Chapter

Constructionalization and post-constructionalization: the constructional semantics of the Dutch krijgen-passive in a diachronic perspective

Authors:
To read the full-text of this research, you can request a copy directly from the author.

Abstract

The grammatical literature on Dutch generally distinguishes two “passive” alternatives to the active double object construction, one of which, the so-called krijgen-passive is a fairly recent addition to the grammar, the earliest reported examples dating from around 1900. The present paper addresses the early and subsequent history of this construction from a diachronic constructionist perspective. The first part of the paper uses data from the 1900-1935 volumes of the Dutch periodical De Gids to reconstruct the lexical and semantic range of the krijgen-passive in its very first decades of life, in order to investigate which (semantic and/or morphological) subclasses of ditransitive verbs played a pathbreaking role in the development of this new construction from other krijgen + participle constructions, i.e. in the constructionalization of the krijgen-passive. The second part of the paper looks into post-constructionalization semantic change, i.e. into the subsequent expansion of the newly emerged construction towards more sub-classes of ditransitive verbs, on the basis of data from the diachronic CONDIV-corpus (1950s to 1990s). Contra recent non-constructionist proposals, it will be argued that the krijgen-passive is an argument structure construction in its own right, with a semantic dynamics of its own, and that the apparently random constraints on its present-day distribution are less puzzling when viewed against the background of the construction’s genesis and subsequent semantic expansion.

No full-text available

Request Full-text Paper PDF

To read the full-text of this research,
you can request a copy directly from the author.

... Volgens Broekhuis & Cornips (2012) valt het met die willekeur dan weer mee en mag er wel degelijk worden gesproken van een volwaardige grammaticale regel van krijgenpassivering, die niet speciaal verschilt van "gewone" passivering d.m.v. worden/zijn-passief. Colleman (2015) voert aan dat de kwestie of het krijgenpassief nu beschouwd moet worden als een lexicaal (lees: idiosyncratisch) of als een grammaticaal (lees: regelmatig) fenomeen vanuit een constructiegrammaticaal perspectief niet erg relevant is: het krijgen-passief is een afzonderlijk opgeslagen argumentstructuurconstructie, die net als veel andere argumentstructuurconstructies een mix vertoont van idiosyncrasie en productiviteit. Tegenover de voorbeelden in (3) kunnen we voorbeelden als (4) plaatsen, waaruit duidelijk blijkt dat allerlei nieuwe overdrachtswerkwoorden zich probleemloos laten inpassen in de constructie en dat die dus productief is. ...
... Hilpert (2013: 16) geeft de volgende definitie van constructionele verandering: "Constructional change selectively seizes a conventionalized form-meaning pair of a language, altering it in terms of its form, its function, any aspect of its frequency, its distribution in the linguistic community, or any combination of these." Terwijl Colleman (2015) zich richtte op veranderingen in het semantische bereik en in de frequentie van de constructie, ligt de focus van deze bijdrage op een vormelijk kenmerk, nl. de relatieve volgorde van krijgen en het participium in de werkwoordelijke eindgroep. ...
... Het krijgen-passief is geen bijzonder frequente constructie. Colleman (2015) rapporteert genormaliseerde frequenties van amper één voorkomen per miljoen woorden tekst in het prille begin van de 20 ste eeuw tot 76 voorkomens per miljoen woorden tekst in data uit de jaren 1990. Dat betekent dat voor diachroon onderzoek naar de mate van volgordevrijheid in de werkwoordelijke eindgroep een groot corpus vereist is, zeker omdat lang niet alle voorkomens van de constructie effectief een tweeledige werkwoordelijke eindgroep bevatten: in een groot aantal gevallen bezet krijgen uiteraard gewoon de pv-plaats van een hoofdzin, zoals in voorbeeld (1) aan het begin van dit artikel. ...
... Langacker (1987) se beskrywing van die grammatika as 'n "structured inventory of symbolic units" wat in dinamiese netwerke aan mekaar verbind is, word meer as 30 jaar later steeds as een van die basiese uitgangspunte van gebruiksgebaseerde konstruksiegrammatika beskou. Oor die afgelope dekade het die konsep konstruksionalisering ook deeglik posgevat in diachroniese konstruksiegrammatika (Colleman, 2015(Colleman, , 2016Enghels & Garachana Camarero, 2021;Hilpert, 2013;Traugott & Trousdale, 2013). ...
Article
Full-text available
Navorsing oor vloekwoorde (hier gebruik as 'n hiperoniem om ander verskynsels en/of sinonieme in te sluit, waaronder swets, skel, (gods)laster en vuil taal) word al internasionaal vir baie jare in 'n verskeidenheid wetenskaplike dissiplines gedoen. Daarteenoor is daar baie min tot geen navorsing oor vloek in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks gedoen nie. In hierdie artikel word twee navorsingsvrae oor twee spesifieke vloekwoorde, feeks en helleveeg, beantwoord, te wete: 1. Hoe lyk die konstruksionaliseringsnetwerk van feeks en helleveeg? 2. Wat is gebruikers se opinie oor feeks en helleveeg, met spesifieke verwysing na selfgerapporteerde frekwensies (sowel produksie (sê/skryf), as persepsie (hoor/lees)); die taboewaarde (d.i. aanstootlikheid vir self en vir ander); persepsie oor die prominensie (d.i. emosiebelaaidheid, opvallendheid en bekendheid); en die geslagskonnotasie van die referent van dié twee woorde? Resente insigte in die etimologie van feeks en helleveeg word in detail bespreek, terwyl voorstelle vir visuele voorstellings van etimologiese inligting en konstruksionaliseringsnet-werke aan die hand gedoen word. Daar word ook uitvoerig gerapporteer oor 'n persepsie-ondersoek wat met behulp van aanlyn vraelyste oor dié twee woorde gedoen is. Met behulp van 'n tekentoets vir verbandhoudende steekproewe, word die verskillende dimensies van die twee woorde met mekaar vergelyk. Die artikel sluit af met 'n vooruitskouing op toekomswerk.
... From our data analysis, a suggestion of a functional motivation for the rise of the vedersi passive emerges: it is the intention or the desire of the speaker/ writer to present a ditransitive event from the perspective of the Recipient argument rather than that of the direct object argument. Similar motivation has been provided for the German bekommen passive (Diedrichsen 2012) and the Dutch krijegen passive (Colleman 2015). When faced with the linguistic task of encoding the passivization of a ditransitive event, speakers of Italian have several constructions at their disposal: the essere passive, the passive with the motion verb venire (Sansò and Giacalone Ramat 2016), and the vedersi passive. ...
Article
Full-text available
This chapter investigates the properties and the diachronic development of a poorly described Italian construction, vedersi 'to see oneself' followed by the infinitive , with the aim of defending its Recipient passive interpretation. According to the recent typological literature (Malchukov, Haspelmath, and Comrie 2010), Italian, as a language that follows an indirective coding pattern, should not allow the passivization of the Recipient argument in ditransitives. The case under scrutiny represents a special strategy whose motivations are to be searched for, on the one hand, in the tendency for Recipients to take the subject role in passivization (Haspelmath 2015), and on the other at the pragmatic level in a response to the need for expressing the (mostly negative) subject affectedness. The diachronic analysis illustrates the grammaticalization path of vedersi + infinitive leading from the reflexive construction, in which vedersi has a perceptive meaning, to a Recipient passive construction through texts from Old to Modern Italian. The semantic expansion of the Recipient construction beginning in the late 19th century, through its ability to attract a variety of ditransitive predicates, is illustrated with corpus-based examples. The earlier but parallel development of a Theme passive in the construction vedersi + past participle (Giacalone Ramat 2017) confirms the main lines of change and suggests a new assessment of passivization patterns in Modern Italian. 1 Introductory remarks Ditransitive constructions (= DTs) show a large range of variation across languages 1 that is generally related to distinctions between the objects in prominence (Malchukov, Comrie, and Haspelmath 2010: 20; Haspelmath 2005) or to the role of affectedness, as in the case of the English dative alternation (Levin
... 15 On the relation between schematicity and productivity as well as the role of frequency measures in establishing schematic cxns cf. alsoBybee (2010: 95),Goldberg (1995: 137),Dąbrowska (2008),Colleman (2015), and Höder (2019: 37-40). ...
Article
Full-text available
This article discusses the role of intra-word phonological schematicity in multilingual con-structicons from a Diasystematic Construction Grammar perspective. It argues that, in particular with communities that use two or more typologically similar and/or closely related languages, many lexical elements (e.g. cognates) exhibit regular sound correspondences that can be analysed as consisting of different types of phonological schemas. In this view, there is a division of labour between schematic constructions that specify the words' referential meaning and others that specify their belonging to one of the 'languages', with language-specificity defined as a pragmatic property of constructions. The focus is on the question whether generalizations at this level of schematicity and abstraction are cognitively real and what can count as evidence for their existence from a usage-based perspective.
... Its empirical focus is on a number of ongoing changes in Afrikaans three-argument constructions that can plausibly be related to the lexical and semantic ranges of the equivalent argument structure constructions of English. As such, it fits into a small but growing body of research in Diachronic Construction Grammar with a primarily semasiological focus (see, e.g., Barðdal 2007, Barðdal, Kristoffersen & Sveen 2011Hoffmann & Mukherjee 2007;Colleman & De Clerck 2008Colleman 2011Colleman , 2015). The main theoretical claim of the present paper will be that the concept of distributional assimilation introduced in Gast & van der Auwera (2012) can be fruitfully extended to argument structure semantics. ...
Book
The last three decades have seen the emergence of Construction Grammar as a major research paradigm in linguistics. At the same time, very few researchers have taken a constructionist perspective on language contact phenomena. This volume brings together, for the first time, a broad range of original contributions providing insights into language contact phenomena from a constructionist perspective. Focusing primarily on Germanic languages, the papers in this volume demonstrate how the notion of construction can be fruitfully applied to investigate how a range of different language contact phenomena can be systematically analyzed from the perspectives of both form and meaning.
... Its empirical focus is on a number of ongoing changes in Afrikaans threeargument constructions that can plausibly be related to the lexical and semantic ranges of the equivalent argument structure constructions of English. As such, it fits into a small but growing body of research in diachronic construction grammar with a primarily semasiological focus (see, e.g., Barðdal 2007, Barðdal, Kristoffersen & Sveen 2011Hoffmann & Mukherjee 2007;Colleman & De Clerck 2008Colleman 2011Colleman , 2015. The main theoretical claim of the present paper will be that the concept of distributional assimilation introduced in Gast & van der Auwera (2012) can be fruitfully extended to argument structure semantics. ...
Chapter
This paper brings a contact linguistic perspective to the investigation of variation and change in the semantic structures of schematic argument structure constructions, i.e. diachronic constructional semasiology. The empirical focus is on three clusters of ongoing change in the lexical and semantic possibilities of three-argument constructions in Afrikaans that can plausibly be related to interlingual identification with formally and functionally similar English argument structure constructions. The main theoretical argument is that the concept of distributional assimilation as introduced by Gast & van der Auwera (2012) can be fruitfully extended to constructional semantics.
... Grammar has been concerned with the idea that the constructional network is a dynamic system which is constantly being reorganized as new subschemas emerge or fall out of use (see, e.g., Hilpert 2013, Colleman 2015. In Traugott & Trousdale (2013), it is further argued that the emergence of a new (sub)schema is often concomitant with the loss of collocational restrictions, resulting in expanded use. ...
... Voor het Nederlands kunnen we verwijzen naar o.m. Hoekstra (1984), De Schutter (1989), Broekhuis en Cornips (1994, Landsbergen (2006), Van Leeuwen (2006 en Colleman (2015Colleman ( , 2016; in dat bestaande onderzoek komen uiteenlopende formele en semantische eigenschappen van krijgen aan de orde, maar de focus ligt vooral op de grammaticale status en de lexicale mogelijkheden van de "(semi)passieve" of "receptieve" constructie met krijgen + voltooid deelwoord (bv. Hij kreeg een geschenk aangeboden). ...
Article
Full-text available
Zowel Nederlands krijgen als Afrikaans kry maken deel uit van verschillende constructies met een verbale aanvulling in de vorm van een voltooid deelwoord of infinitief, waarin krijgen/ kry gedeeltelijk geauxiliariseerd is. Dit artikel gaat vanuit een contrastief en (diachroon) constructiegrammaticaal perspectief in op de formele en semantische eigenschappen van die constructies. Aangetoond wordt dat de Afrikaanse resultatieve constructie met kry + voltooid deelwoord zich verder heeft ontwikkeld dan haar Nederlandse tegenhanger met krijgen + voltooid deelwoord. Daartegenover staat dat in het Nederlands een frequent gebruikt krijgen-passief is ontstaan dat in het Afrikaans niet echt van de grond is gekomen, en dat er in het hedendaagse Nederlands ook aanwijzingen zijn voor productief gebruik van een modale constructie met krijgen + te-infinitief. De data voor het onderzoek komen hoofdzakelijk uit het SoNaR-corpus en het Taalkommissiekorpus.
Article
Full-text available
The productivity of syntactic constructions is often measured by the number of different verbs used in the verb slot, i.e. the type frequency of the construction. This article investigates 17 double-adverbial motion constructions and their occurrence in a large corpus of blogs. The study shows that there is a difference between the constructions in both token and type frequency, as well as with regard to the number of rare and non-motion types used in the constructions. For instance, a construction such as the [VERB-runt-i] ‘verb-about-in’ occurs with 225 different verbs even though the overall token frequency of the construction is intermediate, while the [VERB-ner-till] ‘verb-down-to’ construction only occurs with 107 verbs, even though the construction itself is more common. This indicates that the former construction appears to be more productive than the latter. The study also shows that the productivity of Swedish motion constructions shows up even more clearly if we apply more refined frequency measurements than only raw type frequency, such as the number of types without a conventionalized motion meaning, as well as the number of construction unique types, i.e. types occurring in only one of the constructions investigated. For instance, non-motion verbs like skoja ‘joke’, and spexa ‘clown about’ are exclusively found in the [VERB-runt-på] construction, while animal verbs like snigla ‘snail’ and älga ‘moose’ are mainly found in the [VERB-iväg-till]. Keywords: motion verbs, construction grammar, frequency, productivity, Swedish.
Article
This article examines the history, from Old English times to the first quarter of the twentieth century, of the Intransitive Motion Construction. It compares the development of its result subschema (The trolley rumbled through the tunnel), where the verb is one of sound emission, with the development of other subschemas of the construction, in particular the manner subschema (The man walked in), where the verb denotes manner of motion. As shown by earlier research, the manner subschema and the manner of motion lexicon have greatly expanded since the Old English period, especially in Modern English. The result subschema, by contrast, although attested as far back as Old English, remains marginal until the nineteenth century, when it finally gains in importance, thus making the Intransitive Motion Construction more versatile. This expansion in the conceptual range of the construction, from predominantly coding manner of motion to describing other highly specific details of motion, such as the sound resulting from it, is linked to the addition to the English lexicon, in relatively recent times, of a great number of new sound verbs whose frequency of use has been constantly on the increase. Furthermore, the paper argues that these changes in the English sound verb inventory are also responsible for some of the developments undergone by the so-called Way-construction (The steamer plashed its way forward) in the Late Modern English period.
Article
On verb frame alternations in the Syntax of Dutch This review article offers a critical discussion of the extensive treatment of verb frame alternations in the first volume on Verbs and Verb Phrases of the Syntax of Dutch (SoD). The article takes a usage-based perspective and focuses on a number of aspects of the grammatical description in the SoD that are too exclusively rooted in the theoretical framework of formal syntax.
Article
Full-text available
Das niederländische Verb ‚krijgen‘ (‚bekommen‘) kann in der Kombination eines Partizips in einer Semi-Passivkonstruktion oder einer Resultativkonstruktion auftreten. Ergänzend zur bereits bestehenden Forschung wird auf der Basis von neugesammeltem Material ein Bild vom Gebrauch und der Akzeptanz dieser Konstruktionen im Niederländischen skizziert, dies sowohl in der Standardsprache als auch in den Dialekten.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any references for this publication.