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Incorporating bystander intervention into sexual harassment training

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Incorporating bystander intervention into sexual harassment training - Volume 12 Issue 1 - So Yun Lee, Matthew David Hanson, Ho Kwan Cheung
COMMENTARY
Incorporating bystander intervention into sexual
harassment training
So Yun Lee*, Matthew David Hanson and Ho Kwan Cheung
1University at Albany, State University of New York
*Corresponding author. Email: slee29@albany.edu
Medeiros and Griffith (2019) addressed practical challenges in implementing sexual harassment
(SH) training and proposed several recommendations to improve training effectiveness, par-
ticularly in light of the recent #metoo movement. Although we agree that SH training should
be preventive, and that both internal and external factors must be considered to ensure training
effectiveness, we propose that one perspective that the authors did not consider is bystanders(i.e.,
observers) roles in SH incidents. In this commentary, we offer empirically supported, practical
suggestions for the design and application of an effective bystander intervention (BI) training that
can be incorporated into regular victim- and perpetrator-targeted SH training. Furthermore,
although we acknowledge that SH and sexual assault exist on a continuum of sex-based mistreat-
ment and violent behaviors (Fitzgerald, 1993), we focus on SH in this commentary because it is
more often witnessed by a third party.
What is bystander intervention training?
Although SH involves two parties, victim and perpetrator, there is a third party that can po-
tentially play an important role in a SH incident: observers who witness the harassment occur-
ring but are not directly involved (Bowes-Sperry & OLeary-Kelly, 2005). SH is intrinsically a
manifestation of power, such that perpetrators harass victims as a display of dominance. As a
result, victims are often passive toward such personal violations for fear of retaliation. For in-
stance, they often deny that an act constitutes harassment, downplay the severity of an act, or
avoid the harasser (Baker, Terpstra, & Larntz, 1990; Cortina & Magley, 2003; Farley, 1978).
With such, successfully curtailing SH can be difficult when the focus is on victimswillingness
to act against it. Observers, on the other hand, are in the unique position of being first-hand
witnesses to the situation but not directly related to the conflict, which affords them an
opportunity to intervene. Drawing from classic social psychological work on BI (e.g., Latané
&Darley,1970), the bystander approach highlights the role of observers, proposing that
observers can intervene by engaging in helping behaviors that vary in the extent of immediacy
and involvement, and that whether an observer intervenes depends on individual and situa-
tional factors such as observersperceptions of SH and organizational ethical climate
(Bowes-Sperry & OLeary-Kelly, 2005). Specifically, the purpose of BI training is to (a) inform
bystanders of the nature of SH so that they can correctly identify it and (b) encourage bystand-
ers to intervene when they witness instances of SH. Next, we detail the benefits of BI training
and propose practical suggestions to design such training.
© Society for Industrial and Organizational Psychology 2019.
Industrial and Organizational Psychology (2019), 22,5257
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What are the benefits of bystander intervention training?
The benefits of BI training can manifest at both individual and organizational levels by reinforcing
the unethical nature of SH. Beyond its illegal nature, SH is an ethical issue because it is intrinsically
harmful to victims (Magley, Hulin, Fitzgerald, & DeNardo, 1999), and it therefore involves indi-
vidualsethical decision-making process about whether to help or harm others (OLeary-Kelly &
Bowes-Sperry, 2001). Past research has suggested that one critical antecedent to ethical decision
making is moral intensity, or the degree to which individuals regard an issue as having a moral
component. Therefore, increasing the level of moral intensity should be a key component in
training people to make ethical decisions (i.e., not engaging in SH and helping SH victims).
Incorporating BI training into SH training can create a synergistic effect because regular SH train-
ing may only impact potential perpetrators and victims, but BI training will strengthen the moral
intensity of all members of a community, including victims, bystanders, and even perpetrators.
Specifically, greater moral intensity via BI training may influence the ethical actions of bystand-
ers through social consensus, a component of moral intensity that represents the extent of social
agreement that a behavior is either bad or good (Jones, 1991). Unfortunately, the definition of
SH is relatively ambiguous (Roehling & Huang, 2018), and, therefore, social consensus regarding
what constitutes SH also tends to be low (OLeary-Kelly & Bowes-Sperry, 2001). Although regular
SH training aims to decrease ambiguity surrounding the definition of SH, BI training can further
facilitate social consensus of SH among employees, in that everyone within an organization is
responsible for taking action against SH. Given that victims are more likely to show a passive
reaction and often refuse to reveal their cases, a social consensus among bystanders is vital for
more SH occurrences to be reported.
Beyond the individual level, implementing BI training can help organizations set a higher
degree of moral intensity by communicating a stronger message of low organizational tolerance
for SH than when simply implementing regular SH training. Past meta-analytic evidence suggests
that perceived organizational tolerance for SH is the most important predictor for workplace SH
and bystandersreactions to SH (Willness, Steel, & Lee, 2007). As a result, a decrease in organi-
zational tolerance, as signaled by the incorporation of BI training into regular SH training, can
have a cascading effect on employees to accept a higher level of moral intensity by leading them to
perceive that an organization takes SH as a more serious, moral issue.
The addition of BI training may also have a unique effect on potential perpetrators of SH over
and above that of SH training. Greater moral intensity via BI training may influence the potential
actions of perpetrators by expanding their scope of consideration to bystanders, thus increasing
the perceived risks of engaging in SH (OLeary-Kelly & Bowes-Sperry, 2001). Perpetrators may
keep engaging in SH behaviors because they perceive that victims are the only people who will
be affected by their actions and view them as negative. Potential perpetrators who attend a BI
training with other employees, however, may learn that others will be more aware of SH and
consider SH a more serious ethical violation. This realization, in turn, may prompt perpetrators
to extend their consideration beyond merely victims to also include bystanders. These potential
perpetrators may also realize that bystanders are trained to act against SH, thus increasing the
perceived risk associated with committing SH (e.g., higher probability of SH being revealed,
expulsion from social group). These additional considerations and increased perceived risks
can ultimately decrease the likelihood that perpetrators will follow through with the intention to
harass. Next, we propose practical suggestions to design BI training.
What are the suggestions for effective bystander intervention training?
The practical suggestions for effective BI training applied to the SH context that we propose
here are rooted in Latanés and Darleys(1970) five-step cognitive and behavioral process that
bystanders must advance through in emergency situations if they are to help. Specifically,
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Latané and Darley (1970) outlined five barriers to bystander helping behavior, including (a) failure
to notice that a situation is occurring, (b) failure to identify that a situation is high risk, (c) failure
to feel responsible to intervene in what is occurring, (d) failure to intervene due to skill deficits,
and (e) failure to intervene due to the fear of looking foolish. SH training should aid in overcoming
the failure to identify that a situation is high risk, considering that it provides information about
what constitutes SH, but successfully implemented BI training also has the potential to overcome
each of the other four barriers.
Remove barriers to bystander intervention behaviors
First, a successful BI training teaches trainees how to be more vigilant in noticing what is occurring
around them by increasing awareness of the ongoing situation. Specifically, the training could
include a module that allows the trainees to practice evaluating ambiguous scenes and provides
them feedback on which situations in each scene they correctly and incorrectly evaluate. Second,
a successful BI training teaches trainees that they are responsible for what occurs around them
regardless of how many other employees are also around at any given time by encouraging trainees
to more automatically intervene in a situation. Specifically, the BI training could include a module
that allows them to practice intervening in an emergency situation while in a group setting. Third,
a successful BI training teaches trainees the skills necessary to competently intervene in a SH
situation. Specifically, the BI training could include a module that allows trainees to practice those
skills until they feel comfortable enough to perform them automatically. Finally, a successful
BI training should teach trainees that their intervention will not be perceived negatively by others.
Specifically, the BI training could include a module where interventions are honestly evaluated by
peers to allow the trainees to receive support from their peers after each intervention. Although
these modules are not an exhaustive list of possibilities in BI training, making sure to address each
of Latanés and Darleys(1970) four barriers to bystander helping behavior mentioned above
should result in a successful BI training applied to an SH situation.
Break sexual harassment myths
Another way to facilitate bystander intervening behaviors is to break SH myths. SH myths refer to
attitudes and beliefs that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and that serve to
deny and justify male SH of women (Lonsway, Cortina, & Magley, 2008). One of the most com-
mon content domains of SH myths is to attribute responsibility for the event to the victim. Such
beliefs, like women with certain characteristics (e.g., sexually loose or dressed improperly) are
more likely to get sexually harassed, misguides people to believe that those victims deserved their
misfortunes (Lerner, 1980; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994). Another common myth regarding SH is
that victims often lie or misinterpret the perpetrators behaviors as SH. Recent evidence suggests
that the prevalence of false accusations of SH is only between 2% and 10%, but those small num-
bers of cases are widely publicized through the media, leading people to overestimate the rate of
false accusations (Lonsway, Archambault, & Lisak, 2009; Lonsway & Fitzgerald, 1994).
Those negative attitudes and beliefs against victims can function as the barriers to bystander
behaviors that were proposed by Latané and Darley (1970). First of all, acceptance of SH myths
may lead observers to fail to recognize a situation as high risk by increasing the ambiguity of a
situation. Furthermore, SH myths are often associated with peoples just world belief, which is the
predisposition to believe that good things happen to good people and bad things happen to bad
people (Lerner, 1965). Based on this just world belief, observers attribute the responsibility of
incidents to the victims, and feel less responsibility to intervene in high-risk situations. In fact,
acceptance of SH myths is found to predict negative attitudes toward victims (Sakalli-Uğurlu,
Yalçin, & Glick, 2007) and decrease bystanderswillingness to intervene in situations (Bannon,
Brosi, & Foubert, 2013; Burns, 2009). Considering the negative impacts caused by SH myths,
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it is critical to challenge those myths during the training by identifying counterexamples of SH
myths and suggesting evidence to discredit them.
Promote empathy
In addition to considering SH myths, empathy is found to be an important predictor of attitudes
toward victims. Empathy indicates an other-focusedemotional response that allows one to
make an affective connection with another (Batson, Turk, Shaw, & Klein, 1995). Deitz, Blackwell,
Daley, and Bentley (1982) and Sakalli-Uğurlu et al. (2007) found that participants who were
higher in empathy expressed more positive feelings toward rape victims and negative feelings to-
ward harassers. These positive and negative feelings are expected to influence a bystanders attri-
bution of responsibility in SH incidents, leading to a greater likelihood of intervening behaviors.
Past diversity training research suggests that perspective taking is an effective strategy to in-
crease empathy. Perspective taking refers to the cognitive ability to consider situations from the
viewpoint, feelings, and reactions of others (Dovidio, Gartner, & Validzic, 1998). Considering that
perspective taking requires individuals to think more in terms of usrather than them,it may
reduce stereotypes regarding victims and encourage bystanders to form social bonds with victims
(Galinsky, Ku, & Wang, 2005). Empirical studies have supported this reasoning that people
who actively engage in perspective taking are more likely to show empathic responses, including
understanding and identifying with their experiences (Egan, 1990) and wanting to offer helping
behaviors to the targets (Batson, Chang, Orr, & Rowland, 2002). Therefore, in order to encourage
bystanders to take more action in SH, BI training should include activities to build perspective
taking, which can effectively promote empathy among trainees.
Costs and benefits analysis
Although removing barriers, breaking myths, and promoting empathy may increase the likelihood
of observers intervening in SH incidents, an observers level of involvement is dependent upon net
costs of behaviors (Bowes-Sperry & OLeary-Kelly, 2005). That is, even when observers decide to
intervene, they weigh the costs and benefits of intervening to make a decision about how much
they involve themselves in an observed situation. Ryan and Wessel (2012) also found consistent
results that people who perceived an intervention as high in benefits and low in costs were more
likely to show greater involvement in SH situations.
Bowes-Sperry and OLeary-Kelly (2005) defined involvement in a public and social sense,
proposing that involvement should reflect the degree of willingness of individuals to take action
on social stages. Therefore, high involvement indicates a stronger public connection of observers
to incidents, such as directly confronting a harasser or publicly offering a hand to a target. On the
other hand, low involvement is associated with more indirect and weaker social connections,
including providing private support for the target or anonymously reporting an incident to a third
party (McDonald, Charlesworth, & Graham, 2015).
Although there currently is no established empirical evidence to support that a high level
of involvement is more advantageous than a low level of involvement, stronger reactions from
observers can be beneficial for two reasons: First, they aid in constructing a meaning of an event
and providing a role model to other observers. High-involvement responses clearly indicate that
observers interpret an incident as SH, playing a significant role in determining the meaning of
events (Yagil, Karnieli-Miller, Eisikovits, & Enosh, 2006). Second, those observers who failed to
intervene due to skill deficits can learn from the observers intervening behavior through role
modeling. Considering the social sense of the definition, a high level of involvement should benefit
more than a low level of involvement because actions taken in public are more salient to other
bystanders than actions taken in a private setting. With all of these potential benefits of a bystand-
ers high-involvement intervention, a training should focus on increasing the perceived benefits
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and reducing the perceived costs of intervening. Benefits of intervening include future reciprocity
from the coworker and positive feelings about oneself. Costs include perceived risk in reporting
and the possibility of becoming a target oneself (Bowes-Sperry & OLeary-Kelly, 2005).
Conclusion
We argue that the practical challenges in implementing SH training and the recommendations to
improve the training effectiveness that were proposed by Medeiros and Griffith (2019) could have
benefited greatly by including the role of the observer in SH situations. Adding BI training to the
SH training can have several benefits at the organizational and individual level by decreasing an
organizations perceived tolerance for SH, increasing the level of moral intensity, improving the
understanding of SH, and raising the awareness of potential perpetrators regarding their behav-
iors. We also provide some practical suggestions with empirical and theoretical evidence. During
the BI training, removing the five barriers that were outlined by Latané and Darley (1970), break-
ing SH myths, and improving empathy are critical to increase the likelihood of bystanders inter-
vening in high-risk situations. Furthermore, the training should also focus on providing observers
with more perceived benefits and reducing the costs of intervening behaviors in order to increase
their level of involvement.
Last, although we believe that our argument for BI training is theoretically and empirically
grounded, we encourage future research to examine the effectiveness of incorporating BI training
into regular SH training. Specifically, studies can compare training effectiveness among regular
SH training, BI training, and a combined training (i.e., BI training and regular SH training).
Furthermore, as echoed by past SH researchers, the benefits of high-involvement responses that
we suggested, as well as the typology of observersresponse to SH proposed by OLeary-Kelly and
Bowes-Sperry (2005), have not yet been empirically tested (Willness et al., 2007). Therefore, future
research needs to test whether bystandersintervention of a certain a level of involvement and
immediacy is more advantageous in protecting SH victims and preventing high-risk incidents.
Author ORCIDs. Ho Kwan Cheung 0000-0002-8516-5466
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Cite this article: Lee S.Y., Hanson M.D., and Cheung H.K. (2019). Incorporating bystander intervention into sexual
harassment training. Industrial and Organizational Psychology ,5257. https://doi.org/10.1017/iop.2019.8
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... Furthermore, both the broad workplace mistreatment and specific sexual harassment literatures have rarely investigated the downstream effects of intervention behaviors, leaving us with incomplete knowledge of potential outcomes for the work environment and the bystanders themselves. Understanding the proximal outcomes of SHBI (e.g., responses from targets and other bystanders) in the work environment is critical to advance theories about sexual harassment and SHBI, because those outcomes might further influence workgroup dynamics, future harassment incidents, and other employees' future reactions to such incidents (Lee et al., 2019;Vranjes et al., 2023). In terms of environmental outcomes, we consider all the relevant parties and test harasser aggression (as a self-defensive moral reaction), target gratitude (as a moral reaction to benefiting from good deeds), and third-party elevation (as a moral reaction to bystanders' commendable actions). ...
... Specifically, the moral emotions we identified as outcomes of SHBI profiles highlight not only how bystander actions are perceived by harassers, targets, and coworkers, but also how bystanders feel about their own actions. Although Lee et al. (2019) proposed that strong bystander actions could serve as effective role models in addressing sexual harassment, our findings suggest that active intervention may be easier said than done, as this group experienced the highest aggression from harassers as compared to the other groups. While this multipronged approach may be costly for bystanders, the moral emotion outcomes associated with it suggest why it can be a strong role model in organizations: Bystanders who took this tack received the most gratitude from targets and reported the greatest sense of pride and the least guilt. ...
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Sexual harassment bystander intervention (SHBI) has been deemed critical to addressing persistent incidents in the workplace, yet scholarly knowledge of this behavior remains sporadic and limited. To move this field of research forward, the present study departs from the traditional variable-centered approach and instead adopts a latent profile approach to answer three key questions: (1) Which combinations (profiles) of actions do bystanders take to intervene? (2) When do bystanders intervene with specific profiles of SHBI? and (3) What happens when bystanders intervene with different behavioral combinations? We first developed and validated a scale to measure five distinct SHBI behaviors (i.e., confronting, distracting, supporting, reporting, and discussing) with two scenario-based pilot studies. Then, using this scale and latent profile analysis, we identified three distinctive profiles (i.e., active intervention, low-risk intervention, and no/limited intervention) in a field survey study (N1 = 381). In two additional field survey studies (N2 = 312; N3 = 326), by integrating social cognitive theory with the moral lens, we not only replicated the three similar profiles but also examined antecedents (i.e., organizational norms about sexual harassment and gender, and bystanders’ anger, empathy, and harassment-curbing expectancy) and outcomes of the profile memberships (i.e., aggression from the harasser, target gratitude, third-party elevation, and bystander guilt and pride). Overall, this research provides new insights into the nature of SHBI, its distinct patterns in the workplace, and potential organizational practices related to SHBI profiles.
... Among rape and SH myths are beliefs that deny the scope of the problem (Bohner et al., 2022;Expósito et al., 2014;Megías et al., 2011). Accepting such beliefs may lead observers to fail to identify situations as high risk (Lyons et al., 2022aYule et al., 2020), or to minimize the perceived importance of violent incidents (Arbeit, 2018;McDonald et al., 2016) thus potentially reducing the responsibility to intervene (Lee et al., 2019). In fact, bystanders are more likely to intervene when they perceive that sexual violence is of greater severity (Jacobson & Eaton, 2018;Lyons et al., 2022b), perceive an evident and immediate danger to the victim (Oesterle et al., 2018), or identify that the perpetrator behavior crosses a certain threshold or increases (Mainwaring et al., 2023). ...
... This myth is indeed widespread, as in recent research analyzing the Spanish social perception of sexual violence (Anon., GOGBV, 2018) in which 40.9 % of men and 33.4 % of women considered to some extent that responsibility for controlling SH at work lies with the harassed woman, as she is thought to be responsible for controlling the SH. And blaming the victims has consequences, including having lower empathy for them (Leone et al., 2020;Lyons et al., 2022aLyons et al., , 2022bLyons et al., , 2024Martini & De Piccoli, 2020), and dismissing bystander responsibility to intervene (Lee et al., 2019). ...
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Background Bystander behaviors can be an important key for preventing all forms of violence against women. Identifying their facilitators and barriers becomes a priority. The aim of this research is to analyze the impact of the previous experiences of women (as sexual harassment victim or bystander) on their perceived responsibility to intervene as bystander in a case of workplace sexual harassment and to determine the possible mediating role of certain attitudinal and evaluative factors. Method A non-probability convenience sample of 633 Spanish women answered a sociodemographic data questionnaire, a victimization questionnaire designed ad hoc, and the Questionnaire of Intention to Help in VAW Cases. Results The results obtained indicate that previous victimization experiences as a victim or witness of sexual harassment impact the responsibility to intervene, mediated by the acceptance of sexual harassment myths and the perceived severity of workplace sexual harassment. Conclusions These results may help to understand how to design prevention programs and which key variables to incorporate.
... For internal stakeholders, for instance, research demonstrates that moral issue priming-an intervention designed to heighten moral awareness-can significantly enhance compliance with corporate policies (Crossler, 2017;Sparks & Siemens, 2014). Moreover, increasing the perceived moral intensity of issues such as sexual harassment has been shown to bolster bystander intervention rates, thereby suggesting that managers can strategically use moral priming to foster more ethical climates and proactive responses within the workplace (Lee et al., 2019). Considering these promising research results, the efficacy of moral priming in the role of EDM warrants further exploration. ...
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... Besides friends, here in our study, interviewees also mentioned the presence of bystanders can also support their choice of confrontational response strategies. Previous studies have shown that bystanders play a crucial role in sexual harassment incidents, and a proactive bystander can provide support to the victim and encourage them to fight back against harassment [6,20,47,59]. However, these studies also show that bystanders have diverse profiles, and pluralistic ignorance and diffusion of responsibility [15] may prevent them from making prompt and positive reactions. ...
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Sexual harassment has been recognized as a significant social issue. In recent years, the emergence of harassment in social virtual reality (VR) has become an important and urgent research topic. We employed a mixed-methods approach by conducting online surveys with VR users (N = 166) and semi-structured interviews with social VR users (N = 18) to investigate how users perceive sexual harassment in social VR, focusing on the influence of avatar appearance. Moreover, we derived users' response strategies to sexual harassment and gained insights on platform regulation. This study contributes to the research on sexual harassment in social VR by examining the moderating effect of avatar appearance on user perception of sexual harassment and uncovering the underlying reasons behind response strategies. Moreover, it presents novel prospects and challenges in platform design and regulation domains.
... Particularly, these findings encourage the approach to frame gender-violence as a community problem and to design harassment training which treats trainees as allies rather than as potential harassers (Mujal et al, 2021;Robinson et al, 2022). Future training designs in higher education institutions should focus not only on victims but also on 'bystanders' (Quick and McFadyen, 2017;Lee et al, 2019). Previous research supports the key role of peers who are likely to know and/or witness an occurrence of harassment and may experience fewer internal reporting obstacles than victims (Berdahl and Raver, 2011). ...
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This study describes and assesses the effectiveness of a brief training intervention to prevent sexual harassment (SH) in higher education. The aim of the training is to reduce the acceptance of SH myths and to increase the sensitivity towards sexist remarks ( piropos ). A quasi-experimental pre-post study with Spanish university students (N=102) was carried out. Data were collected through an online survey before and after the face-to-face training took place. The results indicate positive and significant effects of the training. Repeated measures ANOVA showed lower myth acceptance and higher rejection of piropos after the training. Further, training increased rejection of piropos for male more than for female participants. This study expands the limited research on the effectiveness of SH trainings, particularly in the higher education context. Effective strategies for universities to develop SH prevention programmes and promote a safe learning environment are discussed.
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Bystander intervention (BI) is an approach that has been used widely for addressing sexual and dating violence and has more recently been extended to other settings and types of harm, including workplace mistreatment. Understanding more about the opportunity to intervene—including the types of observed behaviors, who is observing them, and the frequency and breadth of those observations—is an important step to help inform the development of workplace BI programs. As such, the current study involved an anonymous online survey about observing workplace mistreatment, distributed by Qualtrics panel service to adult employees in workplaces throughout the United States ( n = 1,484). A total of 64.5% of participants indicated that they witnessed at least one type of mistreatment behavior against a work colleague within the past 12 months, and almost two-thirds of the behaviors were observed more than once. Most behaviors were observed in-person at work and were predominantly seen and seen/heard about. Employees who were nonbinary gender, had an advanced degree, were younger, and were shift workers were more likely to witness mistreatment. The findings indicate that witnessing mistreatment is common and that employees observe multiple and co-occurring behaviors, which suggests that BI strategies need to be multifaceted. The results also suggest that BI training should acknowledge people’s social identity, work status, type of position, and access to power, while also being accompanied by good organizational responses and structures.
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Twenty years ago, Rotundo et al. (2001) meta-analyzed the gender differences in sexual harassment (SH) perception. They found an overall d of 0.30: Women are more likely than men to label certain behaviors as SH. Much has changed since then, including the increased social awareness and the prevalence of SH training. Given the prevalence of SH in the workplace and the importance of SH perception in SH research, we conducted a mixed-methods research program to explore possible changes in the gender gap. In Study 1 (k = 72, N = 27,767), we meta-analyzed the perceptual gender differences to compare with those in Rotundo et al. and examined several moderators of the differences. We found an overall mean d of 0.33, implying a similar gender gap in SH perception as 20 years ago, yet none of the moderators examined in this study showed significant results. In Study 2, we empirically examined gender differences in mean levels of SH perception using the same measurement scales used in two older studies and compared with the differences found in these two studies. We found higher levels of SH perception for both men and women, but no difference in the mean d between men and women, suggesting that no change over time in mean d does not mean no change in SH perception. The implications of our findings are discussed.
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Objective: Using the social-ecological model of violence prevention, we examined the locations in which sexual harassment occurs and whether harassment differed in terms of target, harasser, relationship, and incident characteristics across locations. Participants: A total of 246 mostly women, straight, White, and cisgender students at a large Midwestern university. Methods: Students completed an online survey and reported information about sexually-harassing experiences from the last seven days. Results: Students reported 821 instances of sexual harassment (M = 3.34 per student) over the past seven days; 74% of students reported any harassment. Using multilevel modeling, characteristics of harassers, incident characteristics, and the relationship between harassers and targets distinguished between harassment experienced across locations (i.e., housing, outside, online, public establishments, and academic buildings) more than did target characteristics. Conclusions: These findings inform harassment prevention efforts at universities by suggesting interventions tailored to specific locations and inform debates about the proper scope of campus sexual harassment policies.
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Sexual harassment has been recognized as a significant social issue. In recent years, the emergence of harassment in social virtual reality (VR) has become an important and urgent research topic. We employed a mixed-methods approach by conducting online surveys with VR users ( N = 166) and semi-structured interviews with social VR users ( N = 18) to investigate how users perceive sexual harassment in social VR, focusing on the influence of avatar appearance. Moreover, we derived users' response strategies to sexual harassment and gained insights on platform regulation. This study contributes to the research on sexual harassment in social VR by examining the moderating effect of avatar appearance on user perception of sexual harassment and uncovering the underlying reasons behind response strategies. Moreover, it presents novel prospects and challenges in platform design and regulation domains.
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Efforts to end sexual harassment that rely primarily on target reporting are unlikely to be successful because most targets do not report their experiences. Thus, we explore an alternative mechanism for controlling sexual harassment - observer intervention. We examine observer intervention in sexual harassment using the literature on bystander intervention for guidance. We describe the concept of observer intervention, develop a taxonomy of intervention types, and discuss factors promoting and inhibiting its occurrence.
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Sorority women's and fraternity men's rape myth acceptance and bystander intervention attitudes. Sorority women and fraternity men are more likely than other students to be survivors and perpetrators of sexual assault, respectively. The present study examined sorority and fraternity members' rape myth acceptance, bystander efficacy, and bystander willingness to help in potential sexual assault situations. Sorority women were more rejecting of rape myths and were more willing to intervene than fraternity men. However, no difference in bystander efficacy was found. Implications of this contrast are discussed.
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Recent events in the workplace, government, and college campuses in the US have brought the issues of sexual harassment and assault to the forefront of media and public discussion. IO psychologists are uniquely suited to help address these issues by aiding in intervention development. Specifically, IO psychologists can provide key insight regarding the context, design, development, and evaluation of sexual harassment and assault training efforts. Although some empirical evidence suggests that trainings are effective in the short-term, there is little evidence to suggest long-term attitudinal or behavioral change outside of the training environment. Much of the research in this area, however, has focused solely on the training intervention, excluding the pre- and post-training environment. Thus, the present effort focuses on designing trainings that promote transfer, as well as improving measurement of desired outcomes, to provide a framework for improving sexual harassment and assault training. This framework addresses how individual differences, needs analysis, training design, evaluation, and post-training support contribute to lasting change while addressing the unique challenges associated with sexual harassment and assault. Lastly, this framework provides guidance for improving research in this area as well as practical suggestions for improving training programs.
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Although sexual harassment (SH) training is widespread, has many important consequences for individuals and organizations, and is of demonstrated interest to researchers across a wide range of disciplines, there has never been a comprehensive, interdisciplinary attempt to identify and systematically evaluate relevant research findings. This article addresses that need in the literature. It discusses the legal context of SH training and its relevance to research issues, provides an organizing framework for understanding the primary factors influencing SH training effectiveness, critically reviews empirical research providing evidence of the effectiveness of SH training, and sets forth a research agenda.
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