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The New Language of Hate: Misogyny and the Alt-Right
Daniel Odin Shaw
Abstract
Recent high-proile events such as the disturbances in Charlottes-
ville have pushed identitarian populist movements such as the Alt-Right to
the fore. Their exclusionary rhetoric towards minority groups is accompa-
nied by misogynistic attitudes and an opposition to feminism, which has
led to harassment campaigns and attempts to undermine modern notions
of consent. A common explanation for the increasing prevalence of these
groups is economic anxiety and a general discontent with the prevailing
social and economic system. By analysing the discourse prevalent in on-
line forums dedicated to anti-feminism, as well as the literature produced
in support of their ideas, it is clear that these groups are attempting to re-
assert a narrowly deined and heavily mythologised vision of masculinity.
It is a vision which stands opposed to modern feminist thought and gender
non-conformity. What is unclear is how economic concerns drive this an-
ti-feminist aspect of right-wing populism in a developed economy such as
America.
This paper will examine the linkage between far-right populism and
anti-feminism through the rhetoric and actions of these groups, suggest-
ing that economic changes such as globalisation and increasingly insecure
working conditions are fuelling “neo-masculinity” and anti-feminism.
However, by looking in depth at the notion of “Sexual Economics” as es-
poused by online anti-feminist communities it is possible to see the lan-
guage and the logic of neoliberalism applied directly to the sexual sphere,
despite this movement being associated with disenchantment under the
neoliberal paradigm. Drawing on Mark Fisher’s ideas concerning capitalist
realism and a range of feminist literature linking post-Fordism and sexual
commodiication, this paper will argue that this movement represents the
transference of anxieties arising from the neoliberal economic system onto
women and sexual minorities in a way which mirrors the commodif ying
tendencies of this economic system itself.
Keywords: far-right, anti-feminism, extremism, neoliberal ism, online
social movements, masculinity
Introduction
Misogyny is a common feature of the exclusionary right, one which
is o ten based on a patriarchal and broadly anti-feminist philosophy which
views women as outsiders. This is a feature shared by groups on the so-called
“Alt-Right/Alt-Lite”, a diverse movement which has gained prominence
in America and other Western countries. This misogyny is exempliied in
groups associated with “neo-masculinity”, men’s rights activism and the
online discussion spaces known as the “Manosphere” (Heikkilä, 2017; Ging,
2017). For simplicity, this paper will refer to these groups as masculinist
groups, although they do not represent a homogenous position. Masculinist
groups associated with the Alt-Right are primarily concerned with a per-
ceived domination of society by feminist ideology and their own place in
the “Sexual Economy”. Several theories have attempted to explain the emer-
gence of the Alt-Right, with the most common being that economic anxiety
under neoliberalism has fuelled an exclusionary backlash1.
However, although some in this movement advocate forms of eco-
nomic protectionism, they rarely attack the key assumptions of neoliberal
capitalism. Instead, they focus their anger on cultural and sexual issues.
Inglehart and Norris (2016) set out the economic anxiety thesis, but instead
explain the rise of exclusionary American populism in terms of this cul-
tural backlash. What has not yet been argued is that these two competing
theories are in fact mutually reinforcing aspects of the same driving force.
By looking in depth at the notion of Sexual Economics as espoused
by online anti-feminist communities, it is possible to see the language and
the logic of neoliberalism applied directly to the sexual sphere, despite this
movement being associated with disenchantment under the neoliberal par-
adigm. Drawing on Mark Fisher’s (2009) ideas concerning capitalist realism
and a range of feminist literature, this paper will argue that this movement
represents the transference of anxieties arising from the neoliberal eco-
nomic system onto women and sexual minorities in a way that mirrors the
commodifying tendencies of this economic system itself.
Economics and Exclusion
In order to understand the most extreme and virulent anti-feminist
groups on the right, it is important to understand the forces underpinning
the broader movement to which they belong. The emergence of a renewed
and resurgent far right in America, exempliied by the election of Donald
Trump in 2016, has been explained in a number of ways. The idea that ex-
clusionary populist politics is driven by economic insecurity has a strong
grounding in the literature (Inglehart, 2016; Ignazi, 2006), although this
does not paint a full picture of the racial and sexual resentment present in
this movement. Recent research into the 2016 US election has shown that
both economic worries and misogynist attitudes contributed to the election
1 While thi s exclusionary back lash includes both racial a nd sexual components, this
paper wi ll focus on misogyny for the sake of parsi mony. It is also worth noting that
attitudes towards women are more consistent on the new r ight, with attit udes to race
being more fragmented. For more on race and t he Alt-Right please see Summers (2017)
and Cha ng (2017).
d a n i e l o d i n s h a w
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of Donald Trump, a Presidential candidate who was embroiled in several
scandals involving sexism and racism. Schafner, MacWilliams andNetea
(2017) conducted research which shows that sexism, racism and economic
dissatisfaction were all correlated with support for Donald Trump. Wayne,
Oceno and Valentino (2017) similarly found a strong correlation between
sexist attitudes and support for Trump. While this research does not ex-
amine the Alt-Right in particular, they do make up a part of Trump’s elec-
toral support base and can be seen as broadly relective of it. Furthermore,
several of Trump’s key allies and former advisors are associated with the
Alt-Right, such as Steve Bannon and Stephen Miller. This research can,
therefore, be seen as establishing a link between sexist attitudes, economic
anxiety and support for right-wing policies. The deeper question is how eco-
nomic anxiety links with the speciic and extreme form of sexism prevalent
in groups associated with the Alt-Right.
Post-Fordism, globalisation and neoliberalism have brought cultur-
al and economic changes which challenge the primacy of the white male
worker in the West. The search for cheap foreign labour and the growing
inancial independence of women has eroded the economic privilege which
American men could have expected in the mid to late 20th century. As
Salzinger points out, “Under neoliberalism, the breadwinners of the global
north are a dying breed” (2016, p. 9). Many men no longer have the economic
stability that they might have expected, while they have increasingly had
to adapt to types of work that challenge their sense of masculinity (Nix-
on, 2009). The move from an industrial society centred around the male
breadwinner and based on traditional masculinity towards a post-Fordist
environment based around the service sector has remade gender relations.
Linda McDowell’s (2003) work shows speciically how economic instability
and changes to working practises have disproportionately a fected young
working-class men. In the post-industrial working environment masculin-
ity has been increasingly pathologised and problematised. The reassertion
of traditional gender roles can be seen within this context as a reaction-
ary attempt to resist this process. This can be seen most sharply in the
neo-masculinist movement and attempts to push back against gender lu-
idity and trans-rights. This focus on traditional masculinity is a unifying
theme for the extreme right-wing of the American political spectrum (Kim-
mel & Ferber, 2000).
This challenge to traditional masculinity has been compounded by
economic shocks, capital light and a lengthy recession. Increased competi-
tion, wage depression, growing inequality and a more precarious economic
position are established features of the modern neoliberal capitalist system
which is now being challenged by the economic nationalism and cultural
chauvinism of the right. Kimmel conceptualises this reactionary anger as
“aggrieved entitlement”:
It is that sense that those beneits to which you believed yourself
entitled have been snatched away from you by unseen forces larger
and more powerful. You feel yourself to be the heir to a great prom-
ise, the American Dream, which has turned into an impossible
fantasy for the very people who were supposed to inherit it. (Kimmel,
2013, p. 18, emphasis in original)
The broad economic forces which underpin this are being somewhat
challenged by renewed calls for protectionism and America First polices.
However, in many quarters this anger has mainly resulted in exclusion-
ary politics directed against women and minorities. The sense of anger
at economic elites has spilled over into a more aggressive form of politics
more generally, while attempts to seriously reform the economic system
have been associated primarily with the fringe le t. People without a col-
lege degree are the most economically vulnerable group in America, and
also the most likely to support exclusionary political positions (Schattner,
MacWilliams, & Netea, 2017). Furthermore, a recent survey of young Amer-
icans showed a strong correlation between economic vulnerability, racial
resentment, and misogynistic attitudes (Cohen, Luttig, & Rogowski, 2016).
While there has been a debate over whether it is racial resentment, econom-
ic anxiety or sexism which drives right wing politics in America, the best
explanation is that all three are closely linked.
The evidence that economic vulnerability under neoliberalism and
exclusionary politics are linked is strong, although more research is need-
ed. The deeper challenge is in understanding the mechanism by which eco-
nomic anxiety translates into misogyny. Anti-feminist groups and the Alt-
Right more generally may be drawing on pre-existing ideas, but they have
only come to prominence in the past half-decade. America has been experi-
encing neoliberal economic policies and post-industrial work for closer to
half a century, although inequality has reached a new high in recent years
(Piketty, Saez, & Zucman, 2016). It is therefore worth exploring what has
caused their increased in luence, in order to better understand the factors
driving them. Disillusionment with the current economic paradigm is cer-
tainly a factor in the reaction against pluralism and equality, but it cannot
alone explain why this movement is gaining in in luence now. To under-
stand this, it is important to examine the link between neoliberalism and
feminism.
Identities in Con lict
Anti-feminist rhetoric in the Alt-Right speciically targets modern
liberal feminism, which is seen as being inexorably linked to identity poli-
tics, political correctness, and multiculturalism. Adolph Reed (2009; 2015)
has described progressive identity politics as providing rhetorical cover
d a n i e l o d i n s h a wt h e n e w l a n g u a g e o f h a t e
191190
for what is essentially a right-wing neoliberal economic paradigm. It is in
response to identity politics and this speciic brand of feminism that the
misog yny of the Alt-Right is typically situated. Modern feminism has been
described by Nancy Fraser as “capitalism’s handmaiden” (Fraser, 2013) and
termed “neoliberal feminism” by Rotternberg (2013). Dodge and Gilbert
(2015, p. 333) go further, claiming that feminism has been “colonised by pa-
triarchal and capitalistic interests”. This form of feminism combines so-
cial inclusivity and economic liberalism with an internationalist outlook,
which is clearly anathema to the economically anxious nationalists of the
right. While this connection is rarely articulated by those on the right, their
form of attack against feminism retains a similar pattern to their attacks
against neoliberalism and globalisation. Just as neoliberal working prac-
tices undermine traditional masculinity and globalisation is seen to lood
Western countries with cheap labour, so neoliberal feminism encroaches
on the masculine social sphere. It is possible to see this most clearly in the
events which triggered the most virulent campaigns of anti-feminist rhet-
oric in recent years. Gamergate, the online hate campaign waged against
prominent women in the gaming industry, is seen as a key factor in the
radicalisation of many young men who now identify with the Alt-Right
and men’s rights groups (Marwick & Lewis, 2017, pp.7-9). The most vitriol-
ic abuse was directed towards Anita Saarkasian, a media scholar who at-
tempted to advance a feminist analysis of videogames. This furore can be
seen as a reaction against the growing commercial and political power of
women in traditionally masculine gaming culture. Similarly, attempts to
make the prestigious science iction Hugo Awards more inclusive triggered
a wide-ranging backlash against women and minorities (Oleszczuk, 2017).
This attempted exclusion of women from what are o ten viewed as mascu-
line aspects of culture is a form of cultural protectionism, mirroring the
economic protectionism central to the nationalistic politics of the right.
Another major issue for masculinist groups and the Alt-Right more
generally is the dominance of political correctness, particularly on college
campuses and in the media. For example, conservative speakers have been
protested or de-platformed at many colleges in the US, while there is an
increasing sensitivity to issues around race and gender. Feminist groups
have been at the forefront of this, promoting progressive views around
gender, sex, and sexuality while critiquing what they view as unacceptable
views. For many people this represents an attempt to be more inclusive and
more aware of issues around identity and equality. However, for those on
the right, this is o ten seen as a chilling attack on free speech. Part of Don-
ald Trump’s appeal was his lack of political correctness, showing an im-
pulse to defend freedom of speech from perceived liberal attacks. Mascu-
linist groups draw on this, seeing liberal feminism as being in fundamen-
tal opposition to free speech. The growth of these groups can be viewed as
a reaction from the right to the growing in luence of socially progressive
viewpoints in politics and culture. For these groups, feminism has become
the focal point for their broader concerns about culture, tradition and free
speech. Free speech in particular is seen as a right or entitlement without
limitation, which is being eroded by attempts to impose pluralistic cultural
norms. Although the link between feminism and neoliberal globalisation
is rarely articulated, they are seen in shared terms as an unacceptable en-
croachment on Western male entitlement. However, for many groups on
the Alt-Right fringe, the cultural encroachment of pluralism and feminism
trumps the economic concerns with which their anger is oten explained.
To illustrate this focus on resisting feminism and social justice, it is worth
looking at the language used within this movement.
Language of the Manosphere
The language and rhetoric of the right comes in many forms, de-
pending on the precise nature and goals of each group. However, the broad
coalition of groups associated with the Alt-Right have developed a shared
vocabulary as refers to gender and feminism, which can be found being ar-
ticulated most clearly on the collection of online masculinist spaces known
as the Manosphere (Ging, 2017). This vocabulary focuses overwhelmingly
on sex, supporting Wendy Brown’s (1987) argument that women and sex are
oten seen as synonymous in political thought. This can also be seen in
the policy agenda of anti-feminist groups, which focuses more on issues of
consent, false rape allegations, and sexuality than on economic justice or
support for men’s health. Prominent arguments from this movement sug-
gest that sex is a human right for men, drawing on the idea that men and
women have diferential sex drives (Dannato, 2014). The centrality of sex to
this movement seemingly runs counter to the idea that this group is driven
largely by economic vulnerability. However, a close examination of their
language reveals an economic undercurrent to their thinking about sex,
gender and relationships.
A key facet of the theory espoused by masculinist groups is the idea
that society is largely based around sexual competition in a way which fun-
damentally disadvantages men. Women, as the choosier sex, have greater
power in the sexual arena than men. Men’s high libido makes sex a resource
over which women have control, placing men in a weaker position. In addi-
tion to this, women utilise various mating strategies which further oppress
men. One example of this might be the so-called “Cads vs Dads” strateg y, in
which women prefer masculine and aggressive cads for sex but responsi-
ble and caring dads for long-term relationships (Aitken, Jonason, & Lyons,
2013). This is a contested biological theory, which is understood in mascu-
linist groups to prove that nice guys always inish last. It is more bluntly
put as an example of women “riding the cock carousel” until they are past
d a n i e l o d i n s h a wt h e n e w l a n g u a g e o f h a t e
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their peak “SMV” or sexual market value (scarletspider3, 2016). Men in these
groups very much see themselves as the victims of this system, manipulat-
ed and used by not only women but also the more economically successful
men who monopolise them. The role of patriarchy and religion in polic-
ing sexuality allowed men to achieve parity with women, but feminism has
worked to undermine this. These groups draw on other ideas from socio-bi-
ology to build what can be described as a theory of sexual economics. Wom-
en and men are seen as having “sexual market value”, with sex seen as a
form of resource exchange. While the ideas might rely on pop biology, the
language frames the issue in much more economic terms.
The phrase sexual economics can be traced to the work of psychol-
ogist Roy Baumeister (Baumeister & Vohs, 2004; Baumeister & Mendoza,
2011), who argues that sex can be analysed in the same terms as markets.
Many of his arguments, such as the idea that sex is used by females as a
tradable resource, it with the thinking of men’s rights groups. Although
some cite Baumesiter’s work directly, many in this movement seem to de-
ploy his ideas relexively. Many examples of this can be found on the popu-
lar neomasculinst website “Return of Kings” (ROK), a blog for “heterosexu-
al, masculine men” which:
aims to usher the return of the masculine man in a world where
masculinity is being increasingly punished and shamed in favour of
creating an androg ynous and politically-correct society that allows
women to assert superiority and control over men. (Return of Kings,
n. d.)
“Return of Kings” features numerous articles discussing sexual eco-
nomics, including “The One Law of Economics That Shapes Your Sex Life”
(Hume, 2014) and “How the Sexual Marketplace Can Be Restored to Balance”
(Albrecht, 2017). These articles advise men to use economic theory to their
sexual advantage, and re lect a belief that sexual competition is skewed
in favour of women. Although ROK takes a pro-capitalist and anti-letist
stance, many articles re lect a strong discontent with both globalism and
neoliberalism. The sixth most popular article on the site bemoans the “de-
regulation of the sexual marketplace” (Hobbes, 2014), arguing that social,
religious and legal restrictions on sexuality protected the majority of men
from being disadvantaged by women.
This article re lects a desire for sexual protectionism, and the belief
that the majority of men are oppressed by a sexual upper-class consisting of
rich and attractive men and women. The same logic is displayed in a post on
r/Incels, a Reddit forum associated with men’s rights activism and particu-
larly extreme misogyny. The post “I am entitled to sex” demands that the gov-
ernment provide sex for men in the same way they guarantee access to food:
If the people who lack basic necessities such as food, healthcare and
so forth are provided for, thanks to the government, why aren’t their
(sic) any support for the needs of thousands of sexually frustrated
men? We are all taxpaying citizens. If the government can’t provide
us with such a basic thing, why do we continue to given (sic) them
money to things that basically doesn’t (sic) concern us in anyway?
Single mothers are given welfare by the government using the mon-
ey that we provide them. (Lookismisreall, 2017)
This quote illustrates not only the centrality of sex to the arguments
of this movement, but also how these concerns about sexual deprivation
are intertwined with more conventional concerns around economic redis-
tribution. There is also some confusion here, as the author appears to take
a broadly anti-state position on welfare and taxes while wanting the state
to provide for his personal sexual needs. This tension is not unique to this
post, and is o ten displayed through an adherence to libertarian economics
and authoritarian social policy. Although some responding posts disagree
with this demand, there is some support for it: “You’re absolutely right. At
the very least prostitution should be legalised and subsidised by the govern-
ment” (fukmylyf, 2017). While this is only a small example, this language
and logic is present in the online forums and published work associated
with the masculinist movement. This represents a synthesis of economic
anxiety and sexual resentment, which illustrates the connection between
economics and misogyny described in the section above. What remains un-
clear is the reason why the vitriol directed towards women and feminism
outstrips the anger directed towards the economic system.
Capitalist Realism and the Hopelessness of Reform
The apparent economic underpinnings of this movement should
suggest a desire to reform the economic system, but this is o ten sublimat-
ed into a ixation on the sexual sphere. Indeed, the Alt-Right movement is
heavily associated with libertarianism and free-market ideology while be-
ing iercely opposed to socialism and other alternative economic systems
(Lyons, 2017; Lewis, 2017). This relects the tendency for online communi-
ties to create echo chambers, in which dissenting views are ignored or mis-
represented. This creates a sense of cognitive dissonance as political beliefs
fail to match up to lived experience, resulting in ego defence mechanisms
such as projection of negative characteristics onto outgroups. Discontent
with the economic system is instead expressed through a desire to reassert
masculine control over sex and sexuality, representing a form of defensive
sublimation as class frustrations channelled into the culture wars’ asser-
tions of masculinity. As Wilson (2010) argues in her study of Bangkok sex
shows, male discontent with their loss of relative economic power under
d a n i e l o d i n s h a wt h e n e w l a n g u a g e o f h a t e
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neoliberalism has resulted in the impulse to reassert control over women
and their bodies. This transference of frustration and control from the po-
litical to the sexual can be best understood in terms of capitalist realism,
as described by Mark Fisher (2009, p. 2). Fisher argued that an acceptance
of neoliberal capitalism has become so pervasive in Western society that it
is impossible to imagine a coherent alternative (2009). When anti-capital-
ist thought appears in popular culture, it is merely deployedto reinforce
capitalist ideology by providing a fantasy escape without political action.
This is trueof unstructured utopian protest groups like Occupy Wall Street
and of supericial businesses which seek to mitigate the worst excesses of
neoliberalism without presenting a rival system. What is on display in mas-
culinist groups is discontent with the economic ideology under which they
live being transferred onto women and minority groups. Their inability to
successf ully conceptualise an alternative to capitalism has led them to fo-
cus their anger at class inequality onto the sexual sphere, articulating a
desire for the control and stability which they are denied in an increasingly
precarious economy. The lang uage with which they talk about sex belies
the undercurrent of economic anxiety driving their frustrations, while the
exclusionary and nostalgic rhetoric of the far-right functions as a form of
cathartic release. By looking at how masculinist groups speak about them-
selves and society, it becomes clear that they are not driven purely by either
economic anxiety or an inherently hateful mind-set. Rather, these two fac-
tors are intertwined, a function of an economic ideology which provides no
other alternative than exclusionary identity politics and cultural animus.
Conclusion
The misogyny of the new far-right is a complex phenomenon, which
confounds attempts at simple answers. The election of Trump, and the new-
found prominence of extremist and exclusionary groups, has produced sev-
eral competing explanations from concerned scholar and commentators.
There is a tendency to reduce these explanations to either material or cul-
tural factors, with the acceptance of one leading to the dismissal of the oth-
ers. However, there is a strong argument for attempting to understand how
these factors inform each other. Neither the economy nor our culture and
values exist in a vacuum. Therefore, more work aimed at conceptualising
the connection between these disparate factors would make a valuable con-
tribution to our understanding of contentious political groups.
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