There were considered 7 maps that show longitudinally the changes in Talcahuano´s city design. There are maps about tsunami risk zones and landslide risk zones.Additionally, there were used 25 interviews to complement the recovery process. The results show that Talcahuano experienced post disaster changes in urban planning in line with neoliberal politics. The changes can be seen in the enlargement of commercial and residential zones. In some cases, the new building zones overlap in potentially risky zones of coastline and hills. The conclusions of the study show there is a recovery in terms of rebuilding and the organization of its local governance in emergency responses. Nevertheless, it was not able to avoid the general frame given by neoliberal regime. For more than a decade, the post-disaster recovery process favors the market growth and partially omit the local community participation in decision-making about the city design. The study case about 2010 earthquake in Talcahuano, Chile, contributes to observe long-term recovery as complex processes where the political regime aspects should be included in the analysis.
... Public enterprises were indeed seen as a core segment of the self-reliant development agenda, where their evolution and success were intertwined with their global orientation. Through ICPE and through its bilateral ties with countries in the nonaligned camp, Yugoslavia stood at the forefront of an international debate on the doctrine of workers' self-management (Zaccaria 2018;Bockman 2019). An international conference on workers' self-management and workers' council across the globe demonstrated that there was interest in discussing aspects of the system at the international level. ...
This article explores the role of Yugoslav self-managed corporations in the global economy, with a particular attention to the late socialist period (1976–1991). Guided by a vision of a long-term integration of the Yugoslav economy into the international division of labor on the basis of equality and mutual interest, by the late 1970s the country’s foreign trade and hard currency revenue was boosted by a number of globally oriented corporate entities, some of which survived the demise of socialism and the dissolution of the country. These enterprises had a leading role as the country’s principal exporters and as the fulcrum of a web of economic contacts and exchanges between the Global South, Western Europe, and the Soviet Bloc. The article seeks to fill a historiographic gap by focusing on two major Yugoslav enterprises (Energoinvest and Pelagonija) that were based in the less-developed federal republics—Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia. The article also investigates the transnational flow of ideas around the so-called “public enterprise,” its embeddedness in an interdependent global economy, and its visions for equitable development. Finally, the article explores these enterprises as enablers of social mobility and welfare, as well as spaces where issues of efficiency, planning, self-reliance, and self-management were negotiated.
... Outside Europe, historians of economics have concentrated on Pinochet's Chile (1973)(1974)(1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979)(1980)(1981)(1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990) and emphasised the profound impact of foreign economists on domestic politics and economic policies. While the pioneer study of Juan Gabriel Valdés (1995) documented the variety of ways in which Chicago economists reshaped the Chilean state and its national economy, recent publications have either focused on the narrower -but highly controversial -issue of Hayek's support for Pinochet's regime (Caldwell and Montes 2015), or shed light on alternative transnational networks, such as those inspired by Yugoslav decentralised socialism, that articulated a critique of the "Chicago Boys" (Bockman 2019). ...
This symposium analyses the mutually constitutive relationship between economic knowledge and political order. Through a wide range of case studies from Europe, Africa, and Latin America, the essays collected shed new light on the choices and constraints faced by economists under authoritarian rule in the twentieth century. The contribution of the symposium is twofold. Firstly, it expands the geographical and chronological scope of the conversation on the politics of economics. Secondly, it encourages a more nuanced understanding of economists' agency in their different guises as educators, party propagandists, policy-makers, model-builders and dissidents.
... They also led to a crisis of corruption and debt so severe that, in 1982, Pinochet was forced to fire his key Chicago Boy advisers and nationalise several of the large deregulated financial institutions. (Klein 2010) Other recent participants in this debate include Timothy Clark (2017Clark ( , 2018, José Ahumada (2019), Johanna Bockman (2019), and Claudia Kedar (2019). 6 Milton Friedman's views on monetary policy, exchange rates, and fiscal "shocks" have been recently discussed by authors such as Douglas Irwin (2018), James Forder (2018a), and Edward Nelson (2018). ...
We analyze Milton Friedman’s two visits to Chile, in March 1975 and November 1981. We rely on a number of sources, including Friedman’s archives, press archives in Chile and the rest of the world, interviews, and the papers and recollections of some of those who accompanied Friedman during his meeting with Pinochet. Although Friedman’s 1975 visit has been widely discussed, his 1981 visit has been largely neglected. However, this visit was particularly important as it preceded a severe currency and banking crisis, stemming from an overvalued fixed exchange rate. The crisis put at risk the influence of the “Chicago Boys” and the political and economic liberalization process. We analyze Friedman’s views regarding Chile’s pegged exchange rate strategy followed between 1979 and 1982, and his position on economic and political freedom.
This article demonstrates that economic liberal theory, itself created in particular historical circumstances to serve powerful interests, has been selectively used by the nominally liberal Anglo-American hegemonic project. That project, in turn, has not simply been one of capitalism; but rather tied to a particular evolving oligarchy,
stretching back more than three centuries, into the pre-capitalist era. Hegemonic neoliberalism is the late Twentieth-Century iteration of this longer project.
Oscar Sanchez-Sibony reveals the origins of our current era in the dissolution of the institutions that governed the architecture of energy and finance during the Bretton Woods era. He shows how, in the second half of the 1960s, the Soviet Union sought to dismantle the compartmentalized nature of Bretton Woods in order to escape its material ostracism and pave a path to global finance and exchange that the United States had vetoed during the 1950s and 1960s. Through the construction of a set of pipelines that helped Europe's energy regime change from coal to oil and gas, the Soviet Union succeeded in developing market relations and a relationship with Western capital as durable as the pipelines themselves. He shows how a history of the development of capitalism needs to integrate the socialist world in bringing about the new form of capitalism that regiments our lives today.
El capitalismo históricamente afirmó el liberalismo como una doctrina y política en la cual el Estado-nación, como conjunto de individuos, buscaba eliminar o contrarrestar el poder de las monarquías absolutas caracterizadas por sus títulos nobiliarios, confesionalidad del Estado y derecho divino. El liberalismo buscaba más bien construir desde lo público un sistema político como Estado basado en la democracia representativa y los derechos individuales.
Este proyecto fue pervertido por el capitalismo neoliberal en una racionalidad de privatización total de la vida. Privatización donde lo público es destruido en sus imaginarios y prácticas poniendo en cuestión lo social y la misma vida del planeta. Vemos cómo más de cincuenta años de sus políticas han transformado las estructuras sociales visibilizando las profundas desigualdades y las nuevas exclusiones que, unidas a la pandemia y las guerras, evidencian nuevas crisis como movimientos económicos, sociales políticos y culturales en los espacios urbano-rurales en cada uno de nuestros países de América Latina y el mundo.
Las reformas neoliberales se impusieron a sangre y fuego por dictaduras o autoritarismos al servicio de los imperios hegemónicos, en asimetrías estructurales que en sus heterogeneidades, homogeneidades y continuidad histórica profundizan la colonialidad del ser, saber y poder bajo nuevas formas de control, explotación y dominación social. Una centralidad política financiera cognitiva que no logra aliviar la pobreza sino crear nuevas desigualdades y exclusiones en la precariedad de los mercados laborales, la destrucción del estado de bienestar y el agotamiento de la democracia liberal en crecientes contextos de crisis en los ecosistemas, racismos, xenofobias, homofobias, violencias y soledad de individuación que conducen al suicidio.
El libro que publicamos busca precisamente visibilizar las situaciones y problemáticas creadas por el capitalismo neoliberal, destacar algunas de sus tendencias y patrones de estructuración, funcionamiento e impacto en términos de poder y gobernabilidad en la presente transición inter e intracivilizatoria mundial. Son un conjunto de reflexiones desde diversas miradas de sus impactos en los imaginarios, teorías y ámbitos económico-sociales, políticos y culturales con una visión prospectiva. La publicación en ese sentido es una baraja de multiples relaciones y diferentes ángulos sobre el neoliberalismo en América Latina.
This article examines how and why anti-colonial activists in Nyasaland, now Malawi, seized on modernization theory to make their case for national independence in the early 1960s. As far as British officials were concerned, Nyasaland’s small size, large population, and agrarian character meant that it stood little chance of joining the modern, industrialized world. The Malawi Congress Party, however, saw their country differently, as a future “Central African Denmark.” This article argues that Congress’s Danish vision was part of an anti-colonial challenge to the industry-first development strategies that dominated early international development thinking. Congress thinkers, far from rejecting the modernization idea, flipped the framework from industry to agriculture, helping to open new possibilities for small, agrarian territories on the empire’s margins. The article concludes by showing how this agrarian counter-current in development thinking subsequently shaped the international community’s turn to market-friendly, agriculture-centered policies in the 1970s, though in ways that eclipsed the original anti-colonial vision.
This chapter discusses in depth the constituent elements of the MNC–developing country nexus one by one. First, the nature and organizational peculiarities of the MNC as a unique actor physically present in various capitalist systems at the same time are discussed. Second, different modes of economic organization in the MNCs’ home and host countries are discussed shedding light on institutional diversity, behavioral variety, and different systemic functioning. As such, the Varieties of Capitalism approach is introduced most prominently and further developed by, above all, extending the theoretical discussion on the “Global South” placing particular emphasis on the Latin American hierarchical market economy. Analytical advancements make it possible, among other things, to approach developmental distortions through firm-centered institutional analysis and provide a solid diagnosis of the institutional status quo.
El artículo estudia los presupuestos participativos (PPs) como una política que, diseñada e implementada originalmente como instrumento de democracia participativa y educación social, puede ser, transformada y en determinados contextos, funcional al proyecto neoliberal. Su análisis sirve para ponderar una nueva teoría de la Geografía humana que designaríamos metonímicamente como “políticas aceleradas”. Esta estudia el “neoliberalismo realmente existente” considerando los espacios y las formas en los que se manifiesta por todo el globo, con redes y nodos electrónicos que permiten procesos acelerados, horizontales y dependientes de los contextos, sin núcleos ni periferias. El artículo discute las características que deberían mantener los PPs para no convertirse en neoliberalizadores y las inconcreciones de la teoría en torno a sus agentes, uso de los medios digitales y la rapidez de las nuevas políticas, aspectos que incidirían en una nueva conformación del neoliberalismo y en la reformulación de los estudios del transfer.
La relación subjetiva de la población chilena con el modelo económico neoliberal ha sido ampliamente discutida. El concepto de legitimidad fue la herramienta tradicional para comprender estas relaciones, con la idea que ningún sistema no legitimado puede subsistir. En años recientes, discusiones sobre un self neoliberal han argumentado que la legitimidad no es muy relevante. Usando el caso de Chile, argumentaremos que la legitimidad es relevante para comprender procesos de reproducción social en el neoliberalismo, pero que la forma bajo la cual opera la legitimidad no es la tradicional. Analizando diversas formas de relación subjetiva con el neoliberalismo, se puede mostrar que, si bien el modelo no se legitimó, las consecuencias de dicha falta no hicieron peligrar la reproducción del modelo neoliberal: éste fue capaz de usar el descontento para generar reproducción. El refugio en la vida personal creó el consumidor y el trabajador que el modelo buscaba. Se concluye con una observación sobre la posible continuidad de estos mecanismos tras la olas de protestas iniciadas el 2019 en Chile.
The relationship of Chilean population with the neoliberal economic model has been part of academic and public discussion. In these debates, there have been several false equivalencies (resignation with acceptation) and superficial readings (what exactly means that people are discontent with the model?) The idea of a neoliberal subjectivity that it does not depend on legitimacy has grown in importance in recent years, but at the same time we should take on account that simply living under neoliberalism, to know how to act in it, do not constitute in itself a neoliberal subjectivity. To understand subjectivity under neoliberalism we need a more complex view. We propose in this paper that empirically the relationship with the neoliberal model has at least four layers in Chie: The first on the evaluation of the economic situation, the second about the 'naturalization' of the model (the world works that way), the third about self-image and the fourth about moral evaluation. We argue that neoliberalism has been embraced more on cognitive than in moral levels: Neoliberalism was more effective in deleting the credibility of alternatives that in to generate an embrace of the model itself. The neoliberal model was able to create its reproduction through discontent: The refuge in personal life (to tend the garden as in Voltaire's Candide) did create consumer and work behaviours that the model wanted. The current crisis shows the limits of that adaptation; but this subjective relationship with neoliberalism in contexts when it was not accepted neither generated a pure neoliberal subjectivity shows that to underestimate its ability to reproduce itself could be a mistake.
The term ‘Chicago Boys’ remains closely associated with the orthodox neoliberal adjustment implemented in Chile by the Pinochet dictatorship. The conventional portrayal of the Chicago Boys is of a group of US-trained, technocratic economists who institutionalised neoliberal principles and technocratic prerogatives in public policymaking in Chile. This article will contend the Chicago Boys were much more than neoliberal technocrats: they were a revolutionary vanguard that designed and led a capitalist revolution and radically altered the material and ideological foundations of the nation.
Since the 1970s, market-based economic policies have been institutionalized as a nearly global policy paradigm. Using four national case studies, this article shows that economic and financial globalization played a critical role in fostering the transition to neoliberal policies, but that local institutional conditions were decisive in shaping the nature and meaning of the shift. While the analysis finds that developing countries appear more dependent upon direct external pressures than developed ones, it also shows that institutionalized patterns of state-society relations determined the way in which neoliberal transitions were carried out, somewhat irrespectively of the level of economic development. In Chile and Britain, poorly mediated distributional conflict created the ideological conditions for a "monetarist" revolution. In Mexico and France, on the other hand, neoliberalism was understood mainly as a necessary step to adapt the country to the international economy.
This article analyses the role of the economic team known as the ‘Chicago Boys’ and of the main political faction in Pinochet's Chile, the ‘Gremialists’, founded by Jaime Guzmán in the Catholic University in 1966. These two sectors of the elite had a common professional and political career and were the principal civilian groups of the dictatorship who developed a long-term political strategy that deeply influenced both the economic and political orientation of the military regime. They shared a long-term power strategy, that was basically defined by the ‘Gremialists’. The article focuses on the role played by ODEPLAN in shaping the economic reforms. It demonstrates that the coherence of the economic model inherent in the implementation of its policies is to be found in the integration of the policies with a political project, articulated by the ‘Gremialists’.
I want to make it clear that I am convinced that the main responsibility for all that is going on in Chile lies not with the military, but rather with the civilian advisors and the whole climate of adulation and servilism that the economic right has created around them, The ideology of the government was born in the most traditional circles of the economic right, disguised under the sign of ‘nationalism’ and shielded behind ‘the courage to declare oneself anti- Marxist’.
This paper explores the origins and trajectory of the Washington Consensus – the ideas associated with the developing countries’ move to free markets in the 1980s and 1990s. I argue that the Consensus was a transnational policy paradigm, shaped by both scholarly and political forces (Hall, 199346.
Hall , Peter A. 1989. The Political Power of Economic Ideas: Keynesianism across Nations, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. View all references). At the core of the Consensus was the international financial institutions’ practice of conditionality – making loans to governments in exchange for policy reforms. The Consensus was subsequently weakened by its own unintended consequences, by political forces both within Washington and worldwide and by intellectual changes in the field of economics. However, I argue that the Consensus has yet to encounter any serious rivals.
Adopting a neo-Gramscian framework, I argue that the Chilean Socialist Party (PSCh), as part of the governing Concertación coalition, has played a key role in constructing consent and disarticulating dissent to neo-liberal hegemony in Chile. This is the result of its co-optation into the neo-liberal historic bloc formed during the Pinochet dictatorship, of which the Concertación is the democratic political face. This process occurs in relation to the popular classes within, and outside, the PSCh, actualised by a series of intra-party, extra-party, policy-making and policy-discourse mediations. The analysis of the PSCh's role in (re)producing neo-liberal hegemony in Chile helps to unlock the black box of empirical and theoretical investigation as regards the construction of consent to neo-liberalism in the subordinated. In doing so it highlights the conflictual, contradictory and therefore contingent nature of this process.
Across the broad field of heterodox political economy, ‘neoliberalism’ appears to have become a rascal concept – promiscuously pervasive, yet inconsistently defined, empirically imprecise and frequently contested. Controversies regarding its precise meaning are more than merely semantic. They generally flow from underlying disagreements regarding the sources, expressions and implications of contemporary regulatory transformations. In this article, we consider the handling of ‘neoliberalism’ within three influential strands of heterodox political economy – the varieties of capitalism approach; historical materialist international political economy; and governmentality approaches. While each of these research traditions sheds light on contemporary processes of market-oriented regulatory restructuring, we argue that each also underplays and/or misreads the systemically uneven, or ‘variegated’, character of these processes. Enabled by a critical interrogation of how each approach interprets the geographies, modalities and pathways of neoliberalization processes, we argue that the problematic of variegation must be central to any adequate account of marketized forms of regulatory restructuring and their alternatives under post-1970s capitalism. Our approach emphasizes the cumulative impacts of successive ‘waves’ of neoliberalization upon uneven institutional landscapes, in particular: (a) their establishment of interconnected, mutually recursive policy relays within an increasingly transnational field of market-oriented regulatory transfer; and (b) their infiltration and reworking of the geoinstitutional frameworks, or ‘rule regimes’, within which regulatory experimentation unfolds. This mode of analysis has significant implications for interpreting the current global economic crisis.
Con motivo de cumplirse el XXSV aniversario de la fundación de la Facultad de Cienci:ts Sociales de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, el Consejo de Facultad, entre otros actos celebratorios que se lleva- ron a cabo durante el segundo semestre del año 1999, organizó el Semi- nario ((Perú: Actores y Escenarios al inicio del Nuevo Milenio)). Este libro, orgariizado en función de las mesas de trabajo del Semina- rio, recoge las ponencias que los profesores de Antropología, Economía y Sociología, acogiendo la convocatoria hecha por la Facultad, presenta- ron a los debates que se realizaron durante los días 28 y 29 de Octubre, en nuestro local del Fundo Pando.
The worldwide spread of neoliberalism has transformed economies, polities, and societies everywhere. In conventional accounts, American and Western European economists, such as Milton Friedman and Friedrich von Hayek, sold neoliberalism by popularizing their free market ideas and radical criticisms of the state. Rather than focusing on the agency of a few prominent, conservative economists, this book reveals a dialogue among many economists on both sides of the Iron Curtain about democracy, socialism, and markets. These discussions led to the transformations of 1989 and, unintentionally, the rise of neoliberalism. The book takes a truly transnational look at economists' professional ideas over 100 years across the capitalist West and the socialist East. Clearly translating complicated economic ideas and neoliberal theories, it presents a significant reinterpretation of Cold War history, the fall of communism, and the rise of today's dominant economic ideology.
Undoing democracy : neoliberalism's remaking of state and subject -- Foucault's birth of biopolitics lectures : the distinctiveness of neoliberal rationality -- Revising Foucault : homo politicus and homo oeconomicus -- Disseminating neoliberal rationality I : governance, benchmarks and best practices -- Disseminating neoliberal rationality II : law and legal reason -- Disseminating neoliberal rationality III : higher education and the abandonment of citizenship -- Losing bare democracy and the inversion of freedom into sacrifice.
Neoliberalism--the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action--has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of the world since 1970 or so. Writing for a wide audience, David Harvey, author of The New Imperialism and The Condition of Postmodernity, here tells the political-economic story of where neoliberalization came from and how it proliferated on the world stage. Through critical engagement with this history, he constructs a framework, not only for analyzing the political and economic dangers that now surround us, but also for assessing the prospects for the more socially just alternatives being advocated by many oppositional movements.
On Sunday morning in Lima, Peruvian television viewers can tune in to Promoviendo, a fast-paced talk show filled with practical advice on how to start your own micro-business. The energetic fortysomething host is Guido Pennano, an economist and former Minister of Industry. Pennano’s previous television credits include regular appearances as a guest commentator on the news program, En persona. Prior to his high-profile political and television career, Pennano had already secured his place in elite circles as an “insider.” He was a co-founder of Medio de cambio, a respected, upscale economics magazine that gave birth to other ventures such as Medio de marketing, a market research publication. He held a professorial post in economics at the Universidad del Pacifico, where he had done his undergraduate work prior to earning a master’s degree in economics from the University of Pittsburgh.
Though they have not yet managed to create a new democratic social order, the residents of Villa El Salvador in Lima did transform a squatter settlement in a vast and inhospitable piece of desert into a liveable community of nearly 300,000 inhabitants.
http://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674088344&content=toc
What exactly is neoliberalism, and where did it come from? This volume attempts to answer these questions by exploring neoliberalism’s origins and growth as a political and economic movement.
Although modern neoliberalism was born at the “Colloque Walter Lippmann” in 1938, it only came into its own with the founding of the Mont Pèlerin Society, a partisan “thought collective,” in Vevey, Switzerland, in 1947. Its original membership was made up of transnational economists and intellectuals, including Friedrich Hayek, Milton Friedman, George Stigler, Karl Popper, Michael Polanyi, and Luigi Einaudi. From this small beginning, their ideas spread throughout the world, fostering, among other things, the political platforms of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan and the Washington Consensus.
The Road from Mont Pèlerin presents the key debates and conflicts that occurred among neoliberal scholars and their political and corporate allies regarding trade unions, development economics, antitrust policies, and the influence of philanthropy. The book captures the depth and complexity of the neoliberal “thought collective” while examining the numerous ways that neoliberal discourse has come to shape the global economy.
A Franco-German exchange between novelist and sociologist on the success of neoliberalism in transforming political regression into the standard of social progress; and the fate of the Enlightenment in the two leading cultures of the European Union.
This article aims to assess the role of neoliberal ideas in shaping Russia's transition to a market economy. Prevailing ideas of the Washington Consensus undoubtedly encouraged Russia's leaders to embrace radical reforms, but Russia's reformers were not blindly following an ideological agenda set for them in Washington, DC. The actual policies that were implemented diverged considerably from the prevailing neoliberal orthodoxy and were heavily shaped by the self-interest of the elites who were making the policy decisions. While prices were freed and international trade and currency flows opened up, an insider-dominated privatization process left the Russian economy in the hands of a narrow circle of oligarchs. Russia's corrupt, oil-dependent and state-centered economy is far removed from the decentralized, competitive market system that the reformers had envisaged. Democracy, which was initially seen as integral to the transition process, also fell by the wayside. While critics argue that Russia suffered from an overdose of ‘market fundamentalism’, neoliberals themselves still insist that Russia did not go far enough in unleashing genuine market forces. Either way, Russia has now joined the global market economy, while at the same time preserving many of the institutional features that are the product of its unique geography and historical heritage.
This article provides a new synthesis on the origins of self-management in Yugoslavia on the basis of new archival research. It rejects the dominant view in the historiography that self-management arose merely as an ideological justification for the split with Stalin's USSR in 1948. Rather, it demonstrates that the introduction of workers' councils was part of an elaborate effort on the part of the Communist leadership to return to its pre-1948, proto-‘reform Communist’ strategy that was remarkably open to interaction with the world market. This is shown to have implications for understanding Yugoslavia, Eastern Europe, the Cold War and Communism.
Five years ago the Comintern loomed once again as a spectre on the European horizon with the founding in Poland, September 1947, of the Information Bureau of the Communist Parties of the USSR, Bulgaria, Hungary, Rumania, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia (expelled June 1948), France, and Italy. It has since become both fashionable and convenient to identify the “Cominform” with all aspects of international Communist activity, ranging from the most general of policy directives to an isolated Communist-led strike. The indiscriminate identification of “Cominform” with international Communist activity provides the layman with a convenient stereotype which spares him the trouble of further inquiry. For the student of Communism, however, this lack of precision merely results in obscuring the actual role of the Cominform, as it is known to us, and more particularly, its function within the configuration of various covert and overt instrumentalities of the international Communist movement. To speak, for example, of a “Cominform” policy of collectivization or of a “Cominform” purge trial in the Balkans, or to suggest by “Cominform” the whole web of controls of national Communist parties maintained by the USSR is to ascribe a role and importance to the Cominform that it simply does not have. For without minimizing the importance of the function the Cominform has come to discharge, it may be said that its role is essentially that of a central, but by no means the most important, propaganda instrument of the international Communist movement, designed primarily to provide public guidance and information to the leadership of various national Communist parties. Thus Pravda and the USSR radio broadcasts furnish daily guidance to the international Communist movement, and the World Federation of Trade Unions is continuously engaged in attempting to bring trade union activity in line with Communist policy.
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Forced exile was important to Chilean politics both during the military regime and after the dictatorship's end in 1990. Exile was central to Pinochet's strategy for eliminating the left in Chile and consolidating and retaining absolute political power. At the same time, exile kept the opposition alive when the left was decimated in Chile, as exiles reconstituted their parties abroad and fought the dictatorship from the “external front.” Exiles' return in the mid-1980s contributed to the success of the opposition effort to defeat Pinochet in the 1988 plebiscite. Finally, the exile experience was central to the reconfiguration of Chilean politics, particularly the “renovation” of the Socialists, which led to the breakup of the long-standing Socialist-Communist alliance and the formation of the Socialist—Christian Democrat alliance, the core of the Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia, which has elected presidents and majorities in the Chamber of Deputies in each election since 1989.
It is common knowledge that, prior to the military coup of 1973, Chile was the only Latin American country to have strong workers' political parties of the European type. Many reasons have been given for this phenomenon, but it is clear that Chile has been the only country in Latin-America to allow the development of Marxist parties with strong appeal and a strong following, within the framework of what could be called liberal, democratic processes. Up to 1970, the electoral force of the Socialist and Communist Parties in Chile oscillated between 20 and 30 per cent of the total national electorate. This rose to more than 40 per cent during 1975.
This article has two main objectives. First, to identify the main political and economic factors which permitted to so-called "Chicago boys' to play a strategic role during the military government. This group of young neoliberal technocrats became the designers and executors of the economic policy applied during the Pinochet period. They also decisively contributed to the formulation of the official ideological discourse. The second objective is to stress the fact that although the era of the Chicago boys is over, the "technocratisation of politics' associated with them has become a permanent new feature in Chilean politics. The new democratic government of Patricio Aylwin is characterised by a marked technocratic orientation. Like the Chicago boys during the military government, a new group of technocrats, the so-called "CIEPLAN monks', has emerged as the most powerful strategic group inside the democratic government. -from Author
A century after the publication of Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the "Spirit" of Capitalism, a major new work examines network-based organization, employee autonomy and post-Fordist horizontal work structures.
Este libro aborda el tema de las políticas económicas neoliberales que se han venido aplicando en los últimos años en América Latina. Este fenómeno consiste en la combinación de enfoques monetarios de estabilización económica, con concepciones liberales en lo que concierne a la organización de la economía y la sociedad.
Neo-liberalism is an oft-invoked but ill-defined concept in the social sciences. This article conceptualizes neo-liberalism as a sui generis ideological system born of struggle and collaboration in three worlds: intellectual, bureaucratic and political. Emphasizing neo-liberalism's third ‘face’, it argues that a failure to grasp neo-liberalism as a political form imposes two limitations on understanding its effects: (i) fostering an implicit assumption that European political elites are ‘naturally’ opposed to the implementation of neo-liberal policies; and (ii) tending to pre-empt inquiry into an unsettling fact—namely, that the most effective advocates of policies understood as neo-liberal in Western Europe (and beyond) have often been elites who are sympathetic to, or are representatives of, the left and centre-left. Given that social democratic politics were uniquely powerful in Western Europe for much of the post-war period, neo-liberalism within the mainstream parties of the European left deserves particular attention.
Los Chicago Boys y el modelo economico chileno
- Meller
Genealogia de una Ruptura: El Proceso de la Renovacion Socialista en Chile
- Atlagich
See Fernando Alvear Atlagich, "Genealogia de una Ruptura: El Proceso de la Renovacion
Socialista en Chile," Revista de Ciencias Sociales 36 (2016): 7-34;
El Modelo Neoliberal Chileno y su Implantación
- Tironi
Ernesto Tironi, "El Modelo Neoliberal Chileno y su Implantación," Documentos de
Trabajo 1 (1982).
Peru: A Nation in Crisis
- Farnsworth
Elizabeth Farnsworth, "Peru: A Nation in Crisis," World Policy
Journal 5 (1988): 725-46;
Yugoslavia and Technical Cooperation
- Bogavac
Economists from Nationalism to Neoliberalism; citation_author=Babb
- Mexico
Bockman, Markets; Valdés, Pinochet's Economists, ch. 3, esp. 62, 73; Léon Walras, Études d' économie sociale (F. Rouge, Libraire-Éditeur, 1896), 144. 16 For example, see Pierre Bourdieu and Gunter Grass
socialism. Bockman, Markets; Valdés, Pinochet's Economists, ch. 3, esp. 62, 73; Léon
Walras, Études d' économie sociale (F. Rouge, Libraire-Éditeur, 1896), 144.
16 For example, see Pierre Bourdieu and Gunter Grass, "The 'Progressive' Restoration," New
Left Review 14 (2002): 63-77;
399-401. 17 Existing socialisms and capitalisms, and critiques of each, shape existing neoliberalisms
- Silva
Silva, "Technocrats," 399-401.
17 Existing socialisms and capitalisms, and critiques of each, shape existing neoliberalisms.
While some political factions supported the use of markets for socialism, others did not. Darko Suvin criticizes extensive market reforms for their anti-communist consequences
Jun 2019 at 12:22:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Department of History and Art History George Mason University, on
20 Quoted in Benjamin Ward, "The Firm in Illyria," American Economic Review 48, 4 (1958):
566-89, 569. While some political factions supported the use of markets for socialism, others did
not. Darko Suvin criticizes extensive market reforms for their anti-communist consequences, in
Splendour, Misery, and Possibilities: An X-Ray of Socialist Yugoslavia (Brill, 2016).
The Yugoslav Experiment
- I Dennison
- Rusinow
Dennison I. Rusinow, The Yugoslav Experiment, 1948-1974 (University
of California Press, 1977), 138.
61 Yugoslavia began to seek diplomatic relations with Peru in September 1956. Archives of Serbia and Montenegro, fond 142, 41 (Materijali komisije za medjunarodne veze)
- T Peter
- Knight
Jun 2019 at 12:22:50, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. Department of History and Art History George Mason University, on
60 Peter T. Knight, "New Forms of Economic Organization in Peru: Towards Workers' SelfManagement," in Abraham F. Lowenthal, ed., The Peruvian Experiment: Continuity and Change
under Military Rule (Princeton University Press, 1975), 356-58.
61 Yugoslavia began to seek diplomatic relations with Peru in September 1956. Archives of
Serbia and Montenegro, fond 142, 41 (Materijali komisije za medjunarodne veze), 1951, 1955-1957, 1959, "Bilateralni odnosi sa Peruon," 22 June 1959. Victor Raul Haya de la Torre rejected
the Third International in 1927, which might explain his interest in Yugoslavia (Klarén, Peru, 260).
Rodríguez told the Yugoslavs that four more Peruvian representatives would soon visit Yugoslavia from Vienna. Archives of Serbia and Montenegro, fond 142, 41 (Materijali komisije za medjunarodne veze)
Rodríguez told the Yugoslavs that four more Peruvian representatives would soon visit Yugoslavia from Vienna. Archives of Serbia and Montenegro, fond 142, 41 (Materijali komisije za
medjunarodne veze), 1951, 1955-1957, 1959, "Zabeleska," 1 Aug. 1959.