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The Cambridge Handbook of Language Learning - edited by John W. Schwieter June 2019

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Minority languages in Europe, as part of a common cultural heritage, need protection. The contributions to this book reflect urgent, stimulating and productive debates among researchers in sociolinguistics, linguistic anthropology, politics and sociology, and among language activists and policy makers. At the heart of the debate are the effectiveness of the existing political and legal frameworks aimed at protecting linguistic and cultural diversity, and prospects for the survival of minority languages in the process of European integration. © Gabrielle Hogan-Brun & Stefan Wolff, 2003. All rights reserved.
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The role of first language (L1) skills in second language (L2) achievement is often investigated to assist learners in acquiring their L2. There are several factors that may influence potential relations among Spanish and English measures (e.g., age of L2 acquisition, social status, among others). This study investigates relations among L1 and L2 variables for language learners. Specifically, it focuses on relations among oral language (vocabulary), reading (word reading and reading comprehension) variables and sociocultural variables (language dominance, acculturation, socio-economic status) in Spanish-English bilinguals, all of whom were attending school in a large metropolitan, English-speaking region in Canada. Results showed that in both English and Spanish, reading and oral language variables were related. Reading comprehension was related to word reading and vocabulary in the given language. Additionally, reading comprehension in Spanish was related to dominance in that language and to affiliation with the heritage culture.
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p class="AbstractText">This article reports results from a study in which two groups of college level students were exposed to interactions with Apple’s Siri in order to foster dialogue about their dialectal features. In this paper, the methodology and procedural challenges behind one of the activities that the participants completed are studied. These activities had been designed to present to them the historical dimensions of the Historical California Spanish dialect, or Californio Spanish, and pursue two different outcomes for the participants: 1) to foster the interest in discovering a dialectal past, and 2) to increase linguistic self-esteem, as a result of an external validation provided by technology.</p
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Spanish heritage speakers have been shown to have incomplete knowledge of dative case marking with both animate direct objects (also known as differential object marking (DOM) or a-personal) and dative experiencers with gustar-psych verbs in oral and written modes (Montrul, 2004; Montrul & Bowles, in press). In general, Spanish objects that are animate and specific are obligatorily marked with the preposition a (Juan conoce a tu hermana "Juan knows your sister"). Inanimate objects are unmarked (Juan compró un perro "Juan bought a dog", Juan escuchó la radio "Juan listened to the radio"). Gustar-type psych verbs take dative experiencers obligatorily marked with the dative preposition a and a dative clitic (A Juan le gusta el rugby "Juan likes rugby"). This study investigated the effects of instruction on the acquisition of DOM and gustar-verbs for heritage language learners. A total of 45 2 nd generation Spanish heritage speakers participated in the study, completing a pre-test, instructional treatment, and a post-test. The instructional treatment consisted of an explicit grammatical explanation of the uses of a followed by three practice exercises, for which participants received immediate, explicit feedback, including negative evidence. Results of the heritage learners' pre-test confirmed that their recognition and production of a with animate direct objects and dative experiencers is probabilistic, compared with a baseline group of 12 native speakers of Spanish. Post-test results revealed highly significant gains by heritage learners in both intuitions and production, suggesting that instruction, including both positive and negative evidence, facilitates classroom heritage language acquisition, at least in the short term.
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This paper investigates the clash of (language) ideologies in Estonia in the post-Communist period. In an analysis of changing Western recommendations and Estonian responses during the transition of Estonia from Soviet Socialist Republic to independent state, we trace the development of the discourses on language and citizenship rights. Different conceptions of the nation-state and of how citizenship is acquired, together with different approaches to human rights, led to disagreement between Estonian political elites and the political actors attached to international institutions. In particular, the Soviet demographic legacy posed problems. We use a context-sensitive approach that takes account of human agency, political intervention, power, and authority in the formation of (national) language ideologies and policies. We find that the complexities of cultural and contextual differences were often ignored and misunderstood by both parties and that in their exchanges the two sides appeared to subscribe to ideal philosophical positions. In the following two decades both sides repositioned themselves and appeared to accommodate to the opposing view. In deconstructing the role of political intervention pressing for social and political inclusion and in documenting the profound feeling of victimhood that remained as a legacy from the Soviet period and the bargain that was struck, we hope to contribute to a deeper understanding of the language ideological debates surrounding the post-Communist nation-(re)building process.
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Adolescents’ attitudes towards standard Galician, non-standard Galician and Spanish are examined in this study using a matched-guise test. Results show that adolescents perceive standard and non-standard Galician differently and that different values are attached to the three linguistic varieties investigated. Our findings confirm that certain stigmas are still attached to speaking non-standard Galician and to having a Galician accent when speaking Spanish. Finally, results provide evidence of gender-related trends in regard to standard and non-standard Galician, and also reveal a covert social disapproval of women.
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Since 1978, when Article 3 of the democratic Constitution officialized the “other languages of Spain in their respective Autonomous Communities” and guaranteed them “special respect and protection,” Basque, Galician, and Catalan have undergone a significant process of institutional expansion. Laws of linguistic normalization passed in the respective Autonomous Communities during the early 1980s thrust each of these languages into public life, concomitantly disconfiguring their diglossic relationship to Castilian, a vestige of Franco’s staunch one language-one nation ideology. Today one could affirm that the theoretical premise of bilingualism and diglossia (Fishman) – whereby one language serves public, formal functions and another is restricted to private, informal domains – no longer characterizes the sociolinguistic landscape of Spain. Linguistic normalization has been a bit of a double-edged sword, however. Growing literacy rates in Basque, Galician, and Catalan appear not to correlate with increased social use of these languages. In what follows, I will briefly consider the challenges of sociolinguistic continuity in each case. In the Basque context, normalization has perhaps created the sort of diglossia that Ferguson originally described, involving two or more varieties of the “same” language,1 because of the relative artificiality of Batua – the standardized variety of Euskera which is taught in schools and used in formal communication – and the dialectal differences found throughout Euskal Herria.2 Indeed, the great diversity of Basque prompted the founder of the Basque Nationalist Party, Sabino Arana Goiri (1865–1903), to argue for a different standard variety in each of six historical provinces that would conform a unified Basque Country: Bizkaia, Gipuzkoa, Araba, Nafarroa, Lapurdi, Zuberoa (Hualde & Zuazo 148).3 Serious debate about standardization did not begin until the founding of the Basque Academy, or Euskaltzaindia, in 1918. Interrupted by the Civil War in 1936 and Franco’s declaration of Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa as “provincias traidoras” – backdrop for his prohibitive language policies to come, the debate would go unresolved for five more decades. Unlike Catalan or Galician, Basque had not hitherto functioned as a formal language or in any official capacity, and had been a language of very sparse literary production (Olaziregi). When Batua was finally agreed upon for normalization by the Basque Academy in 1968, it was “nobody’s spoken language,” as Hualde & Zuazo affirm (152).4 This apparently remains true today. A matched guise study carried out by Echeverria in eleven secondary schools in Donostia (San Sebastián) in 2005 documented more positive attitudes toward the local vernacular Basque (region of Goierri) than toward Batua or standard Castilian, a tendency that held true even for those students who came from Castilian-speaking homes and were enrolled in schools where Castilian was the language of instruction. Echeverria observed a strong correlation between exposure to vernacular Basque beyond the school setting and attitudes toward Basque and Castilian general. She concluded that if Basque is to prosper as a language of interaction among the general population, local varieties must be recognized in academic settings and more emphasis placed on the vernacular for purposes of instruction. After an official evaluation revealed inadequate levels of Basque proficiency among two-thirds of students graduating bilingual programs and one-third of those exiting all-Basque programs in 2005, the government called for language policy reform to make Basque the sole vehicular language of schooling (Azumendi). In sum, the normalization of Basque has produced, in educational terms, a bilingual majority who, for everyday social purposes, interact largely in Castilian and, to a lesser extent, in another variety of Basque. Data from Eustat for 2006 confirm this tendency: only 19% of the population of Euskadi claimed Euskera as a first language and 5% both Euskera and Castilian as first languages; only 31% claimed to be functionally bilingual; 45% claimed to speak principally Euskera at home; 47% claimed the same for interactions with friends; 48% with coworkers. A similar situation is observed in Galicia. Loredo Gutiérrez et al. affirm that: “At the present moment, when the transmission of Galician to the next generation is falling . . . schools have to attain a higher importance as an environment in which to learn Galician” (44). The success of language education in Galicia appears incontestable: 83% of the Galician population in 2008 claimed to...
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This study examined immigrants' perceptions of their native language and factors that enhance or hinder its use and maintenance. Participants (N = 208) included immigrants to the United States. Results showed that immigrants perceive their native language positively, desire that their children use it alongside English, and perceive negative consequences related to speaking the native language. Immigrants use English more often than their native language. There were significant differences based on where children were born and visits to the native country. Reported factors enhancing the use of the native language are speaking the native language, exposure to native media, attending cultural events, interacting with other native speakers, and visits to the native country. Challenges are predominant use of English, fear of being perceived as different, friends and spouse who do not speak the same native language, limited visits to the native country, and lack of access to other native speakers.
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The obligatory use of the preposition a with animate, specific direct objects in Spanish (Juan conoce a María "Juan knows Maria") is a well-known instance of Differential Object Marking (DOM; Torrego, 1998; Leonetti, 2004). Recent studies have documented the loss and/or incomplete acquisition of several grammatical features in Spanish heritage speakers (Silva-Corvalán, 1994; Montrul, 2002), including DOM (Montrul, 2004a). This study assesses the extent of incomplete knowledge of DOM in Spanish heritage speakers raised in the United States by comparing it with knowledge of DOM in fully competent native speakers. Experiment 1 examined whether omission of a affected grammatical competence, as measured by the linguistic behavior of 67 heritage speakers and 22 monolingual speakers in an oral production task and in a written acceptability judgment task. Experiment 2 followed up on the results of the acceptability judgment task with 13 monolingual speakers and 69 heritage speakers, and examined whether problems with DOM generalize to other instances of structural and inherent dative case, including ditransitive verbs and gustar-type psychological verbs. Results of the two experiments confirmed that heritage speakers' recognition and production of DOM is probabilistic, even for speakers with advanced proficiency in Spanish. This suggests that many heritage speakers' grammars may not actually instantiate inherent case. We argue that language loss under reduced input conditions in childhood is, in this case, like "going back to basics": it leads to simplification of the grammar by letting go of the non-core options, while retaining the core functional structure.
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Studies have shown that bilingual individuals consistently outperform their monolingual counterparts on tasks involving executive control. The present paper reviews some of the evidence for this conclusion and relates the findings to the effect of bilingualism on cognitive organisation and to conceptual issues in the structure of executive control. Evidence for the protective effect of bilingualism against Alzheimer's disease is presented with some speculation about the reason for that protection.
Book
Heritage speakers are native speakers of a minority language they learn at home, but due to socio-political pressure from the majority language spoken in their community, their heritage language does not fully develop. In the last decade, the acquisition of heritage languages has become a central focus of study within linguistics and applied linguistics. This work centres on the grammatical development of the heritage language and the language learning trajectory of heritage speakers, synthesizing recent experimental research. The Acquisition of Heritage Languages offers a global perspective, with a wealth of examples from heritage languages around the world. Written in an accessible style, this authoritative and up-to-date text is essential reading for professionals, students, and researchers of all levels working in the fields of sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, education, language policies and language teaching.
Chapter
First Language Attrition examines linguistic aspects of the attrition or loss of first language abilities in bilinguals through a collection of studies in various language groups. The phenomena of attrition are examined at both the individual bilingual and societal levels. This volume is divided into three sections: Part I surveys different aspects of existing empirical evidence to arrive at theoretical generalisations about language attrition. Part II comprises group studies examining attrition in societal bilingualism or in groups of bilingual individuals. Part III contains individual case studies of bilingual children and adults. The research reported in this text investigates first language attrition in a variety of linguistic areas such as syntax, morphology, semantics, phonology and lexicon with the following first languages: Spanish, German, Hebrew, Dyirbal, English, Breton, Dutch, Hungarian, Russian, French and Pennsylvania German. Although there is growing interest in bilingualism, this is the first work to examine the effects of the acquisition of a second language on linguistic abilities in the first language.
Article
This study reports the results of an interpretation task that captures whether high proficiency heritage language (HL) learners of Russian converge with monolingual (L1) speakers or proficiency-matched foreign language (L2) learners in their interpretation of aspectual pairs and whether the absence of convergence arises in the lexical component of aspect (telicity) or in the grammatical component of aspect (boundedness). In Russian, both aspectual features are overtly marked on the verb, but by different morphemes: telicity is encoded in prefixes and boundedness in suffixes. The goal of the task is to test: 1) whether HL learners have an advantage over L2 learners on the same overall proficiency level when they interpret aspectual pairs, 2) which type of aspectual contrast poses greater difficulty, and 3) what role the morphological structure of predicates plays in incomplete acquirers’ interpretation of verbal aspect. The results reveal that, while the L2 group and the monolingual controls diverge significantly in most contrasts, the HL group converges with both L1 and L2 groups. For both test groups, telicity contrasts in activity/accomplishment verbs, which are expressed via prefixation, and boundedness contrasts in achievement verbs, which are expressed via suffixation, presented less difficulty than boundedness contrasts in accomplishment verbs, expressed via both prefixation and suffixation.
Book
El español en contacto con otras lenguas is the first comprehensive historical, social, and linguistic overview of Spanish in contact with other languages in all of its major contexts—in Spain, the United States, and Latin America. This book explores the historical and social factors that have shaped contact varieties of the Spanish language, synthesizing the principle arguments and theories about language contact, and examining linguistic changes in Spanish phonology, morphology and syntax, and pragmatics. Individual chapters analyze particular contact situations: in Spain, contact with Basque, Catalan, Valencian, and Galician; in Mexico, Central, and South America, contact with Nahuatl, Maya, Quechua, Aimara, and Guarani; in the Southern Cone, contact with other principle European languages such as Portuguese, Italian, English, German, and Danish; in the United States, contact with English. A separate chapter explores issues of creolization in the Philippines and the Americas and highlights the historical influence of African languages on Spanish, primarily in the Caribbean and Equatorial Guinea. Written in Spanish.
Article
The goal of this paper is to bring to light some facts about the place and status of the Spanish language in the public sphere of the United States, that is, at the level of the government and of governmentally established institutions. Although the United States does not have an 'official language,' it is no stranger to language politics. In this brief essay, I will make cross-national and cross-state comparisons and pose some questions about role/place of language within the U.S.
Chapter
This is the first of two volumes emanating from the Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages held at the University of Texas at Austin in February 2005. It features the keynote address delivered by Denis Bouchard on exaptation and linguistic explanation, as well as seventeen contributions by emerging and internationally recognized scholars of Spanish, French, Italian, as well as Rumanian. While the emphasis bears on formal analyses, the coverage is remarkably broad, as topics range from morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics and language acquisition. Each article seeks to represent a new perspective on these topics and a variety of frameworks and concepts are exploited: distributive morphology, entailment theory, grammaticalization, information structure, left-periphery, polarity lattice, spatial individuation, thematic hierarchy, etc. This volume will challenge anyone interested in current issues in theoretical Romance Linguistics.
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It is commonly agreed by linguists and anthropologists that the majority of languages spoken now around the globe will likely disappear within our lifetime. The phenomenon known as language death has started to accelerate as the world has grown smaller. This extinction of languages, and the knowledge therein, has no parallel in human history. This book focuses on the essential questions: What is lost when a language dies?; What forms of knowledge are embedded in a language's structure and vocabulary?; And how harmful is it to humanity that such knowledge is lost forever? The book spans the globe from Siberia to North America to the Himalayas and elsewhere, to look at the human knowledge that is slowly being lost as the languages which express it fade from sight. It uses fascinating anecdotes and portraits of some of these languages' last remaining speakers, in order to demonstrate that this knowledge about ourselves and the world is inherently precious, and once gone, will be lost forever. This knowledge is not only our cultural heritage (oral histories, poetry, stories, etc.) but very useful knowledge about plants, animals, the seasons, and other aspects of the natural world-not to mention our understanding of the capacities of the human mind.
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This paper focuses on the dearth of language-processing research addressing Spanish heritage speakers in assimilationist communities. First, we review key offline work on this population, and we then summarize the few psycholinguistic (online) studies that have already been carried out. In an attempt to encourage more such research, in the next section, we review the various techniques that psycholinguists commonly use in studies of language processing. We restrict our review to approaches that should be within the reach of most researchers. In our final section, we provide points of departure for further psycholinguistic investigations into this population. We do this in the hope that, one day, we may be able to determine with some degree of certainty the challenges that this population of Spanish speakers faces when processing their first language online, in real time.
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When individuals in the United States dial the emergency service telephone number, they immediately encounter some version of the English-language institutional opening “Nine-one-one, what is your emergency?”. What happens, though, when the one placing the call is not a speaker of English? How do callers and call-takers adapt to overcome this added communicative barrier so that they are able to effectively assess the emergency situation at hand? The present study describes the structure of a language negotiation sequence, which serves to evaluate callers' entitlement to receive service in a language other than the institutional default—in our case, requests for Spanish in lieu of English. We illustrate both how callers initially design requests for language, as well as how call-takers subsequently respond to those differing request formulations. Interactions are examined qualitatively and quantitatively to underscore the context-based contingencies surrounding call-takers' preference for English over the use of translation services. The results prove informative not only in terms of how bilingual talk is organized within social institutions, but also more generally with regard to how humans make active use of a variety of resources in their attempts to engage in interaction with one another. (Entitlement, discourse/social interaction, conversation analysis, requests, language contact, institutional talk, Spanish (in the US))*
Article
The politics surrounding identity in Catalonia traditionally have been based in a monolingual Romantic ideal that pits Catalan and Castilian against each other as two mutually exclusive languages and corresponding identities. Public discourses and debates over language policy often still draw on these traditional assumptions about language. In contrast, in the language contact zones where actual speakers live, there has been a collective restructuring of language resources over recent decades. Not only autochthonous Catalan native speakers but also individuals of varying social, ethnic, and linguistic backgrounds now routinely mobilize varying forms of Catalan in varying combinations and for varying purposes in daily life. New sociolinguistic solutions, problems, and possibilities have emerged, particularly around new immigration and polylingualism brought by globalization from both above and below since the millennium. In addition to the intrinsic interest of the apparent success of Catalan language policy, the historical transformations in linguistic practices and ideologies in Catalonia permit us to explore key phenomena in current theoretical debates, including: 1) cosmopolitanism; 2) the concept of scale; 3) shifting boundaries and hybrid forms of language and identity; and 4) the shifting ground of modern ideologies of authenticity and anonymity.
Article
This study investigates the self-reported experiences of students participating in a Galician language and culture course. Galician, a language historically spoken in northwestern Spain, has been losing ground with respect to Spanish, particularly in urban areas and among the younger generations. The research specifically focuses on informal linguistic interactions available beyond the classroom that are usually a defining characteristic of language study abroad programs. Student interviews and surveys reveal the kinds of difficulties faced by students, but they also point to ways in which programs in minoritized languages might to some extent compensate for the general lack of immersion provided by the social context. For students of marginalized languages such as Galician, linguistic immersion will never be as easy as it is for majority languages. Program designers and learners will need to pay more attention to the role of student agency in the creation of contexts for micro-immersion as part of the language-learning experience.
Article
This study uses natural, everyday social interaction within Salvadoran families living in Southern California to examine the use of the 2nd‐person singular pronouns tú and vos (and their corresponding morphologies) in this contact variety of Spanish. An in‐depth, qualitative analysis reveals that the employment and significance of these forms of address do not conform entirely to Salvadoran norms, nor to those of the surrounding Mexican‐based Spanish koiné. Accommodation to the pronominal repertoire of the region's majority serves as a communicative resource driven by questions of U.S./Los Angeles identity and solidarity with speakers in‐the‐moment interlocutor(s), a process which has caused the original Salvadoran pronouns to also be reallocated and refunctionalized (Britain and Trudgill ) as resources for accomplishing Salvadoran identity. Members of this community make active use of their pronominal options in real‐time interaction as they navigate the fluid, multifaceted identities that they and their interlocutors now embody in the U.S. context.
Book
This book addresses how the new linguistic concept of ‘Translanguaging’ has contributed to our understandings of language, bilingualism and education, with potential to transform not only semiotic systems and speaker subjectivities, but also social structures.
Article
Working-class and middle-class mothers of Cuban heritage were questioned about their modes of accommodation to America in terms of language proficiencies Specifically, they were asked about their own language fluency, in both Spanish and English, and that of their children The focus was on the within-family dynamics of the accommodation process, and the links between mothers' and children's language fluencies and children's school performance Two distinct patterns emerged For working-class mothers, the emphasis was more on encouraging their children to learn English in order to ‘succeed’ in America, especially in schoola ‘subtractive’ form of bilingualism and biculturalism where advances in English appear to be at the expense of Spanish fluency and heritage culture maintenance In contrast, for middle-class mothers, success was associated more with the encouragement of Spanish competence, not English-a form of‘additive’bilingualism where the heritage language and culture are protected as the process of Americanization runs its course
Article
Psychological acculturation patterns within a Moroccan adult and adolescent population in the Netherlands were determined through latent class analysis. The Psychological Acculturation Scale (PAS) was adapted, and strong psychometric properties were demonstrated. We found Dutch and Moroccan Psychological Acculturation Subscales (D-PAS; M-PAS). Three classes with similar patterns of acculturation were revealed for both populations. One class showed medium scores on the D-PAS and M-PAS items and one class revealed a pattern with high scores on the M-PAS and medium to high scores on the D-PAS items. The third class was characterized by low scores on the D-PAS and high scores on the M-PAS items. These acculturation classes were shown to be meaningful constructs and yield detailed information about acculturation.
Article
In introducing this special issue of Bilingualism: Language and Cognition , we feel it is critical to clarify what we understand ‘linguistic convergence’ to mean in the context of bilingualism, since ‘convergence’ is a technical term more readily associated with the field of language contact than with the field of bilingualism (for recent discussions of the role of convergence in contact see Thomason and Kaufman, 1988; Thomason, 2001; Myers-Scotton, 2002; Clyne, 2003; Winford, 2003). Within the language contact literature, the term invites a variety of uses. Some researchers adopt a definition of convergence that requires that all languages in a contact situation change, sometimes to the extent that the source of a given linguistic feature cannot be determined (see April McMahon's commentary in this issue). For others, convergence may be more broadly defined to also apply to situations in which one language has undergone structural incursions of various sorts from contact with another.
Article
Recent studies of heritage speakers, many of whom possess incomplete knowledge of their family language, suggest that these speakers may be linguistically superior to second language (L2) learners only in phonology but not in morphosyntax. This study reexamines this claim by focusing on knowledge of clitic pronouns and word order in 24 L2 learners and 24 Spanish heritage speakers. Results of an oral production task, a written grammaticality judgment task, and a speeded comprehension task showed that, overall, heritage speakers seem to possess more nativelike knowledge of Spanish than their L2 counterparts. Implications for theories that stress the role of age and experience in L2 ultimate attainment and for the field of heritage language acquisition and teaching are discussed.
Article
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