Kelle, U., Kühberger, C. and Be rnhard, R. (2019) ‘How to use mixed-methods and
triangulation designs: An introduction to his tory education re searc h’. History
Education Rese arch Jou rnal, 16 (1): 5–23. DOI https://doi.org/10.18546/HERJ.16.1.02
*Corresponding author – email: Roland.Bernhard@education.ox.ac.uk ©Copyright 2019 Kelle, Kühberger and Bernhard.
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How to use mixed-methods and triangulation
designs: An introduction to history education
research
Udo Kelle – University of the Federal Armed Forces Hamburg, Germany
Christoph Kühberger – University of Salzburg, Austria
Roland Bernhard* – University of Oxford, UK
Abstract
As in many other social science disciplines, mixed methods and triangulation are
gaining importance in history education research. Nevertheless, in this discipline
there is also a prevailing lack of theoretical and methodological reection about
method integration. With this article, we wish to stimulate the methodological
debate regarding this issue within the community of history education researchers
and to strengthen the research prole of the discipline. We start by presenting
lines of discussion regarding adequate research methods for the investigation
of different types of social phenomena. Thereafter, we show how the ‘paradigm
wars‘ in social research were mitigated by the development of integrative
concepts such as triangulation and mixed methods. Then we focus on current
developments in history education research in German-speaking countries.
Finally, we give a brief overview on international research into history teachers’
beliefs, thereby addressing specic challenges for the application of triangulation
or mixed methods in our discipline.
Keywords: mixed methods; triangulation; paradigm wars; teachers’ beliefs; history
education
Introduction
Empirical research on history education ‘has grown dramatically in the past 35 years
and exponentially in the last 15’ (Epstein and Salinas, 2018: 61). History education is
a growing area of enquiry conducted by researchers globally. Also, mixed-methods
and triangulation designs are on the rise (to cite only a few mixed-methods studies
in history education from the last three years: Bernhard and Kühberger, 2018; Rantala
et al., 2016; Baron, 2016; Harris and Burn, 2016; Cohen, 2016; Sant et al., 2015; Yemini
et al., 2015). This movement towards mixed-methods or triangulation designs seems to
reect a general boom. It has been noted recently that for receiving competitive grants
for research projects from funding agencies, a mixed-methods research design is not
only very helpful but has nearly become a precondition, since there are ‘expectations
and requirements on the side of funding agencies that research in many elds should
include a combination of quantitative and qualitative methods and a readiness to
preferring such projects and proposals’ (Flick, 2017: 1).
History education research deals with many elaborated and complex
concepts such as ‘epistemological beliefs’, ‘historical consciousness’, ‘historical
thinking’, ‘historical culture’, ‘historical learning’ and ‘historical understanding’. The
6 Kelle, Kühberger and Bernhard
History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
discipline therefore includes many different aspects of research in various contexts.
Mixed-methods research and triangulation are conceived as ways to account for
such complexity (Ponce and Pagán-Maldonado, 2015) and to compensate for the
methodological weaknesses of partial research approaches (McKim, 2017: 213; Gorard
and Taylor, 2004: 4). We will argue in this introductory article that in our discipline
there has not been much theoretical reection about the application of triangulation
and mixed methods so far. With this special edition, we thereby wish to stimulate the
methodological discussion within the community and, in doing so, try to contribute to
the sharpening and strengthening of the research prole of the discipline. Our paper
also aims at overcoming emerging ‘paradigm wars’, which are perceived by some
authors at this moment in history education research (see Köster and Thünemann in
this special edition). Another aim of the Special Issue is to stimulate discussion between
the German-speaking history education community and the international community.
In the rst section of this introductory article, some lines of discussion about the
question of which methods to use in research about social phenomena in general will
be presented. In this context, strengths and weaknesses of the different paradigms
will be examined. In the next section, we show how paradigm wars were overcome
by promoting triangulation and mixed methods. Then, some lines of development
within history education research in the German-speaking countries in the twentieth
and twenty-rst centuries are laid out. In the last section, we present a brief review of
international research into history teachers’ beliefs, also addressing the question of
how triangulation and mixed-methods are dealt with in our discipline.
Paradigm wars: The methodological controversy in
empirical social and educational research
Empirical research
The question of the ‘correct method’ for investigating the empirical world has
sparked controversy in the social and educational sciences from the beginning of the
twentieth century to the present day. This has primarily involved the question of the
signicance of empirical data and empirical research in general, and the relationship
between empirical and non-empirical knowledge production. Educational researchers
in particular have often emphasized the close links between their eld and that of the
classical humanities (see Kelle and Reith, 2014), and have kept a critical distance from
an empiricist or ‘positivist’ understanding of science. On the other hand, successful
advances have repeatedly been made in favour of decidedly empirically oriented
educational research, such as the efforts made in the 1960s to achieve a ‘realistic turn’
(Roth, 1962) in Germany, or more recently the boom in empirical educational research
following the large-scale comparative international studies TIMMS and PISA (see
Lenzen et al., 2004). Everyone entering the eld of empirical research in the educational
sciences and in history education is now inevitably drawn into a debate that has long
occupied empirical social research in general: should we follow the path that scientic
research has taken since the nineteenth century and attempt to grasp empirical reality
primarily, or even exclusively, with the help of counting and measuring, quantifying,
and experimental methods? Or does the subject matter of the social sciences require
the application of specic non-standardized, open, qualitative methods?
How to use mixed-methods and triangulation designs 7
History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
Qualitative and quantitative research: Strengths and weaknesses
Social and educational science researchers are supposedly faced with a dichotomous
decision: at rst glance it seems as if one cannot do one thing without ignoring the
other. The use of either qualitative or quantitative methods carries implications that
seem to be hardly or not at all compatible with the postulates of the other tradition. This
is the result of the fact that quantitative and qualitative methods have been developed
in separate scientic communities to answer different research questions and to study
different subjects. Divergent quality criteria and standards for good research have
been developed in both traditions, which can easily come into conict with each other.
Quantitative methods owe their importance to the interest in statistical
distribution of certain characteristics and combinations of characteristics (including
cognitive performance, specic competencies, personality traits, behavioural patterns,
experiences of discrimination and victimization) in certain populations. Many of these
phenomena only become visible when large groups are examined and compared with
each other. A good example of this is the intergenerational transfer of educational
inequality – the fact that children from socially and educationally disadvantaged
homes have fewer opportunities than children from middle-class families to acquire
advanced educational qualications. This connection clearly exists, but it is by no
means deterministic: some socially disadvantaged children also achieve a formally
high or very high level of education, and, conversely, there are children from privileged
backgrounds whose educational careers fail. When considering individual, or very few,
cases, the likelihood of such cases coming to the fore is not small – in contrast, the exact
opportunities for children from different social backgrounds to acquire educational
qualications can only be recorded statistically. An investigation of phenomena that
require quantication is inconceivable without a standardization of the data collection
process. From this, the well-known quality criteria of quantitative research (such as
objectivity, reliability, validity and representativeness) are inevitably derived: when
conducting such enquiries, investigators must ensure that all researchers can observe
the same facts, that repeated measurements of the same facts produce the same
results, that the measurement result actually says something about the facts examined
and that the sample examined is sufciently large and free of bias.
Standardization involves the methodical postulate of a hypothetico-deductive
approach, which can turn out to be problematic in many research elds and for many
research questions: to collect statistical information in the manner described, researchers
must formulate hypotheses as precisely as possible and translate their theoretical
concepts into measurement instruments (such as questionnaires or observation
inventories) before collecting data. Quantitative research can only work properly if
researchers develop theoretically founded and fairly precise ideas about what is going
on in the eld rst, and subsequently use empirical data to test, empirically support
or reject these ideas. But what happens when facts are investigated ‘about which the
researcher has no idea, because he has no in-depth knowledge of the relevant realm of
reality’? These facts ‘cannot ... appear in his hypotheses at all, are therefore not tested
either and [are] thus missing in the scientic image of the empirical eld’ (Gerdes,
1979: 5 [translated from German]. The fact that this critical question cannot simply be
swept aside with the argument that a lack of theoretically derived hypotheses with
empirical content is a sign of poor scientic practice has become clear in numerous
works by cultural and social anthropologists, in which foreign societies or subcultures
were investigated without quantitative methods and a strict hypothetico-deductive
approach. The famous ethnographic studies carried out by Malinowski, Boas and
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History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
Mead, or the social science studies of the Chicago School in the urban ghettos of
the 1920s would simply not have been feasible with questionnaire methods, as
Whyte (2009) explains in the methodological appendix of his Street Corner Society.
Especially, approaches of interpretative sociology (such as symbolic interactionism
or phenomenological sociology) have provided theoretical and methodological
justications for social science researchers who collect empirical data not on the basis
of ex ante formulated hypotheses but with the help of ‘open’ procedures, meaning
without standardized instruments. Structures of meaning on the basis of which society
members act and interact can be so fragmented and diverse in different (sub)cultures
that researchers, who always have to rely on everyday knowledge in order to construct
scientic instruments such as questionnaires (Cicourel, 1964; Kelle, 2008: 103), are not
able to develop useful hypotheses and measurement instruments before an empirical
investigation. Against this background, the reconstruction of structures of meaning
with the help of qualitative data may become a much more important task of social
research than the formulation and examination of hypotheses.
The paradigm wars
The models of research described here (hypothesis testing and quantication versus
the reconstruction of meaning) from which different concepts and quality standards
of ‘good research’ emerge seem to be incompatible at rst glance. This has led to
sometimes erce controversies, and to the formation of independent, strongly
differentiated scientic communities – a state that the educational researcher Gage
(1989) has called ‘paradigm wars’. In these wars, adherents of both traditions often
reproached the other, sometimes with rather harsh words, on the basis of standards of
good research developed in their own tradition.
The open (that is, non-standardized) collection of qualitative (unstructured or
partly structured) data, imposes severe restrictions on the number of cases that can
be dealt with for practical reasons alone. This has often provoked critical objections
by quantitative social researchers: First, samples collected in qualitative research are
often very small and usually not collected according to the usual methods and criteria
of sampling developed in statistical sampling theory and survey research. Therefore,
the generalizability of results in statistical terms often must remain dubious. Second,
both the collection and the evaluation of qualitative data strongly depend on the
person of the researcher. Such criticism was already formulated in the rst textbooks of
(quantitative) empirical social research. For example, in 1929 the statistician Lundberg
criticized the fact that in many qualitative studies ‘neither the validity of the sample nor
of the interpretations are objectively demonstrable on account of the informality of the
method’ (Lundberg, 1942: 169). Despite decades of method development, which led to
a differentiation and diversication of qualitative methods, this criticism remained at its
core. For example, in a widely used German coursebook about quantitative methods in
educational research, Wellenreuther (2000: 115) attacks a variety of qualitative studies,
since they could not provide statistically representative results. Furthermore, the data
(meaning interview excerpts) used in these studies would not be comparable, and
would be evaluated based on a ‘lord of the manor approach’ (meaning that researchers
selectively focused on material that supported their presuppositions) (ibid.: 316).
According to Wellenreuther (ibid.: 14), there is ‘often only sheer dilettantism’ behind
‘the mask of qualitative research’, and serious qualitative research could at best only
have a ‘preparatory’ function for quantitative empirical projects.
Criticisms of quantitative methods put forward by qualitative researchers are
often similarly negative, or even pejorative and disdainful. Herbert Blumer (1969: 26),
How to use mixed-methods and triangulation designs 9
History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
one of the founding fathers of symbolic interactionism, came up with the verdict that
quantitative methods such as quantitative surveys, statistical modelling or inferential
statistical techniques are based on mere ‘preoccupations and that much of present-day
methodology in the social and psychological sciences is inadequate and misguided’.
Another prominent proponent of the qualitative methodological tradition, William
Filstead (1970: 3) stated that quantitatively oriented sociologists ‘would bend, re-
shape, and distort the empirical social world to t the model they use to investigate it’.
Siegfried Lamnek’s often quoted textbook of qualitative social research, which has
become a classic in Germany, summarizes qualitative criticism of quantitative methods
over more than 15 pages: qualitatively oriented social scientists accuse quantitative
social research of representing a ‘concept of a restricted experience’ (Lamnek, 2005: 8
[translated from German]), producing ‘ideological delusion’ (ibid.: 9), being ‘naive’
and having a ‘power-stabilizing’ function (ibid.: 11), indulging in a ‘measure fetishism’
(ibid.: 12) and a ‘false objectivity’ (ibid.: 15), and imposing the ‘researcher’s perspective
as a corset’ (ibid.) on the actors in the research eld.
Such polemics, which go as far as invectives, often carry a hardly concealed
tendency to delegitimize opposing positions by stigmatizing them as unscientic
and trying to exclude them from the realm of legitimate professional practice. As a
consequence, qualitative and quantitative approaches have withdrawn themselves
into segregated scientic communities, which have reduced possible areas of friction
by refusing to discuss methodological issues with each other. Members of these
communities publish in their own journals and manuals, organize their own conferences
and meetings, and exchange information on the special problems of their approach in
specic sections of academic societies.
Several authors try to make the continuing coexistence of two such controversial
positions understandable by arguing that both approaches are based on different
epistemological premises that are incompatible with each other. This idea draws on a
thesis popularized by the philosopher and historian of science, Thomas Kuhn (2012),
who claimed that scientic communities gather around their own ‘paradigms’, sets of
basic assumptions that are protected by each group against criticism and modication.
According to Kuhn, paradigms are incommensurable with each other because they are
based on fundamentally different understandings of reality. Consequently, it would
be fruitless to argue about their ‘correctness’ and appropriateness with rational and
logically stringent arguments. The decision for or against a paradigm is, so to speak,
made in a pre-rational space, and is comparable to a religious conversion.
With regard to qualitative and quantitative methods, these ideas were
popularized by two American social scientists, Yvonna Lincoln and Egon Guba (Lincoln
and Guba, 1985, 2000; Guba and Lincoln, 1994): quantitative and qualitative research
styles are therefore based on certain basic epistemological tenets, which these authors
called the ‘positivist paradigm’ and the ‘constructivist paradigm’, paradigms that are
just as incompatible with each other as the views that the earth is a sphere or at (Guba
and Lincoln, 1988: 93). This idea can be criticized and attacked by drawing on a variety
of epistemological and methodological arguments (see Kelle, 2008: 39; Tashakkori
and Teddlie, 1998: 11; Morgan, 2007). However, the most striking argument against
it is provided by research practice: since the beginnings of social research, empirical
studies have been carried out time and again in which quantitative and qualitative
methods are combined. These include several studies that have strongly promoted
the methodological progress and theoretical development of the social sciences as a
whole, which are cited very frequently and are still considered exemplary today, such
as the 1929 ‘Middle Town study’ by Robert and Helen Lynd (Lynd and Lynd, 1957),
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History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
the ‘Marienthal study’ on the consequences of unemployment by Marie Jahoda,
Paul Lazarsfeld and colleagues (Jahoda et al., 2017), the study on the ‘authoritarian
character’ carried out in US exile by the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research (Adorno
et al., 1950) or the ‘Hawthorne study’ conducted by American industrial sociologists
Fritz Roethlisberger and William Dickson (Roethlisberger et al., 1939). But one does not
need to look so far back into the past for a successful combination of qualitative and
quantitative methods. Especially in the educational sciences, the number of studies
that integrate qualitative and quantitative methods has multiplied considerably in
recent decades, particularly stimulated by the new wave of empirical educational
research (Rocco et al., 2003; Gläser-Zikuda et al., 2012; Mertens, 2014).
It is difcult to imagine that researchers in such studies experience a kind of
intellectual schizophrenia in which they alternately (or simultaneously) believe in
a at or spherical earth (as the paradigm idea discussed above suggests), so the
question arises as to how the obvious commensurability of quantitative and qualitative
research in research practice can also be reected and justied methodologically and
epistemologically. There are now two prominent strands for discussion: one around
the concept of methodological triangulation and the other around the idea of mixed-
methods research. Both debates will be discussed briey below.
Methodological triangulation
The term ‘triangulation’ was originally coined by two quantitative psychological
methodologists: Donald Campbell and Donald Fiske (1959) used the term in their
famous paper on ‘multitrait–multimethod matrices’ to offer an alternative to what
they regarded as the ‘simplied operationalism’ of many psychologists. Both authors
pleaded for the use of different measurement instruments to capture psychological
traits and to determine the ‘convergent’ and ‘discriminant validity’ of the constructs
thus operationalized by the extent of the statistical correlation between the results of
the different measurement operations. This idea was later extended to the combination
of different data classes and methods of data collection, in order to compensate
for their respective validity restrictions (Webb et al., 1966: 35). A qualitative social
researcher, Norman Denzin, took up this idea in his monograph The Research Act
in 1977, and expanded the concept by differentiating between different forms of
triangulation, namely theory, data, methodological and investigator triangulation. The
combination of qualitative and quantitative methods represented a possible type of
methodological triangulation. Methodological triangulation would involve ‘a complex
process of playing each method off against the other in order to maximize the validity
of eld efforts’ (Denzin, 1977: 310).
Several authors have criticized this idea by pointing out that research methods
dene their subject in different ways (others would say: they constitute it in the rst
place), and therefore may not be helpful to produce comparable results. Qualitative
and quantitative methods often take their starting point from different theoretical
and epistemological assumptions. If their results can then be related to each other,
then it is rather in such a way that results become ‘deeper’ or ‘broader’ (which means
better understandable or more comprehensive), without their validity necessarily
being increased (see, above all, Fielding and Fielding, 1986: 33). Uwe Flick (1998: 230)
puts it this way: ‘Triangulation is less a strategy for validating results and procedures
than an alternative to validation ... which increases scope, depth and consistency in
methodological proceedings.‘
How to use mixed-methods and triangulation designs 11
History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
One could therefore understand the concept of methodological triangulation
in two different ways: as a validation of results by applying different methods, or as
a combination of methods and/or data with the aim of describing a research eld or
topic more comprehensively and explaining it better with the help of different but
complementary results (see also Erzberger and Kelle, 2003: 516; Kelle and Erzberger,
2004). If one examines examples of methodological triangulation from research practice,
one will nd that all three readings of the triangulation metaphor are applicable to
describe specic instances of a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods:
1) triangulation to examine the validity of (quantitative or qualitative) research results
2) triangulation with the aim to better understand – through complementary ndings
– a result that could also exist on its own, or to place it in a broader context
3) triangulation as a way of generating a complete result with the help of two partial
ndings that could not stand on their own.
The term ‘triangulation’ thus represents an ambiguous metaphor rather than a clear
methodological concept. In fact, with regard to the combination of qualitative and
quantitative methods, over the last two decades – especially in the Anglo-American
language – it has increasingly been replaced by the term ‘mixed methods’.
Mixed methods
Since the 2000s, the term ‘mixed methods’ has prevailed internationally over other
terms for method integration, such as ‘methodological triangulation’, ‘multi-methods’,
‘multi-methodologies’, ‘mixed research’, ‘mixed methodology’ and ‘method-plural
research’. A movement began to emerge in the second half of the 1990s around the
term ‘mixed-method research’, originally starting from educational and evaluation
research in the USA, where paradigm wars were increasingly overcome by researchers
who adopted pragmatic strategies to combine qualitative and quantitative methods
in research practice. The publication of a monograph by Tashakkori and Teddlie (1998)
on Mixed Methodology and a subsequent handbook on mixed methods in the social
and behavioural sciences (Tashakkori and Teddlie 2003, 2010) marked the beginning
of the formation of a vital scientic community. From its ranks, it has since founded
both its own international academic society (Mixed Methods International Research
Association) and established its own journal (Journal of Mixed Methods Research) with
a good impact factor. Meanwhile the approach has gained international reputation
and acceptance in the social and educational sciences, which can be also seen from
the fact that sessions or streams on mixed methods have been held regularly for many
years at major national and international conferences (such as those of the American
Sociological Association, the International Sociological Association and the American
Educational Research Association). In their work and debates, participants in the mixed-
methods movement rst strive for an appropriate epistemological and methodological
justication for the integration of qualitative and quantitative research, and second,
try to systematize the extensive eld of strategies for combining qualitative and
quantitative methods through appropriate taxonomies of ‘mixed-method designs’.
An end to the paradigm wars: Mixed methods as a new research
paradigm?
From the very beginning, representatives of the mixed-methods approach have
countered the idea of a fundamental incommensurability and incompatibility of
qualitative and quantitative methods, as claimed by adherents of the paradigm model,
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History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
with a pragmatic view: the appropriateness of research methods therefore cannot be
decided solely on the basis of fundamental epistemological considerations, but only
in relation to the concrete research questions and research eld. Certain research
questions and elds require the application of specic methods. Certain phenomena
can only be empirically investigated if specic methods are used, as we have already
shown with regard to the example of intergenerational transfer of educational
inequality, which can hardly be made visible without statistical data. Conversely, many
emergent cultural phenomena cannot be empirically investigated without the use of
qualitative methods.
The question that follows from this, and that is currently under discussion, is
whether this pragmatic orientation itself represents a ‘third research paradigm’
(Johnson and Onwuegbuzie, 2004: 14), based on corresponding philosophical
doctrines as presented by Charles Peirce, John Dewey and William James in the
context of American pragmatist philosophy (Morgan, 2007, Johnson et al., 2017). This
view has long been held by leading proponents of the mixed-methods movement, but
has also been increasingly criticized (Hammersley, 2002; Maxwell, 2011; Kelle, 2017).
These critics maintain that research methods are much less closely related to certain
epistemological basic positions than is assumed by the paradigm model, which can
be already seen from the fact that leading proponents of the same methodological
traditions have often held divergent and even highly conicting methodological and
scientic theoretical positions (Maxwell and Loomis, 2003: 250). As alternatives to the
idea that researchers must choose their methods primarily by drawing on a certain
epistemological paradigm, it was proposed to regard epistemological ideas and
concepts less as principles from which methodological research action can be directly
derived, but rather as ‘resources’ (Seale, 1999: 26) or ‘heuristics’ (Maxwell, 2011), which
may be used on a case-by-case basis and based on situational requirements. Such a
pragmatic attitude towards research practice is certainly not the same as adherence
to the philosophical school or ‘paradigm’ of American pragmatism. The pragmatic
attitude rather follows the insight that successful social research is less a consequence
of adopting abstract philosophical doctrines and principles than a consequence of
mastery of craft techniques determined by practical and situational concerns (such as
the expectations of colleagues and audiences). However, by adopting such a position,
researchers may be seduced to neglect the importance of signicant epistemological
arguments (for example, about the relationship between correlation and causality)
when evaluating research results. The shortcomings of the paradigm model can be
overcome, nevertheless, if such epistemological arguments are not treated as the
sole prerequisites and points of departure, but related to substantive theories and the
concrete research questions and research elds (Kelle, 2017).
Mixed-methods designs
Even more than with epistemological questions, the mixed-methods approach has
dealt with the systematization of strategies of method combination: in this area, a
great body of terminology has now been developed, including a variety of different
methodological concepts (each with its own history of terms and problems), not
least of which is the term ‘mixed methods’ itself, which over time has prevailed over
competing terms such as ‘method triangulation’.
The starting point for this development was the task of identifying different
functions of integration of qualitative and quantitative methods and then dening the
designs that best full these functions. This development started with a paper published
by Greene and colleagues in 1989, which identied ve major purposes of mixed-
How to use mixed-methods and triangulation designs 13
History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
methods research: triangulation (where this term only referred to mutual validation and
corroboration, not to complementarity), ‘complementarity’, ‘development’, ‘initiation’
and ‘expansion’ (Greene et al., 1989). Shortly after that, Morse proposed a notation
system for mixed-methods designs, which became quite popular, and is now used
(with different small amendments) in the majority of writings about mixed-methods
research (Morse, 1991). However, the task of systematizing mixed-methods purposes
and designs turned out to be much more challenging than initially thought. One may
see that by realizing that the different functions of mixed methods suggested by Greene
and her colleagues overlap: what is called ‘development’, for instance, can be used in
some contexts as a means for triangulation; in others, it may be considered as a special
type of complementarity. As a consequence, a great number of different typologies of
mixed-methods designs have been proposed. In 2003, Creswell, Plano Clark, Gutmann
and Hanson identied at least 15 different classications in the literature (Creswell
and Plano Clark, 2011). In 2003, Teddlie and Tashakkori noted that the question of
the adequate typology of designs was a still unresolved issue in the mixed-methods
debate at that time, and this is the case still today. The reason for that is that mixed-
methods designs ‘can be distinguished on a number of different dimensions … and
developing a typology that would encompass all of those dimensions would be
impossible’ (Teddlie and Tashakkori, 2003: 26).
The most often used and seemingly most important dimensions refer to the
chronological order in which the quantitative and qualitative parts of the design are
implemented, on the one hand, and to the purpose of the study, on the other hand.
With regard to chronological order, one can distinguish between sequential and
parallel designs. In a sequential qualitative–quantitative design (if one employs the
usual nomenclature, this would be called ‘qual à quan’), a qualitative study is carried
out, followed by a quantitative investigation; this order is reversed in quantitative–
qualitative design (quan à qual). In a parallel design (quan + qual) quantitative and
qualitative research is carried out simultaneously. This straightforward scheme gets
complicated if one keeps in mind that in mixed-methods research, the qualitative and
quantitative parts of a study often do not carry equal weight. Rather, one part can
be more important for the respective research question and thus become dominant.
This can be indicated by using small and big letters; for example, in a qual à QUAN
design, rst a small pilot study and thereafter a huge quantitative survey is carried out.
Furthermore, the different designs can be (and often are) connected in different ways
depending on the research question. This may result in a design in which one starts
with a small qualitative pilot study and then conducts a rst wave of a longitudinal
quantitative panel study whereby also extended qualitative interviews are conducted
with a subsample. Analysing the quantitative data, researchers decide to carry out
even more qualitative interviews, before the second wave of the quantitative panel
study takes place. The resulting design could be denoted as qual à QUAN + QUAL
à QUAL à QUAN.
As far as the purposes of mixed-methods designs are concerned, it is only
possible to provide an open-ended list of (partially overlapping) objectives of
combining qualitative and quantitative methods. A mixed-methods design may
full one or more of the following functions: it may help to examine the scope and
generalizability of qualitative ndings through quantitative data; it may help to explain
and understand otherwise incomprehensible quantitative results and unexplained
variance by providing additional qualitative data; it may support the construction
of quantitative measurement instruments or mitigate problems of quantitative
measurement by helping to detect threats for validity and methodological artefacts;
14 Kelle, Kühberger and Bernhard
History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
it may assist qualitative sampling by providing information about the distribution of
certain attributes in the investigated group; and it may help to close the gap between
theory and empirical data in quantitative research by providing information about
possible empirical references of abstract theoretical notions.
To simplify this complex picture, one may differentiate between three basic
designs: (1) a sequential qual–quan design used to develop theoretical concepts,
hypotheses or measurement instruments in a qualitative study, which are further
elaborated and tested in a quantitative study; (2) a sequential quan–qual design that
may assist with the explanation of difcult quantitative results, the detection and
elucidation of quantitative measurement error and the development of qualitative
sampling plans; and (3) a parallel qual–quan design, which can support the explanation
of quantitative ndings, the identication of threats for validity, and the generalization
of qualitative ndings.
Mixed methods and triangulation in history
education research
To tie this general discussion back to history education research, it makes sense to trace
the domain-specic developments. Based on research conducted in German-speaking
countries, the aim is to make fundamental developments and tendencies visible. In
order to gain a deeper insight into mixed methods and triangulation, important lines
of development since 1950 will be illustrated, followed by a more in-depth example of
international research on history teachers’ beliefs.
General lines of development in the German-speaking
countries
Intensive and heated discussions on methodological problems of empirical research
are rare in history education in German-speaking countries. Only in the last decade has
there been an increased interest and debate on various empirical approaches (see Hodel
et al., 2013; Waldis and Ziegler, 2017; Thünemann and Zülsdorf-Kersting, 2016; Prinz and
Thünemann, 2016; Bernhard, 2018a; Bernhard and Kühberger, 2018; Bernhard, 2019).
This is fundamentally related to an empirical turn within history education (Epstein and
Salinas, 2018). Since the end of the twentieth century, various research projects have
emerged in the wake of prominent educational research endeavours (PISA and PIRLS,
for example). History education no longer primarily follows normative prescriptions
or reduces its own eld to pragmatics (teaching methodology), but rather has turned
to differentiated empirical approaches that were used in the last century, enriched by
current social science approaches. It is due to this increased emergence of empirical
work, and to an internationally more interconnected scientic community (Ercikan and
Seixas, 2015; Köster et al., 2014), that even more complex research designs have found
their way into the discussion and research on historical learning and thinking.
Looking at the development of history education in German-speaking countries,
research settings in which triangulations have been implemented can be found,
although they have not been labelled as such. One of the best-known and early
examples is a study by Waltraud Küppers (1966). The German psychologist laid an
important foundation for the study of historical learning in Germany with her studies
on history teaching. Küppers investigated students from ages 4 to 12, and in her
research, she conducted history lessons in 16 classes to gain a general impression of
students’ attitudes towards history. Afterwards, 40 classes were asked to write a total
How to use mixed-methods and triangulation designs 15
History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
of 1,400 essays on various topics. In order to triangulate these qualitative methods with
quantitative approaches, Küppers designed a questionnaire of 50 knowledge items and
three general questions on students’ favourite subjects, their interest in history, and the
source of their knowledge (Bracke et al., 2014: 14–15). The author used methodological
triangulation in order to supplement her qualitative surveys with quantitative data from
a questionnaire. She does not label her approach as methodological triangulation, but
nevertheless applies the concept itself: ‘Eventually, however, it seemed necessary to
emphasize the lines that suggested the lesson notes and essays. Since the methods
mentioned allowed only qualitative processing, we sought to supplement these results
with broader, quantitatively evaluated material (Küppers, 1966: 20 [translated from
German]). Küppers notes a correlation between her qualitative observations in the
classrooms, the essays and the results from the questionnaire, although she does not
pinpoint, explain or reveal it in terms of the research design (ibid.: 20–1).
Another study cited more frequently today regarding its research design, is
that of Jeismann et al. (1987). In this study, historians, history education researchers
and psychologists attempted to combine data from open event and closed item
questionnaires conducted with 653 students (ninth grade, age 14–15). Although the
study, which was conceived as a complex multiphase design, carries some weaknesses
(see Köster and Thünemann in this issue), the attempt to assess and correlate qualitative
and quantitative data is worth mentioning.
The investigations by Küppers and Jeismann et al. are a good representation
of research in German speaking countries in the twentieth century. At that time, the
community of history education scholars was still leading a strong dialogue with
psychological researchers. This tendency declined with the establishment of ‘history
didactics’ as a new academic discipline during the second half of the twentieth century.
Nevertheless, methodological reection – especially from the perspective of history
education – was not yet particularly pronounced and could only be tapped implicitly.
If one looks at studies from the year 2000 to the present, those of the German
researcher Bodo von Borries and his team surely stand out (Von Borries et al.,
2005). In 2002, Bodo von Borries implemented a triangulation study on the use and
comprehension of history textbooks. He and his team researched students (sixth,
ninth and twelfth grades, ages 11–12, 14–15, 17–18), student teachers, and in-service
teachers (NStud. = 1.291, NTeach. = 70) with a questionnaire. Items referred to
knowledge, attitudes, emotions and competencies. Additionally, qualitative material
(for example, essays and interviews) was gathered. Von Borries qualied his research
setting as methodological triangulation, and addresses the complex interactions within
his design between data from essays, post-interviews, quantitative questionnaires and
so on in his paper (Von Borries, 2005a: 20–1) With regard to data synthesis, as it is
presented in the research report by Von Borries et al., it can be maintained that the
researchers support a triangulation theory that tries to optimize the main results by
using ndings from different, but inter-related, aspects of the research setting. This
kind of methodological triangulation brings together a variety of diverse qualitative
and quantitative methodological approaches and their data in order to integrate
different perspectives in one empirical explanation (Von Borries, 2005b: 269–304). The
Swiss researcher Peter Gautschi, who works in the eld of history education, presented
a study on ‘Good history lessons’ in 2009. In his book, he includes several chapters
on his own research and on the methodological discussion. Gautschi emphasizes
that his research uses: (1) triangulation of data coming from classroom observation
(videographies) and from questionnaires lled out by learners, teachers and experts;
(2) a triangulation of different theoretical models applied simultaneously to validate
16 Kelle, Kühberger and Bernhard
History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
assumptions; and (3) a methodological triangulation that was reached by establishing
a competition between qualitative and quantitative data in order to validate and
enrich results (Gautschi, 2009: 124–5). According to the presentation of his results
on 41 lessons, 689 students, 39 teachers and 10 experts, Gautschi recommended a
triangulation design with laudatory words, since it would allow for the capturing of
complex and multiple dependencies, especially in the context of history lessons
(ibid.: 256).
Kühberger (2013, 2014) and his team researched Austrian students (n = 260) in
the eighth grade (age 13), showing them a central scene of the movie 1492: Conquest
of Paradise (Ridley Scott/USA, 1994) about the landing of Columbus and his crew at
Guanahani Island. They then asked the students to write an essay on whether the scene
was authentically presented as it might have taken place in 1492. This quantitative
survey was accompanied by two qualitative research methods in order to acquire
complementary and more comprehensive results on the issue. The researchers thereby
conducted additional interviews with some of the students after the writing of the essay
on the same topic, and with teachers of the classes involved. This data triangulation,
included explicitly in the study, provided a deeper insight into the phenomenon under
scrutiny, and helped to investigate the different perspectives of the subjects involved
(Kühberger, 2013, 2014). Quite a similar approach was implemented in a quantitative
study on the handling of National Socialism, the Holocaust and memory culture in
Austrian Schools (ninth grade, age 14). In this research, teachers and students received
a quantitative questionnaire that was designed to reveal the views on teaching history
via data triangulation from the two perspectives involved (that is, teachers and pupils)
(Kühberger and Neureiter, 2017; Kühberger, 2017).
As the previous sections have shown, the concept of triangulation is still important
for history education research at the beginning of the twenty-rst century, especially
as terminus technicus, whereas studies that explicitly include the terminology of
mixed methods are still rare. Only very recently, a certain interest for the eld of mixed
methods can be noticed, as can be illustrated by this special issue. The Austrian project
CAOHT, which inspired it, and in which the topics of triangulation and mixed methods
were reected upon (Bernhard, 2018a; Bernhard, 2019; Bernhard and Kühberger, 2018;
Kühberger et al., 2019; Bernhard et al., 2019), will be described in more detail in the
article by Bernhard in this issue.
Compared to the second half of the twentieth century, there is clearly more
willingness today to explicitly discuss theoretical and practical questions of different
methodological approaches. Recently, a new, albeit brief, attempt to systematize
mixed-method approaches in the eld of German-speaking history education was
published (Prinz and Thünemann, 2016; see also Hasberg, 2004), and the notion of
triangulation found its way into introductions to history education (Baumgärtner, 2015:
243). However, it would be presumptuous to claim that in all of the areas systematically
presented in this paper, a sufcient domain-specic foundation of triangulation or
mixed-methods design would be available that represents more than a transfer of
approaches from the social or educational sciences. In the future, it will therefore be
important to cultivate and systematize methodological reections in history education,
as well as create research projects that use triangulation or mixed-methods designs to
obtain better research results on historical thinking and learning. Based on research
activities in the area of history education, one can see an openness regarding rather
different areas of triangulation and mixed-methods design.
Although an empirical turn in history education is clearly observable as an
international trend, thus far there has been no ‘dogma’ in dealing with quantitative
How to use mixed-methods and triangulation designs 17
History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
or qualitative research methods, since both approaches are used side by side. This is
certainly positive, but there is still the need for more discussion and reection regarding
different methodological approaches and their improvement. An international
exchange about triangulation and mixed-methods designs would therefore be
an important step forward that would help to systematize and further disseminate
methodological knowledge already achieved in history education research.
Triangulation research in the eld of history
teachers’ beliefs
A look at a specic research topic that is important for the history education community
– namely, research about teachers’ beliefs – would make it possible to gain exemplary
insights into the ways in which triangulation and mixed methods are dealt with in the
discipline. History teachers’ beliefs are currently receiving rising international attention.
In a careful inspection of more than forty English and German articles reporting such
research from 1989 until 2017, we found 16 contributions in which a triangulation or
mixed-methods approach was used. An analysis of the research designs in these articles
reveals that ‘within-’ or ‘between-method triangulation’ designs are frequently used.
Within-method triangulation designs, combining interviews and observations, were
employed by Evans (1989, 1990), Wineburg and Wilson (1991), Schär and Sperisen
(2011), and Thünemann (2012); Martell (2013) combined interviews, observations and
teacher reections; Virta (2002) combined interviews and essays; Barca et al. (2004) used
essays and group discussions in their study; Wansink et al. (2017) used questionnaires
with open-ended questions and performance tasks. Different studies with a between-
methods triangulation design combined qualitative interviews and surveys. Evans
(1989): quan à qual; Daumüller (2012): qual à quan; Maggioni (2010) used closed
and open-ended questionnaires with teachers and students, ‘constructed response
tasks’ and classroom observations. Fenn (2013) employed qualitative interviews and
surveys to research how beliefs of history teachers can be changed (qual + quan).
VanSledright and Reddy (2014) combined a quantitative questionnaire with qualitative
interviews (quan à qual). Harris and Burn (2016) analysed both data from a quantitative
questionnaire and written comments that the teachers made on this questionnaire
(qual + quan) about the English history curriculum.
Is there a conscious reception of the discourse laid out in the articles about
triangulation or mixed methods cited above, and what are the reasons given in these
articles for using triangulation? To answer this question, all contributions cited above
were analysed to answer the question whether the mixing of methods is somewhere
explicitly mentioned or reected upon. It turned out that, although the research
designs of the analysed articles are often very elaborate and powerful, only 3 of the
16 analysed contributions made references to the debate about triangulation or
mixed methods (Virta, 2002; Maggioni, 2010; Martell, 2013). Virta (2002) studied history
student teachers’ development and their beliefs about teaching and good teachers.
She combined essays of 18 respondents and interviews with 5 student teachers; thus
she used a within-method triangulation design, and she argues that in doing so she
intended to increase the validity of her ndings: ‘One factor increasing validity of the
data is the Triangulation carried out by complementing essay data with interviews that
were conducted by another person’ (Virta 2002: 697).
Maggioni (2010) used a variety of qualitative and quantitative methods to study
epistemological beliefs of history teachers. She also argued that she intended to
increase the validity of her study by using triangulation: ‘In general, I have tried to
18 Kelle, Kühberger and Bernhard
History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
assess epistemic beliefs and historical thinking using a plurality of measures with the
intent to triangulate results and address, as best as possible, issues of validity and
reliability’ (Maggioni, 2010: 116).
In a longitudinal study, Martell (2013) examined social studies teachers and their
development of beliefs and practices related to teaching ‘history as interpretation’. He
described the combination of methods as follows:
I also asked the beginning teachers in my study to write a reection every
other week during the rst semester of their rst year teaching. These
written reections allowed for Triangulation with interview and observation
data by allowing me to acquire data more frequently, while allowing
teachers to reect on their practice. (Martell, 2013: 19)
These examples show that (although methods and methodologies are often mixed
in history education), the international discourse about triangulation and mixing
methods seems not to receive very much attention within this community. With this
special edition of HERJ, we hope to inspire methodological awareness in this respect.
Summary
The preceding discussion should have made it clear that triangulation and mixed
methods do not represent competing approaches or procedures. Rather, they are
terms on different levels of meaning: triangulation generally refers to a combination
of different elements (theories, methods, data or observer perspectives) in empirical
research. Methodological triangulation as a special form of triangulation means the
combination of different methods either with the aim of mutual validation of results, or
with the goal to obtain a more adequate and comprehensive picture of the subject area
through complementary results. Thereby, one may not only combine quantitative and
qualitative methods, but also qualitative and quantitative methods among each other.
Mixed methods is a special form of methodological triangulation in which
quantitative and qualitative methods are specically combined. Since the 1990s, a
very active scientic community has evolved with the aim to overcome the classical
methodological divide between qualitative and quantitative research. In the past twenty
years, there has been decisive progress in the epistemological and methodological
debate in the social and educational sciences, as well as with regard to the development
of research in social and educational research methods.
History education has undergone its own development within these general
strands. In this eld, an intensifying debate and growing awareness of the possibilities
of mixed methods and triangulation can be observed that hopefully may be further
stimulated by this special edition. The traditional polar positions in the paradigm wars
– claiming the fundamental superiority of one´s own approach and the lack of scientic
rigour or seriousness on the other side – turned out to lack sound philosophic ground
and failed to demonstrate practical sustainability in the long run. Consequently, there
was space for the idea that there is not one right approach to empirical research.
Rather, both traditions show specic strengths and weaknesses. Fortunately, these
are often complementary, so that the weaknesses of one tradition can be identied,
worked on and balanced by drawing on the strengths of the other. Both qualitative and
quantitative methods have to struggle with threats to validity, limits of knowledge and
methodological problems, which nevertheless can be addressed with the help of the
other tradition. This approach now invites us to give an honest account of the limitations
of our research methods and methodologies, and to do research for their improvement
How to use mixed-methods and triangulation designs 19
History Education Research Journal 16 (1) 2019
and further development. A lot of work has still to be done to systematically record and
describe problems of qualitative and quantitative research in specic subject areas
in order to develop concrete mixed-method designs on this basis. This will certainly
demand more and more close cooperation between methodologists and empirical
researchers in different social and educational science disciplines. We very much hope
that this volume will be helpful in enabling such a productive dialogue.
Notes on the contributors
Udo Kelle is Professor for Social Research Methods and Statistics at the Helmut
Schmidt University of the Federal Armed Forces in Hamburg. He has taught social
research methods at universities in Germany (including Marburg and Bremen) and
abroad (including Vienna and Oslo). He has published several books and more than a
hundred articles about qualitative and quantitative methods and their integration in
social research.
Christoph Kühberger is Professor for History and Civic Education at the University of
Salzburg (Austria). He was Professor for European Cultural History at the University of
Hildesheim (Germany) and Professor for History and Civic Education at the Pedagogical
University of Salzburg Stefan Zweig (Austria). His current research interests are history
education and civic education, ethnography, historical culture, new cultural history and
the ethics of historical sciences.
Roland Bernhard is a visiting research fellow at the Department of Education at the
University of Oxford (UK), and a post-doctoral researcher and lecturer in history and
civic education at the University of Salzburg (Austria). He has taught history education
and cultural studies at several universities in Austria (Graz, Innsbruck, Salzburg), and
has published a range of books and articles, mainly in the area of history education. He
worked for several years as a teacher in schools.
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