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The present study tested whether the D-linked object moves from its thematic position over the subject or it originates where it appears in non-canonical sentences in Japanese. To this aim, we conducted acceptability judgment experiments that employed island effects as a diagnosis of movement and assessed whether the D-linking status of an extracted object of non-canonical OSV sentences escaped island effects. The results revealed that D-linking did not improve an acceptability of island violations, and therefore, a D-linked object of OSV does have a status of a moved constituent. The present result contributes to an understanding of a relationship between syntactic representation and processing of filler-gap dependencies. According to recent event-related brain potential (ERP) studies, non-canonical sentences with a filler-gap dependency elicits a P600 effect when there is no felicitous context, but they do not reveal any effect when the filler is discourse-old information. The present result is inconsistent with the interpretation that the D-linked filler does not have a status of a moved constituent, thereby resulting in no filler-gap dependency formation in Japanese sentence comprehension. Instead, the present result is consistent with the view that the P600 effect is not a neural cost of the reconstruction but is elicited by other cognitive processes, such as the resolution of the unsatisfied presupposition encoded by scrambling.
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SQUIB
On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in
Japanese
Masataka Yano
Kyushu University, Fukuoka, JP
masayano@kyudai.jp
The present study tested whether the D-linked object moves from its thematic position over the
subject or it originates where it appears in non-canonical sentences in Japanese. To this aim, we
conducted acceptability judgment experiments that employed island effects as a diagnosis of
movement and assessed whether the D-linking status of an extracted object of non-canonical
OSV sentences escaped island effects. The results revealed that D-linking did not improve an
acceptability of island violations, and therefore, a D-linked object of OSV does have a status of
a moved constituent.
The present result contributes to an understanding of a relationship between syntactic
representation and processing of filler-gap dependencies. According to recent event-related
brain potential (ERP) studies, non-canonical sentences with a filler-gap dependency elicits a
P600 effect when there is no felicitous context, but they do not reveal any effect when the filler
is discourse-old information. The present result is inconsistent with the interpretation that the
D-linked filler does not have a status of a moved constituent, thereby resulting in no filler-gap
dependency formation in Japanese sentence comprehension. Instead, the present result is
consistent with the view that the P600 effect is not a neural cost of the reconstruction but is
elicited by other cognitive processes, such as the resolution of the unsatisfied presupposition
encoded by scrambling.
Keywords: filler-gap dependency; processing; island effect; D-linking; Japanese
1 Introduction
This study addresses the issue of a syntactic representation of non-canonical sentences with
a discourse-old object (O) in Japanese. We examined whether the discourse-old O has a

Based on the result, we argue that a discourse-old O originates at its thematic position and
moves over an S in non-canonical sentences. The result will also be discussed in relation
to the implication for the processing theory.

that the present study employed for testing our prediction.
1.1 Island and D-linking effects
Filler-gap dependency is one of the topics that has been studied in the literature of
theoretical linguistics.1 Previous studies have examined derivations/representations of

(un)grammatical, including domains accessible for extraction and landing sites, as well as
1
it is also used to refer to a dependency between PRO and its antecedent (cf. Sakamoto 1996).
Glossa
general linguistics
a journal of Yano, Masataka. 2019. On the nature of the discourse effect on
extraction in Japanese.
Glossa: a journal of general linguistics
4(1): 90. 1–17. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.822
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in JapaneseArt. 90, page 2 of 17
the interactions with other syntactic phenomena, such as binding (e.g., Chomsky 1973;
      
dependency is unbounded in principle, there exist domains referred to as islands that
prevent a constituent from being extracted in English, as presented in (1) (Ross 1967).
(1) Sprouse et al. (2013: 25, 35)
Complex NP island: What did you make the claim that John bought?
Subject island: What do you think the speech about interrupted the TV show?

Whether island: What do you wonder whether John bought?
It has been known that the Discourse-linked (D-linked) wh-phrases ameliorate island vio-

Pesetsky 1987; Rizzi 1990; see also Sprouse et al. 2016). D-link means that an NP refers
to an entity previously introduced in contexts. For example, “which of those books” is a
D-linked phrase because it delimits the set of entities that a hearer can draw an answer to
the question from, while “what” is not.
(2) a. ?? What do you wonder whether John read?
b. Which of those books do you wonder whether John read?
(3) Pesetsky (1987: 104, 106)
a. *Mary asked whatj who read ej ?
b. Mary asked which bookj which man read ej?
1.2 The aim of the present study
   
OSV sentences in Japanese. In the previous section, we mentioned that D-linked wh-
phrases do not show a sensitivity to movement-related constraints in English. However,


in English and Japanese in terms of restriction (Huang & Ochi 2004). Therefore, it is pos-

The standard analysis of the derivation of OSV in Japanese is to suppose that OSV
derives from a syntactically basic SVO (e.g., Saito 1985). An O appears at the thematic
position and merges with a V. After an S merges with the OV (i.e., SOV), the O moves
over the S, resulting in OSV. Since one of the motivations for the use of OSV is to make an
2
Alternatively, the apparently fronted discourse-old O does not have the status as a
-
ics (typically marked with ‘-wa’) can be associated with a gap inside an island, as shown

gap dependency. There can be a pro in the thematic position of O and it is interpreted as
co-indexed with the discourse-old O at the sentence initial position.
(4) Japanese
Sono-ei-wa Taro-ga [NP[TP sorei-o/eikaita] hito]-o yoku shitteiru.
that.picture- Taro- it-/e drew person- well know
‘Speaking of that painting, Taro knows the person who drew (it).’
2 According to a corpus analysis conducted by Imamura (2014), O of OSV in Japanese was discourse-old
information in 81% of OSV occurrences.
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in Japanese Art. 90, page 3 of 17
One might wonder whether it is possible that the accusative-marked phrase of OSV can
be interpreted as if it takes a thematic role of an O without a reconstruction. However,
it is well-known that the O of OSV can be interpreted at the surface position in Japanese
(see Saito 1992; Tada 1993). As shown in (5a), “soitu (the guy)” can be bound by “dare
(who)” because “dare” c-commands “soitsu,” whereas it cannot in (5b) due to the lack of
an appropriate c-commanding relationship between them. The important observation is

accusative-marked “dare” c-commands “soitu” at the surface position but not in its the-
matic position, suggesting that the O of OSV cannot be reconstructed into the thematic
position in Japanese (Tada 1993; see also Ueyama 1998).
(5) Japanese (Tada 1993: 17)
a. ?Darei-ga soitsui-no sensei-o hinanshita-no.
who- the.guy- teacher- criticized-
‘Whoi criticized the guyi’s teacher?’
b. *Soitsui-no sensei-ga darei-o hinanshita-no.
the.guy- teacher- who- criticized-
(Lit.) The guyi’s teacher criticized whoi
‘Who did the guy’s teacher criticized?’
(6) Japanese (Tada 1993: 17)
a. *[e Soitsui-o hitome mita] hito-ga darei-o sukininatta-no.
the.guy- one.glance saw person- who- fell.in.love.with-
(Lit.) The person who took a glance at the guyi fell in love with whoi?
‘Who did the person who took a glance at him fall in love with?’
b. ?Darei-o [e soitsui-o hitome mita] hito-ga tisukininatta-no.
who- the.guy- one.glance saw person- fell.in.love.with-
(Lit.) ‘Whoi the person who took a glance at the guyi fell in love with ti?’
1.3 A factorial definition of island effects

et al. (2013), which takes processing factors into account. It has been known that the

to be. For example, sentences such as centre-embedded and garden-path sentences are
grammatically well-formed but less acceptable or comprehensible. Thus, it is sometimes
controversial as to whether the unacceptability of a sentence should be accounted for


and clause type should be considered when assessing the unacceptability of island-vio-
lating sentences. The island-violating sentence in (7d) involves the extraction of the wh-
phrase from the O position of the interrogative embedded clause. The processing of such
a long-distance dependency arguably degrades the acceptability of (7d). If (7d) violates
a syntactic constraint, it should be even less acceptable after the independent process-


     

 
factors.
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in JapaneseArt. 90, page 4 of 17
(7) a. Non-island/Matrix:
Who ___ thinks that John bought a car?
b. Non-island/Embedded:
What do you think that John bought ___ ?
c. Island/Matrix:
Who ___ wonders whether John bought a car?
d. Island/Embedded:
*What do you wonder whether John bought ___ ?
2 Experiment 1
2.1 Material
The present study used adjunct and complex NP islands, which constrain scrambling in
Japanese (Yoshimura 1984; 1992; Saito 1985).3 For each Island type, we manipulated
three factors, namely, D-linking (non-D-link vs. D-link), Island (non-island vs. island), and
Word Order (canonical vs. scrambling), creating eight conditions for each island type.4 In
the present experiment, the D-linked conditions were created by adding “sono” (the/its)
to object NPs. For example, “sono shousetsu
contexts while “shousetsu” (novel) do not. In Experiment 1, we refer to sono NPs as D-link
conditions. However, sono NPs were not explicitly introduced in contexts (see Section 2.7
for discussion).
We chose object NPs that have a low degree of referentiality (e.g., snack, novel, photo,
-
son/object without demonstratives or contexts (e.g., shushoo/shachoo (president)) are con-
sidered to have a high degree of referentiality and thus not used in the present experiments.
Example sets of the stimuli are provided in (8) to (9). For convenience, the non-D-link
(“NP-o”, NP-ACC) and D-link (“sono NP-o”, the NP-ACC) conditions are shown together.
(8) Adjunct Island:
a. non-island, canonical
chonan-wa sakki imouto-ga (sono) okashi-o tabeta-to omotteiru.
brother- a while ago sister- the snacks- ate-think
‘The brother thinks that his younger sister ate (the) snacks a little while ago.’
b. island, canonical
choonan-wa sakki imouto-ga (sono) okashi-o tabeta-node
brother- a while ago sister- the snacks- ate-because
okotteiru.
angry
‘The son is angry because his younger sister ate (the) snacks a little
while ago.’
c. non-island, scrambling
(sono) okashi-oichoonan-wa sakki imouto-ga __itabeta-to
the snacks- brother- a while ago sister- ate-
omotteiru.
think
3 We also included whether islands in the experiment. However, because an anonymous reviewer commented
that whether island has not been treated as an island in the literature of Japanese syntax (Yoshimura, 1984).
Thus, we do not report the result here.
4 The manipulation of Word Order is equivalent to that of short vs. long dependency in previous studies.
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in Japanese Art. 90, page 5 of 17
d. island, scrambling
(sono) okashi- oichoonan-wa sakki imouto-ga __itabeta-node
the snacks- brother- a while ago sister- ate-because
okotteiru.
angry
(9) Complex NP Island
a. non-island, canonical
hyouronka-wa kyonen goosutoraita-ga (sono) shousetsu-o kaita-to
commentator- last year ghost.writer- the novel- wrote-
shinjiteiru.
believe
‘The commentator believes that the ghost-writer wrote (the) novel.’
b. island, canonical
hyouronka-wa kyonen goosutoraita-ga (sono) shousetsu-o kaita-toiu
commentator- last year ghost.writer- the novel- wrote-that
hodo-o shinjiteiru.
news- believe
‘The commentator believes the news that the ghost-writer wrote (the) novel.’
c. non-island, scrambling
(sono) shousetsu-o hyouronka-wa kyonen goosutoraita-ga __ikaita-to
the novel- commentator- last year ghost.writer- wrote-
shinjiteiru.
believe
d. island, scrambling
(sono) shousetsu-o hyouronka-wa kyonen goosutoraita-ga
the novel- commentator- last year ghost.writer-
__ikaita-toiu hodo-o shinjiteiru.
wrote-that news- believe
Thirty-two sets of sentences in each Island Type were distributed into eight lists, using a
Latin square design. Accordingly, no participant read more than one sentence from the
same set. Each participant rated four items in each condition. Twenty ungrammatical
items, such as (10), were added to each list to balance acceptable sentences and unac-
ceptable sentences.
(10)  tencho-ga __ihometa-to]jyuushuuna shinjin-oi
[yesterday manager- __ipraised-] talented newcomer-
arubaitoten’in-ga __j shinjiteiru.
part.timer- __jbelieve
(Intended reading) ‘The part-timer believes that the manager praised a talented
newcomer yesterday.’
2.2 Participants
Participants in this experiment included 42 native Japanese speakers (26 females and
16 males, M = 21.5, SD = 1.5, range: 18.9–24.4). All were undergraduate or graduate
            
informed consent was obtained from all participants prior to the experiment, and they
were paid for their participation.
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in JapaneseArt. 90, page 6 of 17
2.3 Procedure
The acceptability of sentences was collected using Ibex Farm (http://spellout.net/ibex-
farm/). Participants were instructed to rate each sentence from 1 (unacceptable) to 5

each participant. Two sentences, one totally acceptable and one unacceptable, were pre-
sented as practice trials to encourage the participants to use the full range of acceptability,
although they were not told that they were practice trials.
2.4 Statistical analysis
Acceptability ratings were transformed to z-scores for each participant (cf. Sprouse et al.
2013). Statistical analyses were conducted for each Island Type because the interactions

lme4 package (Bates et al. 2015) in R (R Core Team 2016).
The model included D-linking (non-D-link/D-link), Word Order (canonical/scrambling) and



less complex models using the anova function.5 P-values were calculated by submitting the
lmer function of the lmerTest
2.5 Prediction
If the movement of an O across adjunct and complex NP clauses is prohibited because
of the grammatical constraint, the interaction between Word Order and Island should be
     
-


O conditions. Alternatively, if a D-linked moves out of the presumed islands, it would violate
an island constraint as a non-D-linked O should be. Thus, the two-way interaction of Word
Order × Island should be observed for both the D-linked and non-D-linked conditions.
2.6 Results
The mean acceptability of the sentences is presented in Figures 1 and 2. The adjunct

interaction between Word Order and Island (Tables 1 and 2). A planned comparison
5
that converged successfully.
Figure 1: Adjunct island.
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in Japanese Art. 90, page 7 of 17
      

t p t p < 0.01; Com-
     t   p < 0.01; Complex NP/D-Link:
t  p < 0.05). The interaction between D-linking and Word
-
bled sentences improved when O was D-linked compared to when it was not D-linked
(Adjunct: Estimate = 0.54, t = 8.67, p < 0.01; Complex NP: Estimate = 0.39, t = 6.68,
p 
(ps > 0.10). Importantly, the three-way interaction of D-Linking × Word Order × Island

Figure 2: Complex NP island.
Table 2: Complex NP island.
Estimate SE t P
(Intercept) <0.01 0.04 <0.01 1.00
D-Link 0.21 0.04 6.11 <0.01 **
Word Order (WO) –1.4 0.04 –39.87 <0.01 **
Island –0.21 0.04 –5.98 <0.01 **
D-Link × WO 0.37 0.07 5.35 <0.01 **
D-Link × Island <0.01 0.07 0.06 0.95
WO × Island –0.33 0.07 –4.74 <0.01 **
D-Link × WO × Island 0.04 0.14 0.26 0.80
Table 1: Adjunct island.
Estimate SE t P
(Intercept) <0.01 0.03 <0.01 1.00
D-Link 0.28 0.04 7.16 <0.01 **
Word Order (WO) –1.24 0.04 –32.23 <0.01 **
Island –0.27 0.04 –7.02 <0.01 **
D-Link × WO 0.54 0.08 6.99 <0.01 **
D-Link × Island –0.03 0.08 –0.43 0.67
WO × Island –0.39 0.08 –5.04 <0.01 **
D-Link × WO × Island –0.17 0.15 –1.12 0.26
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in JapaneseArt. 90, page 8 of 17

Figure

of (8) and (9). If a D-linked O does not have a status of a moved constituent, the right bars



the three-way interaction.
2.7 Remaining problems

the adjunct and complex NP islands in the D-link and non-D-lind conditions. However,

(“sono NP-o”) and non-D-link (“NP-o”) conditions. According to corpus studies and
acceptability judgement studies, long objects tent to be placed before short subjects,
known as the long-before-short preference (Dryer 1980; Hawkins 1994; Yamashita
& Chang 2001; Yamashita 2002; Omaki et al. 2019). This leaves the possibility that
   -
ity judgments because they are more compatible with the preference. Furthermore,
Experiment 1 did not provide explicit contexts to render the scrambled phrases literally
D-linked, despite that “sono NP” conditions are referred to as D-link conditions. The
present experiment design enabled us to closely match the D-link conditions with the
non-D-link conditions, but required participants to come up with a felicitous context in

D-linking on island violations.
3 Experiment 2
To address these issues, we conducted another acceptability judgment experiment, in
which explicit contexts were provided and the length of O was matched between the
D-link and non-D-link conditions.
3.1 Material
The sentences in (11) and (12) show an example of contexts for the D-link conditions. No
context was provided in the non-D-link conditions to avoid making an O D-linked. Because
some participants of a pilot experiment reported that it was more natural to use polite
forms (-mas-) of verbs in contexts (i.e., non-polite form: atta vs. polite form: arimasita),
we used polite forms for both the context and target sentences in Experiment 2. Note that
the target sentences were identical between the D-link and non-D-link conditions because
Figure 3: The differences-in-differences (DD) scores in each island type.
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in Japanese Art. 90, page 9 of 17
sono” was removed to match the length of the O (see (8) and (9)). Because of this, object
nouns were repeatedly used in the context and target sentences without a demonstrative.
According to an anonymous reviewer, this is extremely unnatural. However, to preview
our results, the acceptability of the D-linked/non-island/scrambling condition was within
an acceptable range (3.76 in the adjunct condition and 3.04 in the complex NP condition).
Therefore, the repetition of the same nouns seems natural for native Japanese speakers.
(11) Context for (8)
Daidokoro-ni okashi-ga ari-mashi-ta.
kitchen- snack- is--
‘There was a snack in the kitchen.’
(12) Context for (9)
Shousetsu-ga naokishou-o jushoushi-mashi-ta.
novel- Naoki.prize- receive--
‘A novel received the Naoki Prize.’
3.2 Participants
Forty-seven native speakers of Japanese were recruited using Lancers.jp (https://www.
lancers.jp) and presented with experimental sentences on Ibex Farm (15 females and 32
males, M = 39.5, SD = 7.5, range: 27.4–59.1, 33 with university degrees). Informed
consent was obtained from all participants prior to the experiment, and they were paid
for their participation.
3.3 Procedure
The experiment was conducted in the same way as in Experiment 1, except for an additional
instruction that asked the participants to judge an acceptability of the second sentence
(i.e., target sentence) within a context when they were presented with two sentences at
the same time (i.e., D-link conditions).
3.4 Results
Figures 4 and 5 show the mean acceptability of the sentences in adjunct and complex NP

of Word Order and Island in both adjunct and complex NP conditions, indicating a super-
Tables 3 and 4). The three-way interaction of Word Order, Island, and

Figure 4: Adjunct island.
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in JapaneseArt. 90, page 10 of 17

for the non-D-link conditions of the complex NP island (Adjunct/Non-D-link: Estimate =
t p t p < 0.01;
tp = 0.31; Complex NP/D-Link:
tp < 0.01).
4 Discussion
4.1 D-linking effect on extraction

islands. Note that the decrease in acceptability of the island sentences is not attributable
to the processing cost induced by a structural reanalysis (i.e., garden-path: GP) occurring
Figure 5: Complex NP island.
Table 3: Adjunct island.
Estimate SE t P
(Intercept) 0.00 0.04 0.01 0.99
D-Link 0.00 0.04 –0.08 0.94
Word Order (WO) –1.36 0.04 –38.51 <0.01 **
Island –0.15 0.04 –4.07 <0.01 **
D-Link × WO –0.08 0.07 –1.19 0.23
D-Link × Island –0.03 0.07 –0.38 0.70
WO × Island –0.36 0.07 –5.06 <0.01 **
D-Link × WO × Island –0.07 0.14 –0.48 0.63
Table 4: Complex NP island.
Estimate SE t P
(Intercept) 0.00 0.04 0.03 0.98
D-Link 0.01 0.03 0.34 0.73
Word Order (WO) –1.42 0.07 –20.86 <0.01 **
Island –0.05 0.03 –1.58 0.11
D-Link × WO 0.15 0.07 2.31 0.02 *
D-Link × Island 0.01 0.07 0.20 0.85
WO × Island –0.16 0.07 –2.42 0.02 *
D-Link × WO × Island –0.16 0.13 –1.18 0.24
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in Japanese Art. 90, page 11 of 17
presumably at the embedded S or V. If the Japanese parser actively posits a gap immedi-
ately after the matrix S (“NP-wa”) (cf. Aoshima et al. 2004), the parser must revise such a
structural analysis at the embedded S or V, which should induce a processing cost. How-

cannot account for a super-additive pattern.
sono-
action of Word Order and Island in adjunct and complex NP islands. However, sono NPs

   
when “sono” attached object NPs.
Experiment 2 provided explicit contexts in the D-link conditions and matched the length
of objects between the non-D-link and D-link conditions. The result of Experiment 2 still


absence of a three-way interaction. This result of the adjunct islands is consistent with
the view that the D-linked O moves from its thematic position to the surface position in
Japanese. By contrast, the result implies that it is unnecessary to postulate a mechanism
wherein the D-linked O base-generates higher than S and is interpreted by somehow asso-
ciating it with an empty category in the thematic position.
Unlike Experiment 1, the adjunct conditions did not show an interaction of D-link
and Word Order in Experiment 2. This suggests that an increase in the acceptability of
D-link/scrambling conditions in Experiment 1 was due to the long-before-short prefer-
ence. There is a preference for placing a longer object before a subject but the preference

                 
      
demonstratives are preferred to objects without them regardless of word order, while dis-


in the matrix clauses in addition to the manipulation of “to (that)” and “node (because).”
    
non-D-link condition. This implies that the complex NPs are not islands with respect to
   
(1976) observed that the extraction from complex NP islands are weak in Japanese (in
comparison to the extraction from relative clauses), as shown in (13) (see also Ross 1965).
(13) Japanese (Haig 1976: 369–370)
a. Complex NP
?Taroo o watasi wa Hanako ga aisite iru toiu koto o kiita.
Taroo- I- Hanako- loving is saying that- heard
‘Taroo, I heard that Hanako loves ø.’
b. Relative clause
*Ano hon o watasi wa kaita hito ni aitai.
that book- I- wrote person- want to meet
‘That book, I want to meet the person who wrote ø.’
Alternatively, given that the non-D-link sentences were the same except for the form of
verbs (non-polite form: shinjiteiru vs. polite form: shinjiteimasu) in Experiments 1 and 2,
 

Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in JapaneseArt. 90, page 12 of 17
words, it is possible that complex NP islands have greater inter-participant variabilities
than adjunct islands.

conditions. Therefore, this result of the complex NP island is more consistent with the
view that the D-linked O moves from its thematic position to the surface position.

can be accounted for in the same way as discussed above. Japanese speakers prefer objects
with demonstratives to objects without them regardless of word order, while they accept
    
           
conditions.
4.2 Implication for sentence processing
In this section, we discuss the implication of the present results for sentence processing.
           
gap dependency in real-time sentence comprehension and whether the comprehension

behavioural studies is that the parser attempts to actively associate a fronted constituent

Clifton and Frazier 1989; Frazier & Clifton 1989; Phillips 2006). For example, Stowe
(1986) observed a reading slowdown at “us” in (14a) compared to (14b), indicating that
the parser attempted to associate “who” with the direct object position. In contrast, the
slowdown was not found at “Greg’s” located inside the subject, i.e., subject island, in the
comparison of (15a) and (15b), thus suggesting that the parser did not posit an illicit

(14) Stowe (1986: 234)
a. Wh condition:
My brother wanted know who Ruth will bring us home to ___ at Christmas.
b. Baseline (if) condition:
My brother wanted to know if Ruth will bring us home to Mom at Christmas.
(15) Stowe (1986: 234)
a. Wh condition:
The teacher asked what the silly story about Greg’s older brother was
supposed to mean.
b. Baseline (if) condition:
The teacher asked if the silly story about Greg’s older brother was supposed
to mean anything.

dependency is formed. When an object was fronted over a subject in Japanese, Ueno and

    




2007; Erdocia et al. 2009; Yasunaga et al. 2015).
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in Japanese Art. 90, page 13 of 17

the SLAN and the P600 do not appear in scrambled OSV sentences in Japanese when
the fronted O refers to discourse-old information. They manipulated word order (SOV
vs. OSV) and givenness (discourse-new/discourse-old), as presented in (16) and (17).
One might wonder whether repeating proper names in the context and the target sen-
tences sounds unnatural because they are discourse-old information. However, Tsuchiya,
Yoshimura, and Nakayama (2015) reported that native Japanese speakers preferred the

English, in which pronouns are preferred to refer to a discourse-old referent. Hence, the


the SOV when the O was discourse-new, which is consistent with the previous ERP stud-
ies in Japanese and other languages, whereas it did not when the O was discourse-old.
yurushita, forgive) when the
O was discourse-old, suggesting that the lack of the P600 was not due to a delay of the


that the discourse-old O is reconstructed into its gap in incremental sentence processing.
(16) Japanese
Context:
  imasu.
police.box-in Yoshida-Mr- be

(17) Japanese
a. SOV: Yoshida-san-ga kinoo-no yoru  yurushita
Yoshida-Mr- yesterday- night  forgave
rashii.
seem

b. OSV:  kinoo-no yoru Yoshida-san-ga yurushita
 yesterday- night Yoshida-Mr- forgave
rashii.
seem
A similar result was also found in Seediq, a Formosan language that is typologically dis-
tant from Japanese (Yano 2018). In Seediq, non-canonical SVO sentences elicited a P600

supportive context.


      -
tactic information that the discourse-new O is fronted to the sentence-initial position and
the pragmatic information that O-fronting presupposes the existence of a shared referent
              

      
-
     
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in JapaneseArt. 90, page 14 of 17
          

Brouwer et al. 2012; 2016).
However, this interpretation relies on the conjecture that the O was reconstructed into the
thematic position in the discourse-old/OSV condition as well as in the discourse-new/OSV
condition. However, one could imagine that a discourse-old O of OSV originates at the
surface position and thus it does not have a status of a moved constituent. Accordingly,
during incremental sentence processing, the discourse-old O is not reconstructed into the
thematic position when encountering an S and thus no P600 was elicited. If this view is
correct, the interpretation of P600 as a syntactic integration cost would not be abandoned.
The result of the present experiment is inconsistent with the latter interpretation with

suggests that the discourse-old O moves from its thematic position to the sentence-initial
       
dependency between the D-linked O and its thematic position, OSV should elicit a P600
      




6

              
experiment are categorized as M(iddle)-scrambling, i.e., movement within a clause, while
those of the present study are L(ong)-scrambling, i.e., movement across a clause bound-
ary. According to the literature on Japanese syntax, M-scrambling sometimes exhibits an

(see (6)). If one assumes that the M-scrambled O does not have to be reconstructed into its
gap position because of its A-movement characteristic, it is not surprising that Yano and


5 Conclusion
By conducting acceptability judgement experiments with a factorial design of island


-



Overall, the present study (re)informs that formal acceptability collection is a useful tech-
nique to explore the relation between grammar and processing.
Abbreviations
 = accusative, = complementizer,  = dative,   genitive  
nominative,  = polite form,  = past, = question particle,  = topic
6
the functional role of SLAN for long-distance dependency formation remains unclear (cf. Lau 2018).
Yano: On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in Japanese Art. 90, page 15 of 17
Ethics and Consent

University.
Acknowledgements
I thank anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments. This study was supported by

Competing Interests
The author has no competing interests to declare.
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How to cite this article: Yano, Masataka. 2019. On the nature of the discourse effect on extraction in Japanese.
Glossa: a journal of general linguistics
4(1): 90. 1–17. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5334/gjgl.822
Submitted: 26 September 2018 Accepted: 30 May 2019 Published: 05 August 2019
Copyright: © 2019 The Author(s). This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons
Attribution 4.0 International License (CC-BY 4.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any
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... The interpretation of Yano and Koizumi's (2018) experiment requires a caveat (Yano, 2019). It is known that a topic can attain a patient/theme interpretation without forming a filler-gap dependency, as evidenced by the acceptability of (7) in which a putative filler, "sono-ewa", crosses a relative clause island (Kuno, 1987). ...
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