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The Arab Diasporic Condition and the Representational in Selected Short Stories

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This chapter offers an extensive understanding of the concept of diaspora as a force of cultural dispersion. It explores the links between diaspora and identity in terms of displacement, exile, and the sense of being trapped between two worlds. As part of its attempt to provide empirical evidence, this chapter examines how Arab-Canadian students negotiate a sense of double consciousness as they interpret short stories written by Anglophone Arab authors. The chapter explains how the three short stories, written by different Anglophone Arab writers, resonate with the notion of double consciousness as a representation of the Arab diasporic condition. It examines double consciousness in the context of terrorism, discusses how radicalization has infiltrated the diasporic condition and become a horrifying reality, and explains how the rise of the rhetoric of intolerance, marked by xenophobic behaviour and extreme political views, has undermined the safety and welcoming multicultural narrative of Canadian society.

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Yossi Shain is assistant professor of political science at Tel-Aviv University, Israel. He is the author of The Frontier of Loyalty: Political Exiles in the Age of the Nation-State (Wesleyan University Press, 1989) and the editor of Governments-in-Exile in Contemporary World Politics (Routledge, 1991), along with numerous articles on the politics of transition from authoritarian to democratic regimes and the key role that sometimes hastily assembled transition governments play in determining enduring outcomes. I would like to thank Khachig Tölölyan for his insightful comments on an earlier draft of this essay. 1. Cold war liberalism is defined by "anticommunism" and Wilsonian liberalism by "support for international organizations and self-determination of peoples" (Stedman 4). 2. There are limits to this latter position. "Self-determination" is not favored when diasporas advocate it for compatriots whose territory is ruled by a sovereign state, e.g., Hungarians in Transylvania or Armenians in the Nagorno-Karabagh region of Azerbaijan. Strong diasporic advocacy has not altered the US position in these cases, where the concept of the inviolability of international borders has taken precedence. 3. The impending fragmentation of empires necessarily mobilizes diasporan populations that seek to seize the opportunity of influencing the new maps to come. For a brisk survey of the involvement of American diasporas during and after World War I, see Harrington 122-23. 4. This essay began as a review of DeConde's book, but as it addressed broader issues implicit in my own research and that of others, it grew into an independent essay that nevertheless remains indebted to DeConde's recent intervention. 5. "Black radicalism" refers to some groups that emerged in the civil rights struggle and developed domestic and international alliances not obviously driven by the domestic concerns that led to that emergence (see Young 71). 6. For a critical evaluation of Reagan's human rights record see Iain Guest, Behind the Disappearances: Argentina's Dirty War against Human Rights and the United Nations (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990, 247-319); the quote is from p. 259. 7. See Maina Kiai, "Getting Serious About Democracy in Africa," Christian Science Monitor, 1 May 1991: 19. 8. Statement of Randall Robinson, executive director of TransAfrica, before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Subcommittee on Africa, 16 May 1991. The transcript is available from TransAfrica. 9. On the growing tendency to rally "civilizations" in local and national conflicts, see Samuel P. Huntington, "The Clash of Civilizations," Foreign Affairs (Summer 1993): 35.
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