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... Restorative Justice -Also known as reparative justice, it is based on acknowledging histories of social trauma and taking recovery measures (Aragão, Jacobs, & Cliquet, 2016;Draus, Haase, Napieralski, Roddy, & Qureshi, 2019;Draus, Lovall, Formby, Baldwin, & Lowe-Anderson, 2019). A. Calderón-Argelich et al. ...
... While this review demonstrates the still narrow and uneven link between urban ES assessment and different aspects of EJ, we argue for the inclusion of an expanded analysis of dimensions of justice within the ES framework, including restorative, reparative and intersectional aspects of justice as it is being explored by EJ researchers (Agyeman et al., 2016;Anguelovski et al., 2020;Aragão et al., 2016;Draus, Haase, & et al., 2019;Draus, Lovall, & et al., 2019) and tentatively suggested in some of our reviewed articles (e.g. Anderson et al., 2020;Fortnam et al., 2019). ...
... Anderson et al., 2020;Fortnam et al., 2019). Restorative justice highlights the need to acknowledge past experiences of violence, oppression and exclusion and the extent to which green interventions can address historical trauma and promote the inclusion of specific neighborhoods and communities (Draus, Haase, & et al., 2019). Intersectional justice can help to understand how multiple identities (such as gender, class, race/ethnicity, sexuality or disability, among others) interact and are (un)recognized in the green infrastructure planning processes Jerneck, 2018). ...
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The concept of ecosystem services (ES) has mainstreamed as an interdisciplinary framework in the urban sustainability and resilience agenda. While the uptake of ES in urban areas is deeply entangled with multiple values, trade-offs, institutions, management and planning approaches, there is still a lack of a comprehensive and systematic framework to address environmental justice (EJ) in urban ES assessments. This article presents a systematic literature review to examine what factors are critical for the effective inclusion of an EJ lens in urban ES appraisals. More specifically, we assessed how distributional, procedural and recognitional EJ dimensions have been addressed, and in relation to which types of urban ES. Our results reveal that EJ considerations are currently focused on the (un)equal distribution of ES and the associated green and blue infrastructure with regard to socioeconomic groups, with special attention to income and race/ethnicity as the main mechanisms of social stratification. There is also a predominant focus on regulating and cultural ES, analyzing their role on resilience and adaptive capacity on one hand, and recreational values, social cohesion and place-making on the other. In this review, we also evaluate the interconnected dimensions of justice and their constraints, and lay out pathways for new research into intersectional and restorative approaches to justice in ES assessments. Finally, we interrogate what the role of urban ES-based planning might be in making more inclusive and just cities and explore its implications for policy and practice.
... Many times, wilderness places are laden with negative connotations due to signs of neglect, such as littering, graffiti, and general decay. On a symbolic [45] . In Berlin, many novel wilderness sites developed in the wake of destructions due to World War II and the subsequent division of the city by the Berlin Wall from 1961 to 1989 [46] . ...
... The Berlin Green Belt, being created where the Berlin Wall once divided the city into two, is an example of integrating remnants of the painful past into new green spaces by combining modern design approaches with novel urban wilderness [46] . 例如,美国底特律地区和德国鲁尔区,新生荒野因工业的衰落得以在前 工业用地上发展,使人在情感上回忆起场地曾经的社会经济繁荣一去不 再 [45] ;在柏林,许多新生荒野是伴随着二战造成的破坏及其后柏林墙对 城市的割裂(1961~1989)发展起来的 [46] 。 人们对于新生荒野的负面认知可通过景观设计干预来改善(图 4),其中景观感知的关键点在于通过提供正面感知元素来体现"管护 的迹象" [47] 。这些干预产生了荒野和人工绿地的混合体,而挑战在于如 何保留场地过去"非正式"的独特性 [48] ,并将自生植被的组成、结构和 功能在演替中的自然变化纳入考量。 通过增设正式入口、园路和其他绿地要素,可提升荒野对公众的吸 引力 [49] 。信息系统是一种有效手段,包括谛听漫步等创新性形式 [50] 。通 过结合艺术作品,可实现与充满野性的自然的对比,例如柏林南部的自 然公园 [51] 或鲁尔工业森林中的许多地区 [27] 。建在曾经将城市一分为二的 柏林墙遗址上的柏林绿带,通过将现代设计方法引入新生城市荒野,将 饱含历史伤痛的遗迹融入新的绿地之中 [46] 。 这些项目的一大挑战是如何应对自然界的无序动态变化。在大多数 没有人类的干预情况下,经过几年的自然演替,场地会被茂密的木本植 被覆盖。一方面,演替过程中物种的更迭很好地反映了自然对新兴城市 4. 柏林南部自然公园中未经干扰的森 林动态(图4-1),不定期放牧的 空地(图4-2),以及设计干预后 的废弃铁轨(图4-3,4-4)。 ...
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Wilderness is a cultural construct that is deeply rooted in many societies. For landscape architects and their predecessors, wilderness has long been important as a contrast to artificial garden elements, as an inspiration for naturalistic plant designs, or today as a timely contribution to reconciling cities and their inhabitants with the natural world. Since cities and wilderness have traditionally been seen as opposites, new approaches are necessary to better address the opportunities and challenges associated with wilderness in urban regions. From an ecological perspective, urban wilderness can be defined as an area characterized by a high degree of self-regulation in ecosystem processes where direct human impact is negligible. This allows two main types of wilderness to be distinguished: “ancient wilderness” represented by natural remnants in many cities, and “novel wilderness,” which arises in artificial urban-industrial sites. The two types require different approaches in designing and managing green spaces. Ancient wilderness is a traditional object of conservation and restoration, and offers inspiration for naturalistic plantings. In contrast, the emergence of novel wilderness has long been associated with neglect and socio-economic decline. Since the 1980s, however, early pioneer projects in Germany have started to integrate novel urban wilderness into the green infrastructure. The results are unprecedented green spaces that combine novel wilderness with design interventions. These places are attractive to visitors, contribute to biodiversity conservation, and support many ecosystem services. This article aims to illustrate the opportunities and challenges of integrating wilderness components and processes into the urban green infrastructure—a timely way to reconnect cities with nature.
... As such, there is a critical need to understand the experiences of diverse, vulnerable populations with green infrastructure solutions that have been implemented by city governments, foundations, and other formal institutions. This is an urgent area for future research in the city of Detroit, Michigan [23]. ...
... Capacity building in this context should be informed by the needs expressed by local residents, including the need for financial, physical, and/or technical assistance. These findings also support calls for governance structures that facilitate inclusion of residents' voices in the codesign and coproduction of green spaces [23,36]. ...
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Cities worldwide are incorporating green infrastructure to mitigate climate change and achieve health cobenefits. However, green infrastructure projects are often distributed inequitably based on race and class. Residents’ perspectives are necessary to develop and enact effective and equitable ‘green’ strategies to address climate change and its health impacts. This study reports findings from interviews and ethnographic observations with diverse residents of Detroit, Michigan, USA, who have experience with both green infrastructure projects and intense weather events (flooding). Residents expressed widespread support for green infrastructure solutions, while also sharing concerns about unintended health consequences from unsatisfactory governance of green spaces and climate change itself. Residents also held differing perspectives regarding their responsibility for, and capacity to enact, these solutions compared to businesses, city government, and nonprofit organizations. These findings illuminate key factors that city governments and partnering institutions should incorporate into planning processes with residents to achieve greater environmental justice through green infrastructure strategies to mitigate climate change and related health impacts.
... Based on our interpretation of the mental maps from above for Halle, we find a mixed kind of trauma that merges the post-socialist past with a rapid and strong social segregation (by income, education, and reputation) after 1990 (Großmann et al. 2015). In this sense, Halle-Newtown includes both built remnants of the wall fall/ reunification trauma, prefabricated housing stock, and the social decline trauma (see again Draus et al. 2019) that is the result of rapid mass-unemployment and being forced to move or stay in the built socialist past. This creates a symbolic sense of place, but a very ambivalent one (Steinführer and Hall 2011). ...
Article
In comparison to the study of green space use, the study of its non-use or rejection is greatly understudied. Neighborhood managers and members of local gardening initiatives of Halle-Newtown, Germany, state that residents ignore local green-blue infrastructure (GBI) for recreational use. Halle-Newtown is a former showcase, large prefabricated socialist housing estate that is now facing an increase of households deprived in multiple ways. We are interested in the question of why people of Halle-Newtown refuse to use local GBI. In order to uncover potential barriers to the enjoyment of the ecosystem service benefits of local GBI, we have chosen the method of mental mapping to explore place attachment in Halle-Newtown. In summer 2018, about 100 residents of Halle-Newtown described the places they prefer when relaxing from a stressful and hot summer day. The results were surprising. Local GBI, be it created in socialist times or recently, was completely absent from their mental maps. Instead, people would overcome longer distances and cover higher costs to reach central green spaces. Tacit knowledge, namely the untold general rejection of the entire neighborhood by the residents, was found to be the deeper reason behind non-use of GBI and missing place attachment. The results uncovered that both neighborhood neglect and the multi-scalar character of urban recreational ideas/behavior are factors that help us to understand non-use of urban GBI, two key insights for urban planning.
... Based on our interpretation of the mental maps from above for Halle, we find a mixed kind of trauma that merges the post-socialist past with a rapid and strong social segregation (by income, education, and reputation) after 1990 (Großmann et al. 2015). In this sense, Halle-Newtown includes both built remnants of the wall fall/ reunification trauma, prefabricated housing stock, and the social decline trauma (see again Draus et al. 2019) that is the result of rapid mass-unemployment and being forced to move or stay in the built socialist past. This creates a symbolic sense of place, but a very ambivalent one (Steinführer and Hall 2011). ...
Article
In comparison to the study of green space use, the study of its non-use or rejection is greatly understudied. Neighborhood managers and members of local gardening initiatives of Halle-Newtown, Germany, state that residents ignore local green-blue infrastructure (GBI) for recreational use. Halle-Newtown is a former showcase, large prefabricated socialist housing estate that is now facing an increase of households deprived in multiple ways. We are interested in the question of why people of Halle-Newtown refuse to use local GBI. In order to uncover potential barriers to the enjoyment of the ecosystem service benefits of local GBI, we have chosen the method of mental mapping to explore place attachment in Halle-Newtown. In summer 2018, about 100 residents of Halle-Newtown described the places they prefer when relaxing from a stressful and hot summer day. The results were surprising. Local GBI, be it created in socialist times or recently, was completely absent from their mental maps. Instead, people would overcome longer distances and cover higher costs to reach central green spaces. Tacit knowledge, namely the untold general rejection of the entire neighborhood by the residents, was found to be the deeper reason behind non-use of GBI and missing place attachment. The results uncovered that both neighborhood neglect and the multi-scalar character of urban recreational ideas/behavior are factors that help us to understand non-use of urban GBI, two key insights for urban planning.
... 79,80,81,82 In relation to the envi-ronment of cities in particular, we refer here to historic environmental harm, such as legacy pollution, land dereliction, and institutional neglect. 83 In that process, critical researchers and green planners have a role in exposing the racial and social formations of undervalued, gray, and unsafe landscapes and uncovering the historic production of precarity and trauma. 84 Relatedly, emancipatory greening requires reparations for those whose land has been stripped away, exploited, and re-captured through cycles of investment, de-investment, and re-investment. ...
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The expanding reach of urban greening across the United States and beyond often materially and immaterially impacts communities of color, leading to displacement and decreased access to new urban amenities. While many scholars point to the persistence of racial inequality, we observe the urban greening orthodoxy in urban planning and development as evidencing a deeper strain of environmental injustice bound up in the legacy and continuance of White supremacy. In this article, following the prompts of the Black Lives Matter Movement to enact life-affirming Black geographies, we call for decolonizing the green city and for an emancipatory spatial imaginary to enact green justice. Reflecting on the development of the 11th Street Bridge Park in the predominantly Black Anacostia neighborhood in Southeast, Washington, DC, we ask how urban greening can enact a more emancipatory green justice. We use this case example to trace the contours and constraints of current greening and equity logics and practices and contend that decolonization and emancipation fundamentally require new spatial planning practices. While the green project is deployed as an ‘‘intentional’’ equity-centered infrastructure, it is limited in its ability to embrace multiple forms of land recognition, redistribution, control, and reparations and to develop green practices that engage with the history of a multilayered geography of dispossession and include cultural and symbolic recognitions of networks of resilience and care. We thus argue for a more emancipatory spatial imaginary in urban planning that more directly confronts White supremacist forms of dispossession, centers resistance to anti-Blackness, and articulates a geography of reparations through decolonizing settlement patterns at multiple geographical scales
... In the green reparations scenario, green space projects would be undertaken with a specific intent of achieving social equity. Their benefits would systematically target the very areas and populations most harmed by historic trauma, including racial segregation, economic disinvestment, institutional abandonment and environmental injustice [40]. As expressed in demands for a "Green New Deal for Detroit", distributed in advance of the Democratic Presidential Debates in Detroit in July of 2019, any new development in the city would seek to "address historic harm and prevent present and ongoing industrial harm", with a special focus on "frontline communities" that "have had to deal with the impact of industrial plants, toxic waste sites, incinerators and pollution within close proximity to their homes" [41]. ...
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Vacant, abandoned or unproductive land parcels, sometimes called “wastelands”, offer opportunities to create new green spaces in cities. Such spaces may be utilized to add to the stock of urban nature, expand recreational green space, promote real estate or commercial development, or simply remain undefined. These various trajectories have significant implications for population health, ecosystem services and real estate values. However, they may also contribute to inequitable outcomes. Are disadvantaged communities, which may be paradoxically rich in wastelands, more advantaged when green space redevelopment occurs, or are they more at risk of green gentrification and associated displacement? To address this question, we first review some of the literature relative to wastelands, especially as they relate to processes of urban change such as depopulation, land use planning, regrowth and gentrification. We utilize historical redlining maps, the Detroit Master Plan and projected land use scenarios from the Detroit Future City (DFC) Strategic Framework Plan to identify areas of vulnerability or possibility within walking distance of the proposed Joe Louis Greenway (JLG). Finally, we consider how wastelands situated along the JLG may be reframed as flexible opportunity spaces, their potential leveraged to advance environmental justice, economic opportunity, and social equity, especially as the City of Detroit takes socioeconomic and racial equity as a key orienting principle—an alternative to green gentrification that we call green reparations.
... In this alternative, outcomes of recent decades of efforts to re-nature cities point toward a need to rethink the study of urban ecology by examining urban natures first and foremost through the lens of antiracist, postcolonial and indigenous theory. This approach points toward what some scholars have started to call "green reparations" (Draus et al., 2019). The green reparations approach explicitly links urban greening initiatives with efforts to atone for historical violence committed against racial or ethnic groups in a given city. ...
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How has urban greening related to the degree of whiteness in neighborhoods? The answer to this question provides an essential “historical diagnostic” that can be used to develop an approach to urban ecology which integrates racial and ethnic change into the planning for proposed interventions. In this paper we employ state sequence analysis to analyze the historical trend of greening (including the implementation of new parks, greenways, community gardens, green recreation areas, and nature preserves) between 1975 and 2014 in a sample of nine cities in the United States relative to concentrations of white and non-white residents. We divide the nine cities into three common growth trajectories and separately examine the trends for each growth trajectory. We further illustrate these trends by mobilizing qualitative data from field work in selected neighborhoods to help explain the processes that generate certain key findings in the quantitative data. We find that the relationship between greening and race/ethnicity differs according to city-level growth trajectory. Cities with continuous high and rapid levels of growth in the postwar period have the strongest link between increased greening and whiter populations. Meanwhile, in cities that contracted or had a punctuated growth pattern, non-white areas had a uniformly low level of greening that occurred mostly in recent years. In all, we show how urban growth, greening, and whiteness are inextricably associated qualities of American cities. We argue that understanding this association is essential for development of a race-conscious model for enhancing urban ecosystems.
... In the green reparations scenario, green space projects would be undertaken with a specific intent of achieving social equity. Their benefits would systematically target the very areas and populations most harmed by historic trauma, including racial segregation, economic disinvestment, institutional abandonment and environmental injustice [40]. As expressed in demands for a "Green New Deal for Detroit", distributed in advance of the Democratic Presidential Debates in Detroit in July of 2019, any new development in the city would seek to "address historic harm and prevent present and ongoing industrial harm", with a special focus on "frontline communities" that "have had to deal with the impact of industrial plants, toxic waste sites, incinerators and pollution within close proximity to their homes" [41]. ...
Article
Full-text available
Vacant, abandoned or unproductive land parcels, sometimes called “wastelands,” offer opportunities to create new green spaces in cities. Such spaces may be utilized to add to the stock of urban nature, expand recreational green space, promote real estate or commercial development, or simply remain undefined. These various trajectories have significant implications for population health, ecosystem services and real estate values. However, they may also contribute to inequitable outcomes. Are disadvantaged communities, which may be paradoxically rich in wastelands, more advantaged when green space redevelopment occurs, or are they more at risk of green gentrification and associated displacement? To address this question, we first review some of the literature relative to wastelands, especially as they relate to processes of urban change such as depopulation, land use planning, regrowth and gentrification. We utilize historical redlining maps, the Detroit Master Plan and projected land use scenarios from the Detroit Future City (DFC) Strategic Framework Plan to identify areas of vulnerability or possibility within walking distance of the proposed Joe Louis Greenway (JLG). Finally, we consider how wastelands situated along the JLG may be reframed as flexible opportunity spaces, their potential leveraged to advance environmental justice, economic opportunity, and social equity, especially as the City of Detroit takes socioeconomic and racial equity as a key orienting principle—an alternative to green gentrification that we call green reparations.
... Some have recently called for green reparations for cities suffering from historic harm, such as legacy pollution, land dereliction, and institutional neglect in cities like Detroit or dense, gray urban development in post-Nazi and communist-divided places such as Berlin. Here, the development of healing green spaces can recognize wounds of the past while having restorative and reconciliating features (Draus et al. 2019;Anguelovski, 2014). ...
Article
Supported by a large body of scholarship, it is increasingly orthodox practice for cities to deploy urban greening interventions to address diverse socioenvironmental challenges, from protecting urban ecosystems to enhancing built environments and climate resilience or improving health outcomes. In this article, we expand the theoretical boundaries used to challenge this growing orthodoxy by laying out a nuanced framework that advances critical urban environmental justice scholarship. Beginning from the now well-supported assumption that urban greening is a deeply political project often framed by technocratic principles and promotional claims that this project will result in more just and prosperous cities, we identify existing contributions and limits when examining urban green inequities through the traditional lenses of distributional, recognition, and procedural justice. We then advocate for and lay out a different analytical framework for analyzing justice in urban greening. We argue that new research must uncover how persistent domination and subordination prevent green interventions from becoming an emancipatory antisubordination, intersectional, and relational project that considers the needs, identities, and everyday lives of marginalized groups. Finally, we illustrate our framework’s usefulness by applying it to the analysis of urban residents’ (lack of) access to urban greening and by operationalizing it for two different planning and policy domains: (1) greening for well-being, care, and health and (2) greening for recreation and play. This final analysis serves to provide critical questions and strategies that can hopefully guide new urban green planning and practice approaches.
... In the green reparations scenario, green space projects would be undertaken with a specific intent of achieving social equity. Their benefits would systematically target the very areas and populations most harmed by historic trauma, including racial segregation, economic disinvestment, institutional abandonment and environmental injustice [40]. As expressed in demands for a "Green New Deal for Detroit", distributed in advance of the Democratic Presidential Debates in Detroit in July of 2019, any new development in the city would seek to "address historic harm and prevent present and ongoing industrial harm", with a special focus on "frontline communities" that "have had to deal with the impact of industrial plants, toxic waste sites, incinerators and pollution within close proximity to their homes" [41]. ...
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Vacant, abandoned or unproductive land parcels, sometimes called “wastelands,” offer opportunities to create new green spaces in cities. Such spaces may be utilized to add to the stock of urban nature, expand recreational green space, promote real estate or commercial development, or simply remain undefined. These various trajectories may have significant implications for population health, social equity and ecosystem services and real estate values. However, they may also contribute to inequitable outcomes. Are disadvantaged communities, which may be paradoxically rich in wastelands, more advantaged when green space redevelopment occurs, or are they more at risk of green gentrification and associated displacement? To address this question, we first review some of the literature relative to wastelands, especially as they relate to processes of urban change such as depopulation, land use planning, regrowth and gentrification. We then utilize available geospatial data, projected land use scenarios from the Detroit Future City (DFC) Strategic Framework Plan, and participant observation data to identify areas of vulnerability or possibility within walking distance of the proposed Joe Louis Greenway (JLG). Finally, we consider how ‘wastelands’ situated along greenways, reframed as flexible opportunity spaces, may be leveraged to advance both environmental justice and social equity, an alternative trajectory which we call green reparations.
... Urban revitalization often includes green-space goals of increasing park area, quality, and recreational amenities (APA, 2002), sometimes to redress historic park inequity. This increase in parks or other green amenities can also make the adjacent area more desirable, increasing housing value and rent, and pricing-out the original residents (Dooling, 2008;Wolch et al., 2014;Haase et al., 2017;Draus et al., 2019). reported that some participants in a structured conversation about the links between AOC remediation/restoration and community revitalization worried that revitalization might lead to gentrification with potentially negative consequences for social equity (Lees et al., 2008, CDC, 2009. ...
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Cleanup of Great Lakes Areas of Concern (AOCs) restores environmental benefits to waterfront communities and is an essential condition for revitalization. We define waterfront revitalization as policies or actions in terrestrial waterfront or adjacent aquatic areas that promote improvements in human socioeconomic well-being while protecting or improving the natural capital (the stocks of natural assets, biodiversity) that underlies all environmental, social, and economic benefits. Except for economic measures such as development investments, visitation rates, or commercial activity, evidence of waterfront revitalization in the Great Lakes is mostly anecdotal. We offer a perspective on waterfront revitalization that links indicators and metrics of sustainable revitalization to community goals and human beneficiaries. We compiled environmental, social, economic, and governance indicators and metrics of revitalization, many of which are based on or inspired by Great Lakes AOC case studies and community revitilization or sustainability plans. We highlight the role of indicators in avoiding unintended consequences of revitalization including environmental degradation and social inequity. Revitalization indicators can be used in planning for comparing alternative designs, and to track restoration progress. The relevancy of specific indicators and metrics will always depend on the local context.
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The book is about “reordering priorities” for people and place-oriented city planning in the age of technological transformation and the forth industrial revolution. The authors present examples from around the world and emphasise craft placemaking, urban design, the inclusion of pedestrian and cyclist and community development by putting transport and mobility in the core. Hence, the aim of this book is to provide a framework for accessible cities through more interaction between people and places which includes rejuvenated former industrial estates, mixed-use in business parks and walkable neighbourhoods.
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This paper extends the history of landscape design and urban green planning by discussing the work of landscape designers in West Berlin, who attempted to create ‘sonic refugia’ using trees, bushes and other plants for noise abatement purposes. It expands the narrow conceptions of landscape as a solely visual experience also to include the acoustic realm. Motivated by increasing concerns over the physiological and psychological effects of noise pollution, and drawing on late nineteenth and early twentieth century ideas of nature as a remedy for the negative effects of modern urban life, this paper places the work of landscape designers in the context of ongoing discourses on the intersections of urban nature and public health. Sonic experiments with plants of the 1960s not only draw our attention to the acoustic qualities of urban nature, but also open reflections on the wider historical, political and cultural contexts in which urban landscapes were experienced. Hereby, West Berlin’s marginal spaces or terrains vagues, which emerged as accidental by-products of the island city’s spatial confinement, were exemplary sites in their attempts to foreground the sensory experience of space.
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This study looks at the innovative urban regeneration now known as “social urbanism” seen in Medellín, Colombia, with a specific focus on how architects and architectural processes were utilized in urban development approaches by the mayors in their innovative responses to tackling the socioeconomic problems in marginalized areas of the city that was declared the most violent city in the world in 1991. It serves as a discourse on the role of professional groups, in this case, architects, and the role of inclusive design process in conflict transformation by building on the literature relating to peace building and urban regeneration and uses primary qualitative research and secondary quantitative research and reports, offering personal perceptions of the responses adopted. The findings show the influence of the mayors’ policies on the way that architects now operate and also on how these architects were used to imbue a philosophy and mentality of inclusive design that permeates the city. The greatest innovations that came out of the responses were the adoption of collaborative approaches, building on community strengths and the development of a multidisciplinary, collaborative approach to design that increased social, human, and physical capital and contributed to increasing the legitimacy of the state.
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Climate change presents one of the greatest challenges to society today. Effects on nature and people are first experienced in cities as cities form microcosms with extreme temperature gradients, and by now, about half of the human population globally lives in urban areas. Climate change has significant impact on ecosystem functioning and well-being of people. Climatic stress leads to a decrease in the distribution of typical native species and influences society through health-related effects and socio-economic impacts by increased numbers of heat waves, droughts and flooding events. In addition to climate change, urbanisation and the accompanying increases in the number and size of cities are impacting ecosystems with a number of interlinked pressures. These pressures include loss and degradation of natural areas, soil sealing and the densification of built-up areas, which pose additional significant challenges to ecosystem functionality, the provision of ecosystem services and human well-being in cities around the world. However, nature-based solutions have the potential to counteract these pressures. Nature-based solutions (NBS) can foster and simplify implementation actions in urban landscapes by taking into account the services provided by nature. They include provision of urban green such as parks and street trees that may ameliorate high temperature in cities or regulate air and water flows or the allocation of natural habitat space in floodplains that may buffer impacts of flood events. Architectural solutions for buildings, such as green roofs and wall installations, may reduce temperature and save energy. This book brings together experts from science, policy and practice to provide an overview of our current state of knowledge on the effectiveness and implementation of nature-based solutions and their potential to the provision of ecosystem services, for climate change adaptation and co-benefits in urban areas. Scientific evidence to climate change adaptation is presented, and a further focus is on the potential of nature-based approaches to accelerate urban sustainability transitions and create additional, multiple health and social benefits. The book discusses socio-economic implications in relation to socio-economic equity, fairness and justice considerations when implementing NBS.
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Urbanisation is characterised by cycles of activation and obsolescence leaving in their wake an abundance of non-productive space (NPS). Expanding cities report more vacant land than do fixed cities, which report higher structural abandonment. If left untreated, existing NPS can spread to surrounding properties. Using Fort Worth, TX, USA as a case site, this research explores the spatial distribution of NPS using Geographical Information Systems spatial analyses. Directional distributions, time series analyses, spatial assessments using 5-mile buffer increments and weighted suitability models were combined to determine if urban core fragmentation is occurring, despite population and economic growth. Findings indicate that peripheral NPS area decreased but these spaces were redistributed into the urban core. Parcel size and regeneration potential in the city centre also decreased. This has resulted in a fragmented urban core characterised by disconnected and small/irregularly shaped parcels of NPS which are difficult to regenerate—an urban shrapnel.
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The complex socio-economic conditions underlying (temporary) vacant urban landscapes have produced a wide range of spatial outcomes. Solutions to address these diverse spatio-temporal conditions inherently call for a range of design approaches. This paper, through literature and project review, introduces a conceptual design framework consisting of four criteria integral for developing sustainable solutions for repurposing vacant urban lands: (1) environmental justice and ecological democracy; (2) ecosystem services and urban biodiversity; (3) aesthetic experiences, and; (4) programming. By examining five case studies, I reveal a number of different and innovative ways in which these criteria can be integrated and deployed to transform urban vacant lands. Here, vacancy becomes a laboratory for testing and implementing new social-ecological systems across a range of spatial and temporal scales. This requires experimentation in the development of alternative planning and design strategies, including new public participation models, policy frameworks and funding mechanisms.
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The dearth of socio-perceptual information on urban green spaces is not only limiting for ecosystem service research, but also for effective planning and management of these spaces. Previous studies have assessed perceived CES at single urban parks or across wider spans in rural areas but citywide coverage is missing. This paper explores perceptions of cultural ecosystem services (CES) and various uses of urban green spaces in the case study city of Berlin in relation to the values people place on these CES. Results indicate spatial differentiation of CES across an urban-rural gradient whereby: (1) the density of CES perceived decreased from the inner to the outer edges of the city and (2) recreational, social and cultural heritage and identity services were concentrated more heavily in the inner-city, while perceived biodiversity and spiritual, inspirational, and nature experience and educational services exhibited a more scattered pattern. We also uncovered two distinct clusters of CES—one that is more recreation and social-based and one that is more immaterial and nature-based. CES and their associated uses demonstrated complex relationships that should be explored in further research, though the study indicates that recreation as an indicator is too coarse for assessments at this level. Further research could more pointedly elaborate the potential of such mapping for planning, design and management.
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Background In 2012, the Rio+20 meeting initiated the concept of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as a continuation of the Millennium Development Goals. The resulting document “The Future We Want” is best conceived as a roadmap toward poverty eradication and sustainable development. Although the SDGs were developed for low- and middle-income countries, many of these same issues face low-resource cities and communities in higher-income countries. Objectives The aim of this study was to use the SDGs as a platform to develop health-related goals for the city of Detroit. Methods A 1-day workshop was convened in October 2015 including 55 representatives from government, academia, and community- and faith-based organizations. Four health-related SDGs were discussed: food security (SDG2); ensuring healthy lives at all ages (SDG3); access to potable water (SDG6); and making cities inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable living environments (SDG11). Workshop attendees broke into 4 groups to determine how the SDG targets for these 4 goals could be adapted for Detroit. At the end of the day, each group presented its decisions to the larger group. Findings Workshop participants expressed that the SDGs empower local communities to respond to their unique health challenges and to see themselves as part of a larger more global conversation about development and sustainability. Participants suggested that inclusive and participatory means of decision making were a significant component of the SDGs and that such a process is the direction needed to make community-focused changes in Detroit. Additionally, shortly after the workshop, a roundtable of participants representing 5 community partners began to meet monthly and has become an advocacy group for public health and addressing the city-order water shutoffs in neighborhoods throughout Detroit. Conclusions For participants and organizers, the workshop reinforced the hypothesis that the SDGs are relevant to Detroit and other low-resource cities in the United States.
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This paper considers two related questions about Detroit’s trajectory: Does the current positive image of Detroit reflect reality?; and, Will the recovery culminate in a new Detroit that will provide residents with a quality of life that is sustainable in the decades to come?
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In academic and policy discourse, the concept of urban resilience is proliferating. Social theorists, especially human geographers, have rightfully criticized that the underlying politics of resilience have been ignored and stress the importance of asking " resilience of what, to what, and for whom? " This paper calls for careful consideration of not just resilience for whom and what, but also where, when, and why. A three-phase process is introduced to enable these " five Ws " to be negotiated collectively and to engender critical reflection on the politics of urban resilience as plans, initiatives, and projects are conceived, discussed, and implemented. Deployed through the hypothetical case of green infrastructure in Los Angeles, the paper concludes by illustrating how resilience planning trade-offs and decisions affect outcomes over space and time, often with significant implications for equity.
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The presence of ‘unintentional landscapes’ invites reflection on the difficulties in defining marginal or interstitial spaces, or indeed the concept of landscape itself. In some cases, so-called wastelands or terrain vague have been appropriated as spaces of adventure, creativity or discovery. In other cases, these anomalous spaces have been the focus of anxiety or disdain, or simply erased on account of their putative ‘emptiness’ to make way for more lucrative forms of land use. In recent years, however, fragments of spontaneous nature have been incorporated into landscape design, or even mimicked through the adoption of a ‘wasteland aesthetic’. Marginal spaces appear to transcend existing Eurocentric circuits of landscape discourse by offering multiple meanings and manifestations. Indeed, the cultural and scientific interest in these spaces lies precisely in their complexity and uncertainty.
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Urban greenways benefit urban dwellers by providing multiple ecosystem services and by supporting biodiversity conservation in cities. Increasing competition for open space in growing cities, however, often hinders the establishment of greenways in those places where social demands for related services are highest. In the wake of the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, a new greenway, the “Green Belt Berlin,” is being established within the former border zone, which now links Berlin’s core with the rural hinterland. An analysis of the planning approaches and principles that directed the implementation of the greenway and the transformation of vacant urban land into new parks revealed ways to (i) extend urban green infrastructure in times and places of political transformation; (ii) justify new greenspace by combining multiple ecological, social, and cultural goals within overarching planning programs; (iii) conserve and stage remnants of the Berlin Wall, allowing the greenway to become part of a decentralized memorial landscape; (iv) work with novel ecosystems and wild urban nature by integrating ecology with urban planning and design; and (v) use design interventions to create “orderly frames.” Spatial analyses indicate that the new greenway may reduce environmental inequity in Berlin as it largely intersects neighborhoods where disadvantaged status coincides with poor access to urban greenspace. This case study thus demonstrates opportunities to strengthen the urban green infrastructure of growing cities through integrative planning approaches.
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This paper sets the idea of slow violence into dialogue with trauma, to understand the practice and legitimisation of the repeated damage done to certain places through state violence. Slow violence (Nixon R (2011) Slow Violence and the Environmentalism of the Poor. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press) describes the ‘attritional lethality’ of many contemporary effects of globalisation. While originating in environmental humanities, it has clear relevance for urban studies. After assessing accounts of the post-traumatic city, the paper draws insights from feminist psychiatry and postcolonial analysis to develop the concept of chronic urban trauma, as a psychological effect of violence involving an ongoing relational dynamic. Reporting from a three-year participatory action research project on the managed decline and disposal of social housing in a former coalmining village in north-east England, the paper discusses the temporal and place-based effects of slow violence. It argues that chronic urban trauma becomes hard-wired in place, enabling retraumatisation while also remaining open to efforts to heal and rebuild.
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This article deals with the symbolic dimension of the transformation process in a post‐socialist large‐scale housing estate in Berlin after reunification. This reflection is based on the concept of ‘territorial stigmatization’ and I use a photographic method to analyse the representational strategies employed by residents to manage territorial stigma: identifying with depoliticized images of the past, exiting the estate and questioning the very principle of representation. The first two strategies seem to be different ways of internalizing dominant representations of place. The latter differs from the first two in its use of iconic means to challenge the current spatial order and its opening up of possibilities for emancipation. The article thus also shows how photography as a research method can reflect on existing power relations.
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This title is part of American Studies Now and available as an e-book first. Visit ucpress.edu/go/americanstudiesnow to learn more. On July 23rd, 1967, the eyes of the world fixed on Detroit, as thousands took to the streets to vent their frustrations with white racism, police brutality, and vanishing job prospects in the place that gave rise to the American Dream. For mainstream observers, the "riot" brought about the ruin of a once great city, and the municipal bankruptcy of 2013 served as a bailout paving the way for Detroit to be rebuilt. Challenging this prevailing view, Scott Kurashige portrays the past half-century as a long "rebellion" whose underlying tensions continue to haunt the city and the U.S. nation-state. Michigan's scandal-ridden emergency management regime comprises the most concerted effort to put it down by disenfranchising the majority black citizenry and neutralizing the power of unions. Are we succumbing to authoritarian plutocracy or can we create a new society rooted in social justice and participatory democracy? The corporate architects of Detroit's restructuring have championed the creation of a "business-friendly" city where billionaire developers are subsidized to privatize and gentrify Downtown while working-class residents are squeezed out by rampant housing evictions, school closures, water shutoffs, toxic pollution, and militarized policing. From the grassroots, however, Detroit has emerged as an international model for survival, resistance, and solidarity through the creation of urban farms, freedom schools, and self-governing communities. This epoch struggle illuminates the possible futures for our increasingly unstable and polarized nation. © 2018 by The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved.
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In the years since the financial crisis, low-income housing markets are increasingly dominated by speculative bulk ownership and eviction. These intertwined trends reflect both economic transitions in these markets and the racial-spatial reordering of US cities. In this paper we draw on the case of Detroit to tie bulk foreclosure sales to the rising rates of eviction and patterns of dispossession in the decade that followed. These markets are now dominated by speculative bulk buyers, exploitative contract selling, and eviction. We situate this transition within strategies of accumulation by dispossession and the economic logics of expulsion. We utilize multiple property data sets, court records, participant observation, and interviews to demonstrate the link between foreclosure markets, speculative purchasing, contract sales, and subsequent evictions. We situate these finding within the longer history of racial housing exploitation in US cities and argue the outcomes of displacement and dispossession in the complex chains of relations between finance, speculation, and the state do not land in an arbitrary manner, but are tethered to the past and present racial-spatial ordering of US cities.
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In Detroit, Michigan, a non-profit organization responsible for planting street trees on city-owned property in neighborhoods received “no-tree requests” (NTR) from 24 percent of residents approached between 2011 and 2014. This example reflects a barrier to urban tree canopy improvement. Power dynamics between stakeholders can be a key reason for resistance to tree-planting. In this study, we sought a deeper understanding of perspectives on the uses and consequences of power in a street-tree planting program in Detroit, Michigan by answering three questions: Who wins? Who loses? Who decides? Interviews with city residents who submitted NTR or received trees, as well as those within the non-profit organization, provided data for this study. Results showed that the non-profit organization made decisions regarding which trees to plant in particular locations, and maintenance protocols. Many residents felt they “lost” with the tree-planting program (i.e. they were unable to have their values integrated into the tree-planting program) due to lack of decision-making involvement about tree species selection and maintenance responsibilities. Negative experiences with trees, particularly lack of city tree maintenance, contributed to residents’ views of the problems with the tree-planting program. Those within the non-profit organization focused on educating residents about the benefits of trees to increase acceptance of tree-planting, and expected residents to participate in tree maintenance. These findings demonstrate the importance of providing information relevant to participants who serve as partners in long term stewardship of trees, and the need to include residents in decision-making to identify and achieve shared goals.
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The role of urban parks in delivering cultural ecosystem services related to outdoor recreation is widely acknowledged. Yet, the question remains as to whether the recreational opportunities of parks meet the demands of increasingly multicultural societies and whether recreational patterns vary at spatial scales. In a pan-European survey, we assessed how people use urban parks (in five cities, N=3814) and how recreational patterns relate to respondents’ sociocultural and geographical contexts (using 19 explanatory variables). Our results show that across Europe (i) respondents share a general pattern in their recreational activities with a prevalence for the physical uses of parks, especially taking a walk; (ii) the geographic context matters, demonstrating a high variety of uses across the cities; and that (iii) the sociocultural context is also important; e.g., the occupation and biodiversity valuations of respondents are significantly associated with the uses performed. The sociocultural context matters particularly for physical park uses and is associated to a lesser extent with nature-related uses. Given that our results attest to a high variety of park uses between sociocultural groups and the geographical context, we conclude that it is important to consider the specific backgrounds of people to enhance recreational ecosystem services in greenspace development.
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This article contributes to scholarship on urban visual culture by advancing understandings of how visual imageries may become (online and off-line) sites of confrontation between dominant media perspectives and the lived experiences of urban citizens. Based on participatory photography amongst local residents in Detroit, this article provides transformative insights by contrasting sense makings of Detroiters with dominant media portrayals of a “decaying” city. Residents were asked what images they would use to “see” and represent the city. Photo elicitation interviews revealed interlaced lived experienced and narrated reminiscences of local life and the material urban fabric beyond the prevailing narratives of mere neglect and abandonment. This study develops further knowledge of how photography can simultaneously operate as a critical socio-spatial research subject and an empowering tool for research participants. Through shifting the hegemonic locus of media agents toward residents’ positionalities, findings indicated potentials for redressing the misunderstood spaces of the everyday life of ordinary people.
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The population of Detroit has been steadily declining since the 1950s, but the imaginaries that shape the city are in constant transformation, changing with each successive government or regeneration initiative. Since 2010, downtown Detroit has been targeted by blight removal projects, real-estate speculation and redevelopment plans. These growth-oriented imaginaries shape the ways in which place is perceived and encountered – materially and conceptually – often responding to ruin and decay with erasures and evictions that play out through cultural geographies of precarity, simultaneously disappearing and reproducing conditions of inequality. The changes in the city are reflected in my own experiences of Detroit in 2009 and 2015, using walking and driving methods to support grounded and emplaced encounters with the ‘unbecoming’ ruins in the city. The city of 2009 is being replaced – in imagination, and in reality – by a new way of thinking about Detroit, which asks us to imagine differently, to positively re-envision the future possibilities for growth and change. This article interrogates the different imaginaries of regeneration in the city and considers, through urban ruins, places that are absent from the new way of thinking Detroit. Through Berlant’s ‘precarity’ and Massey’s ‘emplacement’, this discussion reveals a complex process of unbecoming that is typified in the unstable material, cultural and historical geographies that structure the experience of place in Detroit.
Article
This paper reports on a research project, Leeds City Lab, that brought together partner organisations to explore the meanings and practices of co-production urban labs in the context of urban change. Our intention is to offer a response to the crisis in urban governance by bringing together growing academic and practitioner debates on co-production and urban laboratories. We do so to explore radically different institutional personae that can respond to deficits in contemporary urban governance, especially relating to participation and disenfranchisement, and ultimately unlock improved ways of designing, managing and living in cities. Our analysis identified four key findings which elaborate on the ways in which co-production labs can recast urban governance to more progressive ends: moving beyond traditional organisational identities and working practices; embracing grey spaces of new civic interfaces; foregrounding emotions and power; and a commitment to durable solutions. Ultimately, what we point towards is that urban governance can be more effectively enacted in co-production labs that bring together universities, the public, private and civil society sectors based on equality, trust and openness. These spaces have the potential to unlock a city’s knowledge, resources and assets to unpack challenges and build capacity that can deliver improved city-wide solutions.
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Detroit has come to symbolise deindustrialization and the challenges, and opportunities, it presents. As many cities struggle with urban decline, racial and ethnic tensions and the consequences of neoliberal governance and political fragmentation, Detroit's relevance grows stronger. Why Detroit Matters bridges academic and non-academic responses to this extreme example of a fractured and divided, post-industrial city. Contributions from many of the leading scholars on Detroit are joined by influential writers, planners, artists and activists who have contributed chapters drawing on their experiences and ideas. The book concludes with interviews with some of the city's most important visionaries who are engaged in inspiring practices which provide powerful lessons for Detroit and other cities around the world. The book will be a valuable reference for scholars, practitioners and students from across disciplines including geography, planning, architecture, sociology, urban studies, history, American studies, and economics.
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In this chapter, Joshua Akers examines the contemporary practice of blight removal, which he situates in a long line of policies that employ demolition and displacement in urban space. Akers focuses specifically on the role of the private sector in both the production of blight and in blight remediation. Central to his work is the idea that blight is an active, rather than a passive, process and that the emphasis on the removal of blight ignores the actors, policies, and structures that produce blighted and abandoned structures in the first place. As with René Kreichauf's chapter, Akers' work is rooted in a structural, political-economy perspective. He also argues that interventions in blight removal ultimately work toward further inequalities in Detroit and do not contribute to long-term improvements for the city's poorest and most marginal groups (who are often the ones living next door to blight). Empirically, Akers focuses on the way in which mortgage and tax foreclosures are part of the active production of blight. He specifically examines the role of speculation and a handful of property speculators in the tax-foreclosure auction process, developing four typologies of speculation on Detroit's foreclosed properties. He questions official reports that tens of thousands of solid homes and buildings somehow "morphed" into ugly blight, and articulates the counter-narrative that blight is rooted in how social relations (economic, racial, political) manifest themselves in property and the built environment. Enacting the analogy of an American medicine show, Akers argues that blight removal treats the symptoms, rather than addressing its root causes.
Article
The concept of urban wilderness feels like a paradox since natural and urban environments have long been viewed as antithetical. Today, however, wilderness is high on the urban agenda as a response to different challenges: biodiversity and human experiences of nature are being lost in increasingly dense cities, while at the same time a plethora of wild areas are developing in cities that are undergoing post-industrial transformation. Yet there is confusion around the definitions and the anticipated functions of urban wilderness and how humans can be incorporated therein. A unifying framework is proposed here that envisions urban wilderness as a social-ecological system; three major components are identified and linked: (i) the supply of wilderness areas along gradients of naturalness and ecological novelty, leading to a differentiation of ancient vs. novel wilderness, and the identification of wilderness components within cultural ecosystems; (ii) the demand for wilderness in urban societies, which differs among sociocultural groups as a function of underlying values and experiences; (iii) the access to urban wilderness, which can be improved both in terms of providing opportunities for encountering urban wilderness (e.g., by conserving, rewilding wilderness areas) and enhancing the orientation of urban people towards wilderness (e.g., through information, environmental education, citizen science). Evidence from urban wilderness projects in Europe demonstrates that multi-targeted approaches to conserving and managing existing novel urban ecosystems offer manifold opportunities to combine biodiversity conservation and wilderness experience in cities.
Article
Greening cities, namely installing new parks, rooftop gardens or planting trees along the streets, undoubtedly contributes to an increase in wellbeing and enhances the attractiveness of open spaces in cities. At the same time, we observe an increasing use of greening strategies as ingredients of urban renewal, upgrading and urban revitalization as primarily market-driven endeavours targeting middle class and higher income groups sometimes at the expense of less privileged residents. This paper reflects on the current debate of the social effects of greening using selected examples. We discuss what trade-offs between social and ecological developments in cities mean for the future debate on greening cities and a socially balanced and inclusive way of developing our cities for various groups of urban dwellers. We conclude that current and future functions and features of greening cities have to be discussed more critically including a greater awareness of social impacts.
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Background University of Haifa and the University of Maryland, Baltimore faculty developed a parallel binational, interprofessional American-Israeli course which explores social justice in the context of increasing urban, local, and global inequities. Objectives This article describes the course's innovative approach to critically examine how social justice is framed in mixed/divided cities from different professional perspectives (social work, health, law). Participatory methods such as photo-voice, experiential learning, and theatre of the oppressed provide students with a shared language and multiple media to express and problematize their own and others' understanding of social (in)justice and to imagine social change. Findings Much learning about “self” takes place in an immersion experience with “others.” Crucial conversations about “the other” and social justice can occur more easily within the intercultural context. In these conversations, students and faculty experience culture as diverse, complex, and personal. Conclusions Students and faculty alike found the course personally and professionally transformative. Examination of social justice in Haifa and Baltimore strengthened our appreciation for the importance of context and the value of global learning to provide insights on local challenges and opportunities.
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The question of how to appropriately commemorate a city’s past in the process of urban transformation is a task that is not exclusively reserved for urban planners. In the case of Berlin, it is a particularly complex challenge because of the city’s turbulent history in the twentieth century. This article explores three treatments of a modern urban landscape that incorporates a web of historical layers. Today, Berlin reveals its past in semi-hidden, yet visible, surfaces that Andreas Huyssen aptly considers elements of a palimpsest. The historical layers embody wounds of a scarred city. German filmmakers have reinvented Berlin as a cinematic city that is looking back and forward simultaneously, oftentimes impacting or even anticipating socio-aesthetic trajectories. For Wim Wenders, the city has always been more than a mere setting, or extension, for fictional characters. Wenders’ cityscapes serve as protagonists in their own right, allowing the audience to see the films as unique historical documents of a moment in the history of the city. Finally, Brigitta B. Wagner’s Berlin Replayed: Urban Nostalgia in the Postwall Era (2015) explores the interplay between the built urban environment and virtual versions of Berlin with a focus on feature films from the 1920s to present.
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Cities are expanding green infrastructure to enhance resilience and ecosystem services. Although green infrastructure is promoted for its multifunctionality, projects are typically sited based on a particular benefit, such as stormwater abatement, rather than a suite of socio-economic and environmental benefits. This stems in part from the lack of stakeholder-informed, city-scale approaches to systematically identify ecosystem service tradeoffs, synergies, and ‘hotspots’ associated with green infrastructure and its siting. To address this gap, we introduce the Green Infrastructure Spatial Planning (GISP) model, a GIS-based multi-criteria approach that integrates six benefits: 1) stormwater management; 2) social vulnerability; 3) green space; 4) air quality; 5) urban heat island amelioration; and 6) landscape connectivity. Stakeholders then weight priorities to identify hotspots where green infrastructure benefits are needed most. Applying the GISP model to Detroit, we compared the results with the locations of current green infrastructure projects. The analysis provides initial evidence that green infrastructure is not being sited in high priority areas for stormwater abatement, let alone for ameliorating urban heat island effects, improving air quality, or increasing habitat connectivity. However, as the Detroit GISP model reveals, it could be developed in locations that simultaneously abate stormwater, urban heat island, and air pollution. Tradeoffs exist between siting to maximize stormwater management versus landscape connectivity. The GISP model provides an inclusive, replicable approach for planning future green infrastructure so that it maximizes social and ecological resilience. More broadly, it represents a spatial planning approach for evaluating competing and complementary ecosystem service priorities for a particular landscape.
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Demolition has long been a component of urban policy in the United States and elsewhere. Until recently, however, demolition was seen as a mere component of a wider policy—e.g. the first step to build an affordable housing complex, or a revived commercial strip. Recently some have suggested that demolition can have stand-alone regenerative effects—that is, if blighted housing is demolished, surrounding markets and neighborhoods will heal and regenerate without further intervention. This article challenges this logic by examining neighborhoods in the American Rust Belt where ad hoc demolition has been the predominant urban policy in the past 40 years. In total, there are 269 neighborhoods in 49 cities that have lost more than 50% of their housing since 1970. In aggregate, these activities have led to more housing loss, and affected more land area than even the urban renewal period, yet have not led to market rebound or a decrease in social marginality.
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Green Gentrification looks at the social consequences of urban "greening" from an environmental justice and sustainable development perspective. Through a comparative examination of five cases of urban greening in Brooklyn, New York, it demonstrates that such initiatives, while positive for the environment, tend to increase inequality and thus undermine the social pillar of sustainable development. Although greening is ostensibly intended to improve environmental conditions in neighborhoods, it generates green gentrification that pushes out the working-class, and people of color, and attracts white, wealthier in-migrants. Simply put, urban greening "richens and whitens," remaking the city for the sustainability class. Without equity-oriented public policy intervention, urban greening is negatively redistributive in global cities. This book argues that environmental injustice outcomes are not inevitable. Early public policy interventions aimed at neighborhood stabilization can create more just sustainability outcomes. It highlights the negative social consequences of green growth coalition efforts to green the global city, and suggests policy choices to address them. The book applies the lessons learned from green gentrification in Brooklyn to urban greening initiatives globally. It offers comparison with other greening global cities. This is a timely and original book for all those studying environmental justice, urban planning, environmental sociology, and sustainable development as well as urban environmental activists, city planners and policy makers interested in issues of urban greening and gentrification.
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The racial and cultural politics of land and property are central to urban struggle, but have received relatively little attention in geography. This paper analyzes land struggles in Detroit where over 100,000 parcels of land are classified as “vacant”. Since 2010, planners and government officials have been developing controversial plans to ruralize Detroit's “vacant” neighborhoods as part of a program of fiscal austerity, reigniting old questions of racialized dispossession, sovereignty, and struggles for liberation. This paper analyzes these contentious politics by examining disputes over a white businessman's proposal to build the world's largest urban forest in the center of a Black majority city. I focus on how residents, urban farmers, and community activists resisted the project by making counterclaims to vacant land as an urban commons. They argued that the land is inhabited not empty and that it belonged to those who labored upon and suffered for it. Combining community-based ethnography with insights from critical property theory, critical race studies, and postcolonial theory, I argue that land struggles in Detroit are more than distributional conflicts over resources. They are inextricable from debates over notions of race, property, and citizenship that undergird modern liberal democracies and ongoing struggles for decolonization.
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An emerging body of research suggests that those who reside in socially and economically marginalized places may be marked by a stigma of place, referred to as spatial stigma, which influences their sense of self, their daily experiences, and their relations with outsiders. Researchers conducted 60 semistructured interviews at partnering community-based organizations during summer 2011 with African American and Latina/o, structurally disadvantaged youth of diverse gender and sexual identities who were between 18 and 26 years of age residing in Detroit, Michigan. The disadvantaged structural conditions and dilapidated built environment were common themes in participants’ narratives. Beyond these descriptions, participants’ framings and expressions of their experiences in and perceptions of these spaces alluded to reputational qualities of their city and particular areas of their city that appear related to spatial stigma. Young Detroit residents articulated the ways that they experience and navigate the symbolic degradation of their city.
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A number of U.S. cities, former manufacturing centers of the Northeast and Midwest, have suffered such dramatic losses in population and employment that urban experts have put them in a class by themselves, calling them "rustbelt cities," "shrinking cities," and more recently "legacy cities." This decline has led to property disinvestment, extensive demolition, and abandonment. While much policy and planning have focused on growth and redevelopment, little research has investigated the conditions of disinvested places and why some improvement efforts have greater impact than others. The City After Abandonment brings together essays from top urban planning experts to focus on policy and planning issues related to three questions. What are cities becoming after abandonment? The rise of community gardens and artists' installations in Detroit and St. Louis reveal numerous unexamined impacts of population decline on the development of these cities. Why these outcomes? By analyzing post-hurricane policy in New Orleans, the acceptance of becoming a smaller city in Youngstown, Ohio, and targeted assistance to small areas of Baltimore, Cleveland, and Detroit, this book assesses how varied institutions and policies affect the process of change in cities where demand for property is very weak. What should abandoned areas of cities become? Assuming growth is not a choice, this book assesses widely cited formulas for addressing vacancy; analyzes the sustainability plans of Cleveland, Buffalo, Philadelphia, and Baltimore; suggests an urban design scheme for shrinking cities; and lays out ways policymakers and planners can approach the future through processes and ideas that differ from those in growing cities. Copyright
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After decades of suburban sprawl, job loss, and lack of regional government, Detroit has become a symbol of post-industrial distress and also one of the most complex urban environments in the world. In Revolution Detroit: Strategies for Urban Reinvention, John Gallagher argues that Detroit's experience can offer valuable lessons to other cities that are, or will soon be, dealing with the same broken municipal model. A follow-up to his award-winning 2010 work, Reimagining Detroit, this volume looks at Detroit's successes and failures in confronting its considerable challenges. It also looks at other ideas for reinvention drawn from the recent history of other cities, including Cleveland, Flint, Richmond, Philadelphia, and Youngstown, as well as overseas cities, including Manchester and Leipzig. Revolution Detroit surveys four key areas: governance, education and crime, economic models, and the repurposing of vacant urban land. Among the topics Gallagher covers are effective new urban governance models developed in Cleveland and Detroit; new education models highlighting low-income-but-high-achievement schools and districts; creative new entrepreneurial business models emerging in Detroit and other post-industrial cities; and examples of successful repurposing of vacant urban land through urban agriculture, restoration of natural landscapes, and the use of art in public places. He concludes with a cautious yet hopeful message that Detroit may prove to be the world's most important venue for successful urban experimentation and that the reinvention portrayed in the book can be repeated in many cities. Gallagher's extensive traveling and research, along with his long career covering urban redevelopment for the Detroit Free Press, has given him an unmatched perspective on Detroit's story. Readers interested in urban studies and recent Detroit history will appreciate this thoughtful assessment of the best practices and obvious errors when it comes to reinventing our cities. © 2013 by Wayne State University Press, Detroit, Michigan 48201. All rights reserved.
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Experts estimate that perhaps forty square miles of Detroit are vacant-from a quarter to a third of the city -a level of emptiness that creates a landscape unlike any other big city. Author John Gallagher, who has covered urban redevelopment for the Detroit Free Press for two decades, spent a year researching what is going on in Detroit precisely because of its open space and the dire economic times we face. Instead of presenting another account of the city's decline, Reimagining Detroit: Opportunities for Redefining an American City showcases the innovative community-building work happening in the city and focuses on what else can be done to make Detroit leaner, greener, and more economically self-sufficient. Gallagher conducted numerous interviews, visited community projects, and took many of the photographs that accompany the text to uncover some of the strategies that are being used, and could be used in the future, to make twenty-first century Detroit a more sustainable and desirable place to live. Some of the topics Gallagher discusses are urban agriculture, restoring vacant lots, reconfiguring Detroit's overbuilt road network, and reestablishing some of the city's original natural landscape. He also investigates new models for governing the city and fostering a more entrepreneurial economy to ensure a more stable political and economic future. Along the way, Gallagher introduces readers to innovative projects that are already under way in the city and proposes other models for possible solutions-from as far away as Dresden, Germany, and Seoul, South Korea, and as close to home as Philadelphia and Youngstown-to complement current efforts. Ultimately, Gallagher helps to promote progressive ideas and the community leaders advancing them and offers guidance for other places dealing with the shrinking cities phenomenon. Readers interested in urban studies and environmental issues will enjoy the fresh perspective of Reimagining Detroit. © 2010 by Wayne State University Press, Detroit, Michigan 48201. All rights reserved.
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Urban Planning and Cultural Identity reviews the intense spatiality of conflict over identity construction in three cities where culture and place identity are not just post-modernist playthings but touch on the raw sensibilities of who people define themselves to be. Berlin as the reborn German capital has put 'coming to terms with' the Holocaust and the memory of the GDR full square at the centre of urban planning. Detroit raises questions about the impotence and complicity of planners in the face of the most extreme metropolitan spatial apartheid in the United States and where African-American identity now seems set on a separatist course. In Belfast, in the clash of Irish nationalist and Ulster unionist traditions, place can take on intense emotional meanings in relation to which planners as 'mediators of space' can seem ill equipped. The book, drawing on extensive interview sources in the case study cities, poses a question of broad relevance. Can planners fashion a role in using environmental concerns such as Local Agenda 21 as a vehicle of building a sense of common citizenship in which cultural difference can embed itself?
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Almost fifty years ago, America's industrial cities-Detroit, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Baltimore, and others-began shedding people and jobs. Today they are littered with tens of thousands of abandoned houses, shuttered factories, and vacant lots. With population and housing losses continuing since the 2007 financial crisis, the future of neighborhoods in these places is precarious. How we will rebuild shrinking cities and what urban design vision will guide their future remain contentious and unknown. In Design After Decline, Brent D. Ryan reveals the fraught and intermittently successful efforts of architects, planners, and city officials to rebuild shrinking cities following mid-century urban renewal. With modern architecture in disrepute, federal funds scarce, and architects and planners disengaged, politicians and developers were left to pick up the pieces. In twin narratives, Ryan describes how America's two largest shrinking cities, Detroit and Philadelphia, faced the challenge of design after decline in dramatically different ways. While Detroit allowed developers to carve up the cityscape into suburban enclaves, Philadelphia brought back 1960s-style land condemnation for benevolent social purposes. Both Detroit and Philadelphia "succeeded" in rebuilding but at the cost of innovative urban design and planning. Ryan proposes that the unprecedented crisis facing these cities today requires a revival of the visionary thinking found in the best modernist urban design, tempered with the lessons gained from post-1960s community planning. Depicting the ideal shrinking city as a shifting patchwork of open and settled areas, Ryan concludes that accepting the inevitable decline and abandonment of some neighborhoods, while rebuilding others as new neighborhoods with innovative design and planning, can reignite modernism's spirit of optimism and shape a brighter future for shrinking cities and their residents. Copyright
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In the decades following World War II, professional city planners in Detroit made a concerted effort to halt the city's physical and economic decline. Their successes included an award-winning master plan, a number of laudable redevelopment projects, and exemplary planning leadership in the city and the nation. Yet despite their efforts, Detroit was rapidly transforming into a notorious symbol of urban decay. In Redevelopment and Race: Planning a Finer City in Postwar Detroit, June Manning Thomas takes a look at what went wrong, demonstrating how and why government programs were ineffective and even destructive to community needs. In confronting issues like housing shortages, blight in older areas, and changing economic conditions, Detroit's city planners worked during the urban renewal era without much consideration for low-income and African American residents, and their efforts to stabilize racially mixed neighborhoods faltered as well. Steady declines in industrial prowess and the constant decentralization of white residents counteracted planners' efforts to rebuild the city. Among the issues Thomas discusses in this volume are the harmful impacts of Detroit's highways, the mixed record of urban renewal projects like Lafayette Park, the effects of the 1967 riots on Detroit's ability to plan, the city-building strategies of Coleman Young (the city's first black mayor) and his mayoral successors, and the evolution of Detroit's federally designated Empowerment Zone. Examining the city she knew first as an undergraduate student at Michigan State University and later as a scholar and planner, Thomas ultimately argues for a different approach to traditional planning that places social justice, equity, and community ahead of purely physical and economic objectives. Redevelopment and Race was originally published in 1997 and was given the Paul Davidoff Award from the Association of Collegiate Schools of Planning in 1999. Students and teachers of urban planning will be grateful for this re-release. A new postscript offers insights into changes since 1997.