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Kant: Political Writings
... On Kant's views concerning the revolutions of his time I have referred to Reiss's introduction toReis andNisbet (1970, 1991), pp. 3-4. ...
... Perpetual peace, p. 98. 54 Editor's introduction inReiss andNisbet (1970, 1991), p. 131. ...
... Perpetual peace, p. 98. 54 Editor's introduction inReiss andNisbet (1970, 1991), p. 131. ...
Este artigo expõe e procura resolver um paradoxo resultante da justaposição da filosofia moral e da filosofia política de Immanuel Kant. O individualismo e a autonomia da ética kantiana contrastam com a soberania inviolável que ele concede ao Estado na sua filosofia política. Como mostra a história, não tem certeza que o Estado vai observar os direitos dos seus cidadãos. A solução do paradoxo aqui proposta é possível lendo À paz perpétua (PP) na perspectiva da Metafísica dos costumes (MM). Ela coloca PP no contexto mais amplo dos escritos políticos e morais de Kant para confrontar uma leitura quietista, conservadora desta obra com uma interpretação moderada de MM, a qual combina melhor com a concepção kantiana de republicanismo e da sua evolução teleológica global. O objetivo desta intervenção é fornecer uma posição kantiana no debate corrente sobre relações internacionais, com respeito ao conflito entre direitos humanos e auto-determinação nacional.
... It has been suggested that our moral circles can be identified in how we speak and write about others. Kant argued that the public expression of universalized sympathy for the struggles of the French people against tyranny in the 1700s constituted a form of moral progress (Kant, 1991). This is consistent with contemporary philosophical thought about the level at which moral progress can occur (Macklin, 1977;Musschenga & Meynen, 2017). ...
... Prominent perspectives argue that the expansion of our moral circles is intimately related to language (Bloom, 2010;Pinker, 2018) and that moral progress can be identified in changes in how we speak and write about the welfare of others (Kant, 1991). We explored this by using word embeddings to examine shifts in how words denoting moral concern and words denoting others have tended to co-occur from the 1830s to the 1990s. ...
... Psychologists, philosophers, and other social scientists have argued for an intimate link between how we communicate about the welfare of others and the expansion of our moral circles (Bloom, 2010;Lecky, 1869;Nussbaum, 2007;Pinker, 2018;Singer, 1981), with some suggesting shifts in how we express concern for others can be considered an important indicator of moral progress (Kant, 1991). We tested this by analysing historical trends in the distributions of words in natural language from the 1830s to the 1990s. ...
The Enlightenment idea of historical moral progress asserts that civil societies become more moral over time. This is often understood as an expanding moral circle and is argued to be tightly linked with language use, with some suggesting that shifts in how we express concern for others can be considered an important indicator of moral progress. Our research explores these notions by examining historical trends in natural language use during the 19th and 20th centuries. We found that the associations between words denoting moral concern and words referring to people, animals, and the environment grew stronger over time. The findings support widely-held views about the nature of moral progress by showing that language has changed in a way that reflects greater concern for others.
... "The problem of setting up a state can be solved even by a nation of devils, so long as they possess an appropriate constitution which pits opposing factions against each other with a system of checks and balances" [5]. ...
... Zero-sum formulations indeed provide a clear, concise manner to model the mutual dynamics of multiplayer games as they satisfy the property that each result of a zero-sum game is Pareto-optimal 5 , and so under reasonable assumptions, a solution can be guaranteed [28]. For this reason premises and information. ...
... He was previously employed at Google Brain and has made several contributions to the field of deep learning, such as the formulation aforementioned GAN. 5 Named after Vilfredo Federico Damaso Pareto , an Italian civil engineer and economist, a situation is called Pareto-optimal or Pareto-efficient if there does not exist a change that could lead to greater gain for some player without some other player suffering loss. ...
We introduce a novel Divide and Conquer control design methodology
to implement the use of differential games in single-agent, multi-objective
dynamical systems. The approach is based on associating each control
objective with a virtual input and then considering a non-cooperative, finite
or infinite, differential game between a corresponding set of representative
players, each trying to attain the best strategy for his designated
goal, all the while knowing the rest of the players’ chosen optimal policy.
The approach is flexible in that it associates a virtual cost function
to each player, effectively supplying each its own individual weighting
parameters for his objective, the entire system state, and all other virtual
inputs. By guarantying a Nash Equilibrium for this game, we synthesize
a composite controller that establishes a stable balance between the objectives
and allows the control engineer an approachable manner to re-tune
the parameters along the design cycle. We provide a full mathematical
derivation of the design pattern, both for continuous and discrete-time
systems, and employ it to be used in single-agent large-scale frameworks,
where oftentimes multiple elaborate control tasks can conflict with each
other dynamically and thus rendering the task of the weighting of the
overall system beforehand highly challenging. To demonstrate the use of
the suggested approach, we develop an open-source Python package, in
which we enact a novel algorithm we developed for solving Algebraic Riccati
Equations which arise in the infinite horizon differential game derivation.
We use two case studies to formulate appropriate differential games
and secure a solution; an inverted pendulum on a moving cart and a nonlinear
hierarchically-controlled quadrotor. We compare the resulting performance
with the Linear Quadratic Regulator optimal control technique
across multiple transient and steady-state control metrics and show preferable
results.
... According to consent theories, people have obligations because they have consented to exchange the benefits of participation in the state for the contributions they are then required to make. This could be an explicit contract, but in the absence of explicit signature, tacit consent (Locke, 1988) or hypothetical consent (Kant, 1991) have been proposed as alternatives. There is a stronger claim with regard to immigrants that they have explicitly (or tacitly) consented to their society. ...
... As mentioned above, some might advocate for a global state, to replace the numerous sovereign states currently in place (Cabrera, 2006). My argument in response would be to point out the downsides and dangers of having a single state, a point noted by Kant and many others (Kant, 1991;Rise, 2015). Furthermore, my proposal could be seen as a more modest one, to have a fairer distribution within the current system, which does not stop people advocating for an alternative global political system. ...
This paper argues that international citizens can retain their obligations to past states and societies, and that this obligation has implications for their state of residence. While some people remain in the same state for their entire lives, international individuals generate relationships with more than one state. The paper presents the argument that individuals are obligated to their state for at least one reason. One particularly relevant implication of this obligation is the duty to pay taxes. In regard to international individuals, these considerations apply to states with which they had historic relationships as well as the state in which they currently reside. The paper offers a rough proposal as to how to calculate the relative relationship that an international individual has with their past and present states and societies. This can be used to determine what proportion of a person’s total lifetime tax revenue should be shared. Although the analysis here is presented in terms of the duty of the individual towards past states, the individual need not change their behaviour to discharge the duty. The duty impacts on current states, which should acknowledge the duty of their international resident, and make sure that this is discharged appropriately to the other relevant states.
... For the laws progressively lose their impact as the government increases its range, and a soulless despotism, after crushing the germs of goodness, will finally lapse into anarchy. (Kant [1795(Kant [ ] 1991 This liberal response seems, however, to rely on a pre-political standard of substantive goodness that politics ought to facilitate. If the final end of politics is fixed in this way, then the desirability of a particular system of government would turn on its securing that end. ...
... For the laws progressively lose their impact as the government increases its range, and a soulless despotism, after crushing the germs of goodness, will finally lapse into anarchy. (Kant [1795(Kant [ ] 1991 This liberal response seems, however, to rely on a pre-political standard of substantive goodness that politics ought to facilitate. If the final end of politics is fixed in this way, then the desirability of a particular system of government would turn on its securing that end. ...
The boundary problem holds that, whatever the theory of democratic legitimacy, the initial act of constituting the demos can never be considered met by it. Many contemporary attempts to solve the boundary problem can be understood as falling into two categories: functional demos views and global demos views. This article argues against both views. Functional demos views exacerbate the legitimacy puzzle posed by the boundary problem, while a global democracy cannot be held democratically accountable by its citizens. In the place of global demos and functional demos views, we ought to examine the democratic legitimacy of polities in light of the standards of pluralist democracy. Pluralist democracy is a non-ideal conception of democracy that recognizes democratic procedures to be historically grounded, non-ideal, and problem-oriented.
... There are mainly two subsets of Natural Duty Theories: structuralist theories and functionalist theories. Structuralist theories ground political obligations in the legal/political structure of the state's institutions (Kant, 1991). For example, democratic theories of authority are structuralist natural duty theories because they claim that if the state has a certain institutional structure (a democratic structure), then it has authority. ...
In recent years, political philosophers have devoted growing attention to the questions of political obligation. The debate mainly centers on the question “Is there a moral duty to obey the law?” Political obligation refers to a moral obligation to obey the laws of one’s state, and therefore the question may also be “Do we have political obligations?” At present, there are various theories offered to respond to this question, though none arereceiving widespread consensus. In this paper, I am going to answer the question “Is there a moral duty to obey the law?” I will defend functionalist theories of political obligation against two well-known objections: the problem of unilateral annexation and the problem of historical injustice. In Section 1, I will explain what functionalism is. In Section 2, I will explain the main objections against it. In Section 3, I will undermine these objections by showing them to depend on untrustworthy intuitions. In contrast, I will show that the case for functionalism can be made without relying on similarly untrustworthy intuitions. Section 4 is the conclusion.
... "Aus so krummem Holze, als woraus der Mensch gemacht ist, kann nichts ganz Gerades gezimmert warden. " 13 ( Kant et al., 2010 ) I will not argue over the pessimistic vision of an inherent humanity's evilness; instead, Kant's quote serves the purpose of representing the concept of an unconscious that dictates human advancements in an economy of libido that can explain the contrasting turns of our social evolution in which in many instances, seems to coexist in antinomies. The Libidinal Economy precedes the Political Economy as it shapes society in its structure and fundaments at an unconscious level ( Wilderson, 2010 ). ...
Mourning Revolutions in the Virtual Anastasis is a psychoanalytical and philosophical analysis, that places contemporary technologies and emerging practices for digital and virtual mourning into conversation with Freudian, Jungian, and Lacanian concepts. Through a series of speculations, the text wants to scrutinise the motives behind today's simulative technologies and hypothesise about the future interrelation between the individual and the absence of death. Although the argument is presented by clearly assuming a contrasting position to the use of VR high-tech novelties, the aim is still to offer a point of reflection rather than imposing a unilateral perspective. Therefore, the emphasis is placed on the multifaceted instances of virtually resurrecting loved ones and the inevitable revolutions that will be carried within the mourning process, ultimately departing from orthodox psychological views. The impacts of these revolutions are still largely obscure, but some light will be thrown by examining the internal dynamics of the individual mind and society as a whole. It will be argued how technological advancements, habitually embraced as a sign of evolution, contextualised within the main argumentation, hold a significant risk of being just an illusion of progress: a social regressive phenomenon in its enactment of unconscious fixations. Moreover, thought-provoking claims challenging the psychosocial institutions are delivered to unfold the ethical and political dynamics, particularly concerning psychoanalysis. The reader might find the role of the latter devalued in the critique engaged, in truth, the concluding argumentation is almost an ode to the practice by expressing the hope that by abandoning its tight conservative frame, such an essential tool of analysis will maintain its relevance in the 21st century. The conclusion of such an adventurous exploration will propose psychoanalysis as philosophy with a clinic.
... That is the "liberal commercial peace theory", which puts forward an interesting proposition -peaceful co-existence can be achieved by entrenching economic ties among nations (Kant 1991). However, critiques of these frameworks and thought processes have argued that the approaches are too internationalistic in nature, and that their application ignores the nuances and contextual differences between the global north and south. ...
... On the other hand, Jeremy Bentham and Immanuel Kant advocated for constitutional states to adhere to international law and human rights based on rational interests. Kant (1991) posited that individuals in a liberal world reach a level of maturity where a violation of rights in one region affects the entire world. Rosenau (1990) focuses on transnational relations at both the macro and micro levels, emphasizing the significance of individual transactions in shaping global affairs. ...
Kenya has been a host country for refugees from Somalia, Ethiopia, South Sudan, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, and Burundi for several decades. In order to fulfil its obligations under international law and protect refugees, Kenya has formulated policies to incorporate international law into its domestic legal framework. By examining teachers as agents responsible for granting rights, this research is grounded on liberalism theory, emphasizing the significance of individuals as key actors in the grass root domestication of international refugee law. The study examined the following specific objectives; the domestication of the right to education for urban refugee children, the inclusion of refugee rights in teacher training, and the attitudes of teachers towards refugee learners with a specific focus on Ruiru Sub-County in Kiambu County. Employing an exploratory research design, the study sought to explore the position and role of elementary school teachers in the domestication of refugee rights, aiming to provide fresh perspectives on the topic. Based on the findings, majority of teachers surveyed lacked the necessary preparation to meet the context-specific demands of refugee students. The study also showed that, in contrast to urban schools, where neither the state nor NGOs offer such training, certain NGOs offer training opportunities for teachers in camp schools on instructional approaches to handle refugee children. This study concludes that teachers play a crucial role as role models for their students, providing support and motivation to help them achieve their educational goals and cultivate aspirations for a better future. It is important to recognize that teachers are also catalysts for social change in ensuring the integration of refugees into the Kenyan society
... That is the "liberal commercial peace theory", which puts forward an interesting proposition -peaceful co-existence can be achieved by entrenching economic ties among nations (Kant 1991). However, critiques of these frameworks and thought processes have argued that the approaches are too internationalistic in nature, and that their application ignores the nuances and contextual differences between the global north and south. ...
Eco-environmentalists have made strides in creating conceptual linkages between environmental changes and security cooperation in the context of geoeconomic dynamics. However, what is missing from this corpus of knowledge is the right-scaling of cooperation to the local level that encompasses _horizontal_ interaction among actors through commercial activities. Constructing such a relationship by connecting different actors _horizontally_ through activities that enhance human security and states’ stability can significantly contribute to the understanding of geoeconomics in the world’s planetary resources. This paper advances a theoretical proposition, “Intensifying the commercialisation of fodder in ecologically fragile environments has the potential to improve livelihoods, hence, creating horizontal geoeconomicinterdependence among the local communities, and consequently, lowering communal conflict and institutionalizing positive peace.” The paper argues that the transformation of societies from the traditional ‘_vertical’_ environmental cooperation security thinking to a more ‘_horizontal’_ relational environmental problem-solving approach is a pathway to creating a sustainable and inclusive peace. The paper highlights the new urgency towards reassessing the Horn of Africa’s geoeconomics through _horizontal_ local commercial activities as a pathway to renegotiating a positive peace framework in a fragile geopolitical environment through what we coin, ‘_local peace commercialistic’_:in the new approach, participation is at the heart of peaceful co-existence.
... Immanuel Kant is also seen at the extreme point of this side. He considered the "paternal government (imperium paternale)", which means the benevolent intervention of political authority to protect his subjects from harms that they cannot realize, or to bring benefits, just like a father's relationship with his children, as "the greatest conceivable despotism" directed towards the constitutional freedoms of individuals (Kant, 2003(Kant, [1793, p. 74). There have also been liberal political thinkers who did not absolutely reject the intervention of the state restricting the freedoms of individuals, but saw this as legitimate under certain paternalistic conditions. ...
During the pandemic, all states, whether they have liberal or illiberal regimes, have returned to their paternalistic character and suspended many of their citizens' fundamental rights and freedoms, albeit temporarily, in order to prevent the spread of the disease and the collapse of the health care system. These paternalistic interventions stemming from the states' rights of sovereignty, are based on an implicit argument that if individuals have freedom of action, they will harm themselves and the rest of society by acting irrationally and imprudently. Türkiye is one of these countries that took such measures against the pandemic. In the process when these measures were announced and implemented, the name that the public turned to was Minister of Health, Fahrettin Koca. In this study, Koca's Twitter messages were analyzed with the critical discourse analysis method. Thus, it is aimed to understand the type of his paternalist interventions and what kind of discourse he established to legitimize them. It has been argued that the discourse established by Koca is a representation of fear, traditional peer pressure, collaboration, and a patriarchal family environment built largely on scientific knowledge.
... Kant determines the three a priori principles of a state and civil society. (i) the freedom of every member of society as a human being, (ii) the equality of each with all the others as a subject, (iii) the independence of each member of a commonwealth as a citizen(Kant 1991).10 Thomas Paine (1737-1809) was a British radical thinker and champion of the American revolution and modern democracy, he fought against the British Empire for the independence of colonies. ...
... From this vantage point the biggest problem for peace was the world of nation states, standing armies, and imperial adventures. The critique of international war grew out of the concerns of other earlier humanistic thinkers such as Rousseau, Kant, and Bentham who each imagined a path toward what "perpetual peace" by way of some sort of international "federation of peace" (to use Kant's formulation of the idea-as in Kant 1991). This secular approach to thinking about violence and peace was subsequently adopted by other humanistic pacifist thinkers including Jane Addams, Bertrand Russell, and Goldsworthy Dickinson. ...
Pacifism is a complex and significant moral, political, religious, and philosophical idea. There is an evolving conversation about peace and nonviolence that occurs among secular scholars, religious figures, and activists. This paper explores this conversation, while employing a five-part thematic frame of analysis that attempts to distinguish secular and religious visions of peace and pacifism. The result of this analysis provides a ready framework for making that distinction. But it also demonstrates that the task of distinguishing secular and religious approaches is complicated and difficult. The paper also shows, through a brief genealogy of pacifism, how secular and religious voices are in conversation with one another.
... The "bottom-up" idea in politics underpins LI, meaning that individuals organise collective action by competing politically under limitations of resources and different values. It is understood that individual and civil society tend to conduct rational action for the sake of their own optimal welfare (Kant, 1991). In pursuance of this goal, they tend to have risk-averse nature, i.e. discretion concerning costs in gaining a higher benefit. ...
Paris Agreement with its ‘bottom-up’ approach is an attempt to address climate change problem. The Parties of the Paris Agreement decide their own policies in the national scope and present it as pledges in the form of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). I explore the evidence to the shaping of the climate change policies in Indonesia, mainly regarding NDCs and the engagement of actors behind the shaping of that pledge. The main question is which actor or combination of actors in terms of domestic and international interests actually influenced and shaped Indonesia’s NDCs? This article aims to give practical evidence regarding the influences of different positions among competing interests through negotiation. In terms of Indonesia’s policymaking, this study is hoped to foster a viewpoint for the sake of acceptable practices to intensify policymaking preferences. In this literature review Liberal Intergovernmentalism propositions were used in examining the dynamics at the domestic level as well as transnational/regional negotiation and interdependence. I also used multiple sources from other studies and governmental documents in the analysis of this qualitative research. As a result, some evidence were found, showing the influence of domestic actors such as Local and Environmental NGOs, CSOs, public perceptions to certain extent, and insignificant influence of business groups. I also found that the transnational institutions and developed countries have impacts on Indonesia’s CC policy framework, funding provision and the balance between mitigation and adaptation.
... Immanuel Kant da bu tarafın en uç noktasında görülür. Politik otoritenin, tıpkı bir babanın çocukları ile olan ilişkisinde olduğu gibi, fark edemeyecekleri zararlardan onları korumak veya onlara fayda sağlamak için tebaasına hayırsever müdahalesi anlamına gelen "paternal hükümeti (imperium paternale)", bireylerin anayasal özgürlüklerine yönelik "tasavvur edilebilek en büyük despotizm" olarak nitelendirir (Kant, 2003(Kant, [1793: 74). Bu, paternalizmin meşruiyetini mutlak biçimde reddettiğinden anti-paternalizmin en açık ifadesidir. ...
Paternalizm, özetle bir toplumsal grupta, hiyerarşik bir sistem dâhilinde, bireylerin veya grupların davranış veya tercihlerine, onların iyiliklerini sağlamak ya da onları bir zarardan korumak amacıyla, açık rızalarını aramaksızın müdahale edilebileceğini savunan fikirdir. Siyasî düşünce tarihinde meşruiyeti sıkça tartışılmış olan paternalizmin bir türü de epistemik paternalizmdir. Epistemik paternalizm, insanları doğru inanışa, bilgiye veya idrake ulaştırmaya ya da onları kendilerine veya topluma zarar verebilecekleri davranışlara yönetebilecek olan yanlış inanç, bilgi veya idrakten korumayı ya da kurtarmayı amaçlayan bilişsel alana yönelik müdahalelerdir. Koronavirüs salgını boyunca kamu otoritelerini en çok meşgul eden sorunlardan biri infodemi olarak da anılan bilgi salgını olmuştur. Yanlış veya çarpıtılmış bilgi akışının kontrol altına alınması amacıyla kamu otoriteleri, bilişim teknolojileri başta olmak üzere tüm kitle iletişim araçlarını ektin biçimde kullanmışlardır. Bu makelede, pandemi boyunca kamu otoritelerinin epistemik paternalizm bağlamındaki uygulamaları örneklendirilecek ve konu eleştirel bir perspektiften tartışılacaktır.
... As an example of a war continuing after it has met its goals, one could analyse Kant (1970), p.93 one should only make peace for the just reasons. It is important to explain that this could be planning a future war as Kant described but could also relate to any other unjust reason for drawing the war to a close. ...
p>Since the time of St. Augustine, philosophers have attempted to outline conditions that make warfare just. This just war tradition has conventionally been divided into two categories: jus ad bellum stating what makes it right to go to war and jus in bello which explains what is right to do in war. The focus of this thesis is to investigate the controversial development of a third category: jus post bellum .
This thesis demonstrates that war termination has not been totally neglected by classic just war texts. This research in itself contributes to the knowledge in the discipline as most current philosophers explain that jus post bellum is a forgotten aspect in just war thinking. By drawing upon these historical resources, building on contemporary thought, and by expanding upon the standard just war doctrine, this thesis generates a comprehensive set of jus post bellum principles, including a section on ‘Cultural Change’ which opposes recent literature. This thesis also stresses the need for jus post bellum principles to relate to a variety of types of conflict, or ‘backdrops’, and will apply these norms to cases of humanitarian interventions as well as inter-state wars.
Moreover, this thesis defends the development of jus post bellum against potential critics; whether they emerge from inside the just war tradition or from outside it. This thesis then engages with the pressing issue as to how such principles should be used in practice. This chapter illustrates the difficulties of using these principles in an absolute manner and will, instead, show how they can best be employed in a flexible way as a guide to action. The final chapter addresses ethical issues surrounding regime change.</p
... But, except in the field of law, this critique was never able to break the allure of 'theory'. Even Kant, who wrote two further Critiques after the first one, and who suggested in the last that different domains require different modes of analysis (Kant, 1998), was still convinced that understanding of practice meant having a 'good theory' (Kant, 1991). ...
This book brings together the key scholars in the international practice debate to demonstrate its strengths as an innovative research perspective. The contributions show the benefit of practice theories in the study of phenomena in international security, international political economy and international organisation, by directing attention to concrete and observable everyday practices that shape international outcomes. The chapters exemplify the cross-overs and relations to other theoretical approaches, and thereby establish practice theories as a distinct IR perspective. Each chapter investigates a key concept that plays an important role in international relations theory, such as power, norms, knowledge, change or cognition. Taken together, the authors make a strong case that practice theories allow to ask new questions, direct attention to uncommon empirical material, and reach different conclusions about international relations phenomena. The book is a must read for anyone interested in recent international relations theory and the actual practices of doing global politics.
... But, except in the field of law, this critique was never able to break the allure of 'theory'. Even Kant, who wrote two further Critiques after the first one, and who suggested in the last that different domains require different modes of analysis (Kant, 1998), was still convinced that understanding of practice meant having a 'good theory' (Kant, 1991). ...
This book brings together the key scholars in the international practice debate to demonstrate its strengths as an innovative research perspective. The contributions show the benefit of practice theories in the study of phenomena in international security, international political economy and international organisation, by directing attention to concrete and observable everyday practices that shape international outcomes. The chapters exemplify the cross-overs and relations to other theoretical approaches, and thereby establish practice theories as a distinct IR perspective. Each chapter investigates a key concept that plays an important role in international relations theory, such as power, norms, knowledge, change or cognition. Taken together, the authors make a strong case that practice theories allow to ask new questions, direct attention to uncommon empirical material, and reach different conclusions about international relations phenomena. The book is a must read for anyone interested in recent international relations theory and the actual practices of doing global politics.
En este artículo se presenta un breve recorrido histórico de la democracia y se brinda una aproximación conceptual de esta forma de gobierno.
In this chapter, we discuss further aspects of just war theory. Firstly we examine the claims that Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau and Kant make about moral actions during war, including right conduct, proportionality and non-combatant immunity. This is followed by an analysis of post-war justice, including exacting reparations, slavery and the right of dominion. Finally, we consider the issue of colonialism and ownership of the seas.
The public’s manipulation from organised political parties’ behaviours to exploit fear given the human needs for certainty from political systems, divides a nation along fault lines, and now in many nation states weaponized information has reached new heights. Voting in representational democracy is inadequate for democracy, and the waste of taxpayers’ money (and ongoing wicked problem of budget deficits), makes the critical citizen a necessity to bring about balance for parliamentary productivity so vulnerable marginalised people are no longer exploited from the advent of e-politics. Critical citizens are the people saying no to the ongoing problems in society for a culture of fear and dependency that political parties promote for their own agendas to win government. A new culture of empowered citizens for their good life journey is critical citizens who demand better services from their government and those who serve in the governing roles as MPs in representational democracy transition in this book through e-politics to e-democracy.
In this chapter, Eileen M. Hunt reveals new intellectual ties between Bentham and Benthamite thought and the political ideals of Wollstonecraft and Shelley, who theorized the relationship between women’s misery and women’s rights in British international thought from the end of the eighteenth century through the first few decades of the nineteenth century. Hunt argues that Wollstonecraft’s political ideas influenced her daughter Mary Shelley, leading her to develop a critique of Malthusian and Benthamite views on misery and population control that inscribed new political and feminist arguments into the global reception of British international thought.
Migration with different types is a phenomenon and part of daily life worldwide. Irregular migration is an effective form of migration, usually due to security reasons. Interstate and internal armed conflicts are among the leading causes of irregular migration activities. The main characteristics of irregular migration are that it is conducted in masses and in an abrupt manner to neighboring countries. States usually do not favor this type of migration, which puts a heavy burden on the shoulders of receiving country. States reinforce their borders with new procedures and physical barriers to prevent irregular migration. On the other hand, irregular migrants try to find refuge and a safe and secure neighborhood to survive. The security of humans is a significant concern in this endeavor. This paper intends to explore irregular migration and human security and examine whether irregular migration can protect what the migrants seek both during and after the completion of the migration.
El artículo postula que la Constitución Económica chilena puede ser entendida como un proyecto “neoliberal autoritario”. Para ello, comienza elucidando, por medio de una delineación genealógica, los alcances de este concepto. Se afirma que, para su mejor comprensión, debe acudirse al concepto de “liberalismo autoritario” acuñado por Heller para caracterizar el régimen político de la República de Weimar. Luego, el artículo ofrece una descripción del concepto de Constitución Económica, mostrando que, en su devenir, se ha alejado de su significado original, cuyo propósito nuclear era ejercer un control democrático sobre la economía. En tercer lugar, se escruta críticamente la estructura de la Constitución Económica chilena, argumentando que consagra un proyecto neoliberal, tanto por medio del reconocimiento constitucional de sus postulados fundamentales como mediante una serie de restricciones a la democracia, que la dotan así de un carácter autoritario. En cuarto y último lugar, se afirma que, con el fin de rescatar la intención original del concepto de Constitución Económica, Chile debe transitar hacia una arquitectura institucional, en este ámbito, de carácter social y democrático. Se ofrecen, para terminar, algunas características fundamentales de las que debería estar provista para cumplir tal objetivo.
Twenty-first-century cosmopolitan fiction primarily deals with two intersecting areas within it: culture and economics. In par with the contemporary orientation toward particularism from universalism in cosmopolitan thinking, literary criticism is also beginning to tend toward considerations of locality and particularism in the analysis of fiction that has emerged since the millennium. With the emergence of this new cosmopolitan world, which is unparalleled owing to the technological capacity to connect everyone and everything across its borders, new debates around the concept of cosmopolitanism and its meaning have been inaugurated. This chapter traces the passage from universalist to vernacular cosmopolitanism, and in the end, offers a synthesis of meanings of the latter as the following chapters will employ this umbrella term in the analysis of cosmopolitan fiction.
Many would probably find that Hegel's aesthetics did not age particularly well and preserved only modest relevance for thinking art's vicissitudes in capitalist times. As if this was not enough, Hegel's view of art as a mere transition in the development of spirit, and of diminished metaphysical significance compared to religion and philosophy, is anything but flattering and reflects an outdated conception of philosophy. Nevertheless, Hegel's aesthetics revolves around an issue of ongoing importance, the double character of artwork and its inner tensions. 1 In this respect, Hegel's aesthetics indeed anticipates the critical horizon of two prominent theoreticians of work, Marx and Freud. In the following I will return to some intersections between these contexts, sticking closely to Hegel's framework and merely indicating possible synergies of his philosophical aesthetics with Marx's critique of political economy and Freudo-Lacanian psychoanalysis.
In 2022, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported that 89.3 million people had been forcibly displaced worldwide, which includes 4.6 million people seeking asylum and 21.3 million refugees (UNHCR 2022). Despite this widespread displacement, countries have failed to develop appropriate responsibility sharing mechanisms to assist in the resettlement of refugees, and they have also implemented border controls. These border controls have made it harder for people to claim asylum and have resulted in a political climate that has become indifferent to the suffering of people on the move. This chapter “Love and Hospitality: Love, Refugees, and Challenging Indifference” examines the role that love can play in creating more inclusive refugee policies and challenging indifference to harm. Drawing upon the notion of agape love, Barnes argues that love can be practiced through hospitality, or welcoming of the stranger. Hospitality can help expand the moral community beyond sovereign borders and also help develop care and empathy for refugees that better support a political culture of love for others.KeywordsRefugeeDisplacementBordersMigrationMoralHospitality
The issue of working out a viable relationship between accepting and/or living with diversity on the one hand and fostering integration on the other has occupied public debates, political agendas, and social sciences for decades. Our point of departure is that the contemporary European context provides distinct challenges. We need to understand how postmigrant integration is shaped and conditioned by the European public space understood as a geographical space; a composite of legally and institutionally constituted entities; covering nations, regions, and cities mainly within but also beyond the EU; and a site of interaction, and public expression of contestation and cooperation. In so doing, we have to contend with the fact that such important perspectives for handling diversity as multiculturalism, interculturalism, transnationalism and cosmopolitanism occupy distinct roles within the European public space whose governance is multi-levelled yet not reducible to a single tiered system. The European public space is more encompassing than the EU even while that level of governance has some important regulative functions upon member states and to some extent even on non-EU states such as Norway and the UK, especially in what we refer to as the outer circle. While the national level is the most powerful normatively and by most other measures on the inclusion of difference (our inner circle), municipalities also contribute to the constitution of this space. We explore the logics of our four ‘isms’ and of the tiers of governance and their interaction with each other, both the isms in tensions and syntheses with each other and differentially in relation to the levels of governance. This is an exercise that has not been done before. Our purpose is to suggest a new normativity that might feasibly achieve a broader degree of support and success than any of the isms have achieved alone.
Nicolas de Condorcet (1743–1794) was an influential mathematician whose contributions to the theory of voting and of probabilities underlie modern social choice theory. He advocated for the human rights of women and Africans, wrote a proposal for reorganizing the French educational system which was eventually adopted, and played a prominent role in the French Revolution. His last work, written while in hiding from the radical Jacobins during the Terror, was a conjectural history of human society from its prehistoric beginnings through to a history of the future. It depicts a perennial conflict in the past between scientific geniuses on the one hand, and religious and secular authorities on the other, but also foresaw many of the social welfare programs of the twentieth century. Condorcet helped shape early sociology – among other ways, through his influence on Auguste Comte.
Although Abdul Aziz Said had published writings on topics related to Islam and Sufism since the 1970s, themes pertaining to Islamic peace studies and Islamic-Western dialogue became increasingly central to his academic work after he became the first occupant of the Mohammed Said Farsi Chair of Islamic Peace in 1996. The writings selected for this chapter reflect his important contributions to these subject areas, underscoring multiple paradigms for peacemaking within Islam, the potential for dynamic modes of Islamic interpretation, and the need for a “new story” in Islamic-Western relations. Significantly, his approach to these topics mirrored his past emphasis on the importance of allowing cultural space for non-Western peoples to articulate their own values and visions, within a broader context of global interaction and dialogue.
Many parts of the world receive from abroad not only objects of technology, but also scientific discoveries, and organizing elements and practices as well. Since these entities materially comprehend a formidable part of their modes of existence, let us say that non-Western countries result from ontologies/epistemologies that in large part come from abroad. This manifested coloniality emerges in the feeling of contradiction between national realities and the ideological prestige of the Western imperial centers that serve as models to them. This configures a malaise that is deeply rooted in educated Brazilians. I discuss lines of flight from that malaise in an articulation that configures a philosophical and political novelty in Brazil. In examples concerning computing in Brazil, I juxtapose elements of STS, the metaphorical anthropophagic movement, and the European Enlightenment project, to enact a more symmetrical, dialogical, and inclusive world by constructing ‘respectful enough’ stories. In doing so, the anthropophagic movement, previously in practice restricted to the artistic realms, incorporates sciences and technologies. In each of these stories, the enlightened motto ‘daring to know’ is juxtaposed with the anthropophagic metaphorical motto ‘eat the stranger’ around modern Western scientific and technological issues in local situated ways.
p>This article deals with the issues of sawer that have appeared over time, both in live and online performances. This topic is interesting because sawer is intertwined in the interaction and participation of two active subjects, namely the singer and her audience. In live performances, the exchange between singers and their audiences happens in the same space and time. On the other hand, accommodating sawer in online dangdut performances is a challenge. However, in 2020 there was a lot of interaction and participation—and even sawer—in online shows. I believe this is not the first glimpse of this phenomenon because online sawer places dangdut beyond its physical space and expands the range of interaction between the performer and the audience. In the wider context, this phenomenon is proof of cosmopolitanism and globalization in the online world. According to that hypothesis, this article attempts to articulate the many varieties and complexities of the sawer phenomenon. Although there is an issue about globalization and its impact (read: reduction of diversity), through dangdut—and sawer— the issue can be negotiated freely and easily. In this research, literature studies and digital ethnography will be used to investigate the phenomenon. There are two findings in this research, first, the patterns and process of digital sawer; and second, how society responds to the global world using local ways and logic. It can be concluded that through Dangdut, the global platform is used locally and will remain local, especially looking at the quantity and activeness of Indonesian netizens.</p
This article contributes to two debates about international relations (IR) as a discipline: first, how global is IR, and how is it structured? Second, what is the state of theory in IR? We conducted (co-) citation analyses of both Web of Science (WoS) and—for the first time— non-WoS publications from Europe, North America, Latin America, Africa, and Asia. With regard to the first question, we find that global IR resembles a core–periphery structure as a “hub and spoke” system whereby transatlantic core nodes are interconnected to each other and to some periphery nodes, while the periphery nodes are connected to the core but not to each other. IR scholarship in the periphery quotes the transatlantic theory cluster but is not linked to each other, not even in the same region. Knowledge produced in the periphery has to go through the transatlantic core in order to be recognized globally. As to the transatlantic core, we identify two major (co-) citation clusters: one committed to IR theory-building across issue areas from a variety of perspectives and the other focused on security studies with a strong emphasis on quantitative methods. With regard to the second question, global IR hangs together through references to the IR theory cluster consisting of North American and European authors who appear to define what IR theory is. Scholars in the periphery refer to this transatlantic IR theory cluster when engaging in theory-building. IR theories have become rather diverse and pluralistic, even in the core. While scholars still refer to the big “isms,” they use them around the globe in a synthesizing manner.
Martha Nussbaum’s Political Emotions makes a persuasive case that a stable commitment to political principles must be nourished by supportive emotions on the part of the citizenry. However, this essay contends that Nussbaum exaggerates the role that particularized love plays in this process. Moreover, given their cognitive nature, this essay argues that these justice-sustaining emotions must in turn be nourished by value judgements that we take to be true and not just implicit in one particular culture or tradition among others. The stability of a liberal democratic regime may indeed require a public culture in which the emotions are central, but it also requires a public culture in which we make and assess the claim that the emotions sustain principles that actually embody the truth. To this extent, Nussbaum is wrong to marry her insights about the political significance of the emotions to a commitment to Rawlsian political liberalism.
This essay provides a concise review of the meanings of praxis, emphasizing its complex evolution since Aristotle formulated it within a triad of concepts. While the transformation of the concept owes something to Hegel, Marx’s writings in 1844–6 (not fully published until the twentieth century) gave praxis a central role in Left philosophy. Yet this inheritance is complex and uncertain. Notwithstanding many profound elaborations on the philosophy of praxis, the concept remains at once fundamental yet vague, ostensibly materialist yet metaphysical, and therefore worthy of questioning.
Status can be seen as power over valued resources or as prestige that lies in the eyes of the beholder. In the present research, we examine how power versus prestige influence observers’ punishing motives. Possession of power implies the capacity to harm and elicits threat and therefore should trigger stronger incapacitative motives for punishing an offender. In contrast, prestige signals the observer's admiration of the target and therefore should elicit a strong motivation to help an offender reintegrate into society. Studies 1 and 2 manipulated an offender's status (power vs. prestige vs. control) and group identity (ingroup vs. outgroup). Supporting our hypotheses, both studies revealed that observers had stronger incapacitative motivations towards powerful as opposed to prestigious offenders, particularly when the offender came from the ingroup. Study 2 also showed that observers had stronger restorative motives towards a prestigious as opposed to powerful offender. Contrary to expectations, group identity did not moderate the effect of status on observer's restorative motives. Study 3 manipulated power and prestige separately and showed that power elicits stronger incapacitative motives through ingroup threat and perceived capacity to harm. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of these findings.
In the present research, we examine how culture influences individuals' reactions to financial offenders. We hypothesized that horizontal individualists deploy increased active reactions (i.e., punishment-oriented) whereas vertical collectivists deploy increased passive reactions (i.e., condemning beliefs) to financial offenders. Moreover, we hypothesized that horizontal individualists would react stronger to a financial offender when an offense has instrumental (i.e., related to material costs) as opposed to symbolic (i.e., related to one's self-image) implications for a victim, while vertical collectivists would show the opposite pattern of results. In Studies 1 and 2 we directly compared British (i.e., a horizontal individualist culture) versus Greek (i.e., a vertical collectivist culture) participants. Study 3 aimed to replicate Studies 1 and 2 by measuring cultural values at the individual level. The results obtained in the three studies provided support for most of our hypotheses. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.
While volunteering and conducting political science research in refugee spaces in Athens, Greece during the summers of 2016 and 2017, I was also studying ancient Greek tragedy as part of a Classics study-abroad program. The experience of engaging with ancient literary episodes of negotiation and supplication at the same time as I was listening to the stories of refugees seeking asylum in modern Athens prompted me to consider how the relationship between refugees and the host community is shaped by the space of their encounter.
Two conclusions in particular from my field research have informed my perspective: first, I found that the relationship between refugees and host citizens is one of experimentation and evolution; second, I saw how the particular space of refuge can play a mediating role between refugees and host community.
In my paper, I use text-based research on the Sophoclean tragedy, Oedipus at Colonus (OC), and field research in Athens to investigate the ways in which a space of refuge inflects the experiences of both refugee and host and serves as a nexus for the evolving relationship between them. There are few tragedies that capture the hardship of social exclusion and the struggle to find a dignified place of rest, both central to the refugee experience, as profoundly as OC. The action of OC takes place in a dynamic space of refuge, such that Oedipus’ relations to others in the space changes as he moves through Colonus.
I argue that Oedipus’ identity can be understood in three stages (outcast, metamorphosis, and hero), and I track his evolution in relation to the host community throughout the play by dividing Colonus into six different spaces (unknown, sacred, inviolable, ritual, burial, and protected). My conclusions demonstrate how the representation of space in the OC can shed new light on the dynamics of refugee-citizen relations, elucidating the relevance of an ancient perspective to the modern condition.
جایگاه کانت در طرح نگرشی متمایز و مؤثر در تاریخ فلسفه و تأثیر آن بر صورتبندی اندیشه های حقوق بشری معاصر انکار ناپذیر است. بررسی افکار وی از لحاظ تأثیر آنها در شکل بندی اسناد حقوق بشری رهنمون این مطلب است که او به نوبه خود در انگیختن افکار حقوق بشری منتهی به تشکیل اسناد حقوق بشری سهمی در خور داشته و این اسناد به شکلی غیر مستقیم تحت تأثیر مفاهیم جهانشمول و وظیفه گرایانه اندیشه های کانت قرار گرفته اند. در اين نوشته با امعان نظر در مؤلفات کانت و تفحص در یافته های مفسران و منتقدان افکار او به تأثير افكار وي در فرایند پایه ریزی حقوق بشر معاصر می پردازیم . نظر به نزدیکی تفکر کانت با تفکر شرق در بسیاری از جوانب، افکار وی می تواند به عنوان معبر و نقطه اتصالی در گفتگوهای دو تمدن شرق وغرب راهگشا باشد.
Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar os fundamentos teóricos de uma possível categoria universal de direitos humanos, articulando-se argumentos racionais que possam transpassar os óbices culturais que são opostos ao seu cumprimento.
This chapter aims to awaken awareness of and appreciation for the root of intelligibility in moral responsibility. It understands moral responsibility as beginning in the singularizing response of me, I, myself, to the vulnerability and suffering of you, the other person, the singular other, as a being for-the-other before being for-oneself, as a disinterestedness before self-interest—this “before” serving also as the root significance of all priority, all value, the very importance of importance. It thereby defends a “cosmopolitanism,” the solidarity of all humanity, oriented by such a priority, by moral responsibility, in contrast to the rapacious nihilist greed and self-interest promulgated by globalized capitalism and its governmental allies. To effect such awakening, the chapter illustrates the character and priority of moral responsibility by invoking and commenting upon selected passages from Vasily Grossman, Aristotle, Antonio Gramsci, Heinrich Heine, Herman Melville, Emmanuel Levinas and Socrates.
When is differentiated integration (DI) of the European Union a source of autonomy and when is it a source of domination? Much depends on what collective goods member state democracies seek through integration. Club goods often require member state democracies to form DIs of their choice. Public goods and common resource goods may, in contrast, require limits on DI if member state democracies are to meet their own obligations to their own publics to secure rights, justice, non‐domination and democracy itself. Those differences are important to understanding how European democracies should be ‘internationally ordered’ if they are to sustain internal forms of political autonomy. They also demonstrate the importance of DI to the autonomy of member state democracies in associating together beyond the state; in defining obligations within the state; and in securing the greatest autonomy of each European democracy compatible with the greatest possible autonomy of all European democracies.
In 2019 anti‐racism protests erupted across the Indonesian‐controlled region of West Papua. Organized largely by Papuan students, the protests expressed Papuans’ frustration with their oppression at the hands of the Indonesian state. During the protests, Papuan demonstrators repurposed the racialized figure of the monkey—a species routinely deployed in Indonesian discourse to deprecate Papuans as primitive and backward. In doing so, they harnessed the monkey's animality to support their demands for emancipation from Indonesian rule and to redeem nonhuman beings as consequential and meaningful entities in their own right. In this context, the monkey as political symbol undermined, legitimized, and enabled processes of collective identification among Indigenous activists. The animal's symbolic mobilization in turn foregrounded the more‐than‐human dimensions of Papuans’ struggle for sovereignty—one in which humans and nonhumans sit in alternately indexical or antithetical relation to each other as contested cosmopolitical actors and world makers. [racism, political symbols, monkeys, cosmopolitics, sovereignty, West Papua, Indonesia]
The stability/instability paradox, an offshoot of the nuclear deterrence theory, states that nuclear weapons create stability as well as instability simultaneously. Nuclear weapons create stability at the macro level when the two adversaries recognize that since both have a second-strike capability, full-blown war can only result in mutual destruction. But this very confidence that the conflict will not escalate to a nuclear level, creates instability at the micro level. States indulge in proxy wars, sub-conventional warfare and limited conflicts with the confidence that the shadow of nuclear weapons makes the risks controllable and calculable. This paper tests the applicability of the stability/instability paradox to the India-Pakistan relationship after the covert nuclearization of the sub-continent. The major finding of the paper is that the stability/instability paradox is relevant in explaining Islamabad's support to insurgency in Kashmir and also the two crises after the overt nuclearization of the sub-continent. Stability/instability paradox, as a general condition prevailing in the sub-continent, has offered India and Pakistan the opportunity to adopt specific strategies like brinkmanship and coercive diplomacy during the course of various crises. Whether the paradox will remain applicable in future, depends upon what happens in Pakistan on the domestic front.
The present article offered an analytical framework to evaluate critically the current phenomenon in Indonesia revolved on the patriotism claim, in particular religious patriotism, in which the formation of the narrative is adopting cosmopolitan imagination, metaphors, and presumptions. The narrative revolved on religious and cultural purity, and nationalism, appeared as cosmopolitanism through digital signifiers and its global networking. This framework might overcome the persistent dichotomies such as "West and East," "Cosmopolitanism and Nationalism," or "Nusantara and Transnational." Further elaboration might reveal complex exchange, overlapping and synthesizing narratives undergone within our society. Three cases are the focus of the present investigation in building the cosmopatriotism's argument, i.e. Islamism discourse, pro-Israel Christians, and historical comic books by the Bali and Jakarta-based publishers, which manifested the historical burdens among Hindu and Buddhist communities in Indonesia. It is ultimately offered an insight the significance of considering the cases at hands in order to seek cosmopolitan dimension and relevant education of citizenship and netizenship.
Abstrak: Dalam artikel ini penulis menawarkan bingkai analisa dalam melihat secara kritis gejala yang sedang berkembang di Indonesia yaitu menguatnya semacam klaim patriotisme, khususnya patriotisme agama, sementara pembentukan narasinya mengadopsi imajinasi, metafora, dan asumsi-asumsi kosmopolitan. Narasi yang dikembangkan berkisar pada wacana kemurnian agama, budaya, dan nasionalisme, namun diungkapan dalam rupa yang kosmopolit melalui penanda-penanda digital dan jejaring globalnya. Bingkai yang disebut sebagai kosmopatriotisme ini membebaskan diri dari dikotomi-dikotomi, mulai dari yang klasik namun gigih semacam "Barat dan Timur," hingga yang lebih kekinian seperti "Kosmopolitanisme dan Nasionalisme," atau "Nusantara dan Transnasional." Sebab telisikan yang lebih dalam menunjukkan arus ulang alik, tumpang tindih dan sintesa terus menerus di tengah masyarakat. Tiga contoh akan menjadi perhatian dalam membangun argumentasi kosmopatriotisme, yaitu wacana Islamisme, kelompok Kristen pro-Israel, dan inisiatif komik-komik sejarah terbitan penerbit Bali dan Jakarta, yang mencerminkan beban sejarah komunitas Hindu Bali dan Buddha di Indonesia. Pada akhirnya diskusi dalam artikel ini menyarankan pentingnya memberi
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