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History, Co-Evolution and Economic Growth

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Abstract

This paper∗ attempts to present a theory of economic growth. In Section I it discusses the experience of growth modelling over the past 40 years and argues that it fails to capture the most important features of institutional and technical change. Nevertheless as a method for ordering concepts it can be a useful complement to historical research. The problem with history is the almost infinite multitude of events, which have to be classified, described and analysed. A simplifying theoretical framework is essential and inevitable. Section II tentatively presents such a simplifying classificatory framework. It argues that five historical processes or sub-systems of society have been shown by historical research to be relatively autonomous although interacting major influences on the process of economic growth. These five overlapping sub-systems are science, technology, economy, politics and general culture. Each of these is briefly defined. Humans share with other animals the natural environment which can also powerfully and reciprocally influence economic growth. The other five historical processes each have their own partly autonomous "selection environment" and are uniquely human, which is one reason why biological evolutionary analogies have limited value. Although each of the five has its own distinctive features and relative autonomy, it is their interdependence and interaction which provides major insights into the processes of "forging ahead", "catching up" and "falling behind" in economic growth. Positive congruence and interaction between them provides the most fertile soil for growth, while lack of congruence may prevent growth altogether, or slow it down. Although a satisfactory theory of economic growth should help us to understand the evolution of the world economy much better, the limits of forecasting and prediction in the social sciences should be clearly recognised. Popper was surely right in maintaining that the most important historical changes are qualitative and non-repetitive. The fact that we can predict eclipses does not mean that we can predict revolutions. Section III discusses the problem of non-recurrence for the social sciences. Section IV takes a major example to illustrate the theory which has been tentatively advanced - the archetypal example of forging ahead in the British Industrial Revolution in the late 18th Century. It briefly discusses a dozen or so major features of this revolution as identified by historians and suggests that together they justify the notions of confluence and congruence between science, technology, economy, politics and culture as a plausible explanation of the leap ahead in economic growth then achieved for the first time in world history. Section V then discusses British "falling behind" in the late 19th Century and 20th Century and suggests that this can probably be explained in terms of loss of congruence between the five subsystems of British society. The rise of new increasingly science-based technologies and of specialised professional management in large corporations fitted ill with some of the older now "traditional" British political and social institutions. After a brief discussion of the more deliberate processes of "catching up" the paper concludes by pointing out that the theory put forward here resembles many earlier explanations of economic growth. Marx's materialist conception of history stressed the tensions between "forces of production", "relations of production" and "superstructure" as a source of social and political change or of stagnation in economic growth. Many other historians and economists (e.g. Veblen, Mokyr, von Tunzelmann, Galbraith, Perez) have stressed in particular the inter-action between technical change and organisational change within firms, as well as political and institutional change at other levels in society. This paper differs from most of them and from Marx's theory in two respects. First, it attaches greater importance to science and to general culture. In this it resembles the theories of Needham and Bernai. Secondly, it does not attempt to assign primacy in causal relationships to any one of the five spheres, whereas most other theories assign primacy to technology or the economy or both. It emphasises rather the relative autonomy of each of the five spheres, based on the division of labour and each with its own selection environment. It is this co-evolution which generates the possibility of mis-match between them and periodically of radical institutional innovations which attempt to restore harmonious development. Such harmony however is not necessarily favourable to economic growth, which is not the only objective pursued by human beings. "Congruence" which is favourable to economic growth must be distinguished from other types of congruence.

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... More recently, Christopher Freeman (2019) has greatly advanced the discussion on these issues by proposing that economic development is driven by five subsystems with their specific historical processes: science, technology, economy, politics and general culture. These subsystems are relatively autonomous but at the same time they interact and co-evolve. ...
... Responses and feedbacks play a major role in the catch up process, as do the mismatches among elements of the innovation systems. (Perez and Soete, 1988;Freeman, 2019). The results of this co-evolutionary process generate specific trajectories of catch-up, forging ahead or falling behind, the specialization of countries in particular sectors and the emergence of specific industrial and institutional settings in the countries and sectors. ...
... As mentioned above, the rise of a national economy is often associated with its success in a certain number of leading sectors (Freeman, 2019). Thus, achieving leadership and leapfrogging in some sectors is critical for a nation to rise beyond the middle-income status to become a high-income economy. ...
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This paper proposes an evolutionary view of economic catch-up, considered as a long-run process of closing the gap in capabilities by promoting learning and innovation in interaction with innovation systems (national, sectoral or regional). According to this perspective, catch-up is viewed as a dynamic evolutionary process which is not deterministic and cannot be planned in details, because it faces uncertainty and continuous change, is associated with a variety of exogenous events (windows of opportunity) and is the result of the idiosyncratic behavior of heterogeneous actors characterized by different understanding, views and experiences. This leads to a variety of responses and strategies by latecomer firms and countries, even in the presence of similar external technological or market conditions. One major point that emerges from this perspective is there is a strong complementarity between learning and capabilities by domestic firms and the national, sectoral, and regional systems in which firms operate. The paper also discusses various strategies, such as detours and leapfrogging, along the various stages and the different paths and trajectories that this long-term evolutionary process of countries and sectors follows.
... Several scholars (e.g. Mokyr, 1994;Freeman, 2019) of the industrial revolution of the late 18th and early 19th century propose that technologies and institutions co-evolved and that Great Britain took the economic lead in that era because her institutions were better suited to the forms of economic organization and the practices that the new technologies needed if they were to be used effectively and to be advanced. ...
... Recent writings by evolutionary economists (e.g. Perez, 2002;Freeman, 2019) have attempted to bring some of this richness into our theorizing about economic growth. ...
Article
Modern evolutionary economics has come a long way from its beginnings in the writings of a few economists in the 1970s and 1980s. To a considerable extent, its evolution has been the result of the findings of empirical research, much but not all of it motivated by an explicit or implicit evolutionary perspective, which has fed back to modify and enrich the way evolutionary economists view the way modern economies work. This article focuses on developments that have broadened and sharpened the evolutionary perspective on the capabilities and behavior of firms, the processes and institutions involved in technological progress, and competition and dynamics in industries where technological opportunities are expanding. In the course of these developments, the conception of what it means to propose that a dynamic process is evolutionary has evolved. The article considers, as well, where evolutionary economics might be going from where it is now.
... According to Syrquin (1988), economic development is seen as an interrelated set of long-run processes of structural transformation that accompany growth. From a historical and institutional perspective, these processes involve five tentative dimensions: science, technology, economics, politics, and culture, granting that these streams intermingle through positive or negative interactions (Freeman, 2019). From this perspective, countries' growth is not a purely economic concept but the result of specific conditions where these dimensions intervene. ...
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Wages and productivity represent two of the most relevant v ariables to consider in economic development. Given the low productivity lev els that emerging countries rev eal, the accumulation of productive capabilities and a narrower dispersion across sectors would enable emerging countries to overcome the middle-income trap. Y et, this positiv e trend in productivity should translate into higher wages. Thus, we pose the following questions applied to a middle-income trapped country: is there a link between labour productivity and wages in the Argentine manufacturing sector? Does it differ across techno-productive classes or wage lev els? Which factors affect this nex us, considering premature deindustrialisation? Using a firm-lev el dataset from 201 0 to 201 6, we perform quantile regression estimates to ev aluate the link between productivity and wages across the conditional wage distribution among manufacturing firms. Based on a structural analysis, we identify the differences in these elasticities at 2-ISIC code levels and across Pavitt taxonomies. Our results confirm a positive , but ex tremely low, pass-through between productivity and wages in the Argentinian manufacturing firms, different across sectors according to their techno-productive capabilities, robust under different empirical strategies. JEL Codes: J31 , D24, L6, O1 4, C21 .
... This also shows the phenomenon of co-evolution. If there had been no financial revolution in the U.K. in the early days, the Industrial Revolution would not have happened (Hicks 1969;Levine 1997;Kavanagh et al. 2014;Freeman 2019), thus the two formed a virtuous circle. Another example is the smart phone that combines computation, communication, and multiple functions such as radio, MP3, flashlight, and compass providing users with more convenient and diverse devices. ...
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The Industrial Revolution is an important achievement in human history. Its development has gone through machinery, energy, communication, computer, internet, and digital revolutions. This study analyzes this stagewise evolution of technology-driven innovation in human society using the theory of self-organization developed after the 1970s. The authors argue that these major technological breakthroughs all follow the self-organization regularities that take the Principle of Conditional Causality at its core. Self-organizing is the driving force behind history’s silent revolution, ‘taking the technological development environment as the condition and the industrial structure as the system’. It represents the invisible hand, while the establishment of the laws and regulations represent the acquired visible hand, and in combination they form a rich driving force for the evolution of human society. We advocate continuing to develop organizational management theories that meet modern needs based on the organic and systematic perspectives.
... Turning our attention to the Neo-Schumpeterian/evolutionary tradition, according to Freeman (1990) and Dosi (1982) (see also Freeman, 2019;Dosi, 1988), interdependencies between different organisational and institutional elements characterise the emergence of a bundle of technologies, which all together may signal that a technological breakthrough has occurred and a new TEP (according to Freeman) or a new technological paradigm (according to Dosi) is in the making. The empirical implication of these assumptions is that, when two or more new major technologies come along at the same time, they initially bring about a "constellation" of changes, "the productivity effects of which have yet to be fully realised" (Freeman, 1990, p. 4). ...
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Using the entire population of USPTO patent applications published between 2002 and 2019, and leveraging on both patent classification and semantic analysis, this paper aims to map the current knowledge base centred on robotics and AI technologies. These technologies are investigated both as a whole and distinguishing core and related innovations, along a 4-level core-periphery architecture. Merging patent applications with the Orbis IP firm-level database allows us to put forward a twofold analysis based on industry of activity and geographic location. In a nutshell, results show that: (i) rather than representing a technological revolution, the new knowledge base is strictly linked to the previous technological paradigm; (ii) the new knowledge base is characterised by a considerable—but not impressively widespread—degree of pervasiveness; (iii) robotics and AI are strictly related, converging (particularly among the related technologies and in more recent times) and jointly shaping a new knowledge base that should be considered as a whole, rather than consisting of two separate GPTs; (iv) the US technological leadership turns out to be confirmed (although declining in relative terms in favour of Asian countries such as South Korea, China and, more recently, India).
... The last centuries have been characterised by an unprecedented rise in living standards driven by processes of cumulative and self-sustained technological advances (see Landes, 1969, Maddison, 1980and Freeman, 2019. Even if modern economic growth features a remarkably stable exponential increase in income per person, economic prosperity did not spread worldwide. ...
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This paper, using a long-term, product-level cross-country dataset, analyzes the trade-growth nexus by introducing two novel indicators able to capture demand and supply attributes of countries' quality of specialization. The Keynesian efficiency index measures demand attractiveness of the export baskets, estimating product-level demand elasticities and weighting them by diversification; the Schumpeterian efficiency index tracks the export basket' technological dynamism proxied by product-level patent intensities. These two dimensions of quality of specialization are effective in explaining the rate and volatility of growth and the duration of growth episodes, identified as periods longer than 8 years of 2% average growth and, even more, of exceptional growth episodes (≥5%). Our results, robust to a wide range of control variables, suggest that specialization per sé is detrimental for growth resilience while countries with a diversified export structure, specialised either in demand-elastic and technological-dynamic productions are likely to experience longer growth episodes.
... Firm Growth Application. Firms, industries, and economies coevolve, and if these levels of analysis are considered individually (without taking into account interdependencies), then this would diminish our understanding of historical processes of industry dynamics and economic growth (Freeman 2019). In this vein, we can mention the phenomenon of highgrowth firms (HGFs), who make a disproportionate contribution to job creation and economic dynamism and drive the emergence and growth of new industrial sectors. ...
Article
This article discusses recent results and future research possibilities in the areas of econometrics and firm growth, drawing on Dosi and Marengo’s “10 building blocks” of evolutionary theory. These 10 building blocks are: dynamics first!, microfoundations, realism is a virtue, bounded rationality, persistent heterogeneity, novelty in the system, selection mechanisms, emergent properties at the aggregate level, emergence of organizational forms and institutions, and coevolution across levels of analysis and timescales. As it happens, many of our comments relate to the theme of “realism is a virtue.” We also suggest, in some cases, which econometric techniques might be more appropriate for research into firm growth and performance, given these 10 building blocks.
... The links between technology and the economy were at the very heart of the Industrial Revolution, and the successful conversion of many inventions into profitable innovations in numerous small but growing firms made possible the acceleration of productivity growth in the leading sectors; this was not a linear process any more than it is in the present (Freeman, 2019). Fagerberg & Verspagen (2020), by following Freeman's analytical framework on long-run economic development as a succession of technological regimes with quite different properties, stressed that at the core of each regime is a constellation of radical innovations, the diffusion of which generates many new applications and, for a while, strong economic growth. ...
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The impact of industry on GDP growth is widely discussed in light of the industrial revolution that arose as the first wave of innovations and has since been a common subject of theoretical and empirical research papers. However, the issue of R&D investment, industrial structure and the impact on GDP growth is still under discussion and requires much deeper investigation under conditions of global-ization. The results of this paper supported the hypotheses that growth of the industry share in gross value added has a higher impact on GDP growth in well-developed industrialized countries with high GDP per capita than in industrialized countries whose GDP per capita is at a lower level under business-financed R&D investment conditions. In addition, the multiplier effect of business-financed R&D investment and its impact on economic growth depend on the economic development level of a given industrialized country. The proposed hypotheses suggest that policy makers of less-developed countries should pay more attention to enhancing the quality of industry by introducing appropriate incentives rather than to increasing the share of industry in GDP, with a particular focus on the best practices of well-developed industrialized countries.
... We argue that a growth theory based on an explicit account of dynamic capabilities may provide more convincing answers. Following authors such as Freeman (2019) and Sainsbury (2020), "the rate at which a country's economy grows depends on whether its firms have the capabilities to generate and exploit the windows of opportunity they see for innovation and technical change in their industries, and whether over time they are able to enhance their technological and organizational capabilities" (Sainsbury, 2020, p.13). Dynamic capabilities, that is, the organizational capabilities that are most concerned with change (Winter, 2003, Teece, 2017 are most important in this regard. ...
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The literature on wage gaps between Chiapas and the rest of Mexico revolves around individual factors, such as education and ethnicity. Yet, twenty years after the Zapatista rebellion, the schooling gap has shrunk while the wage gap has widened, and we find no evidence indicating that Chiapas indigenes are worse-off than their likes elsewhere in Mexico. We explore a different hypothesis and argue that place-specific characteristics condition the choices and behaviors of individuals living in Chiapas and explain persisting income gaps. Most importantly, they limit the necessary investments at the firm level in dynamic capabilities. Based on census data, we calculate the economic complexity index, a measure of the knowledge agglomeration embedded in the economic activities at the municipal level. Economic complexity explains a larger fraction of the wage gap than any individual factor. Our results suggest that the problem is Chiapas, and not Chiapanecos.
... In the tradition of the economics of innovation, the First Industrial Revolution had been a combination of time-saving heuristics, enabled by the mechanization process, and the division of labor inside factories, together with the emergence of innovative artefacts. The role played by time-saving heuristics in shaping the direction of mechanization has been emphasized by von Tunzelmann (1995) with reference to the cotton industry in the British Industrial Revolution: the massive increase in labor productivity resulted from the use of innovation and discovery through which a spinner was able to produce in a day as much yarn as previously required by a full year of work, without mechanization. 1 On top of that, Freeman (2019) conceptualizes the First Industrial Revolution as a paradigmatic shift emerging from the combination of time-saving heuristics on the one hand, and the new clear demarcation between working-and life-time for wage laborers on the other hand, an attitude absent in pre-industrial societies (Thompson 1963), allowing workers discipline and ensuring their participation to productive activities, e.g. by turning Monday into a working, rather than a drinking, day. As corroborating evidence, using a detailed and quite granular report, the Hand and Machine Labor Study commissioned by the Department of Labor in 1899 to detect the impact of mechanization on labor productivity, Atack et al. (2020) estimate that only one-third of the increase in labor productivity (measured as time spent in a given operation) in the late nineteen century was due to 'inanimate power', while the rest unexplained component remains attributed to other factors, among which division of labor plays a prominent role. ...
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This paper, relying on a still relatively unexplored long-term dataset on U.S. patenting activity, provides empirical evidence on the history of labor-saving innovations back to early nineteenth century. The identification of mechanization/automation heuristics, retrieved via textual content analysis on current robotic technologies by Montobbio et al. (Robots and the origin of their labour-saving impact, LEM Working Paper Series 2020/03), allows to focus on a limited set of CPC codes where mechanization and automation technologies are more prevalent. We track their time evolution, clustering, eventual emergence of wavy behavior, and their comovements with long-term GDP growth. Our results challenge both the general-purpose technology approach and the strict 50-year Kondratiev cycle, while they provide evidence of the emergence of erratic constellations of heterogeneous technological artefacts, in line with the development-block approach enabled by autocatalytic systems.
... Znajduje to odzwierciedlenie w przenikającej się ewolucji technologii i struktury produkcji [Nelson, Winter, 2002, s. 37-39]. W kształtowaniu konkurencyjności ważne są nie tylko technologiczne zmiany, ale także innowacje instytucjonalne -zarówno nowe regulacje, jak i udoskonalenia istniejących rozwiązań prawnych [Freeman, 1996]. Potwierdza to również analiza luki technologicznej i jej zmiany w czasie [Gomułka, 1998;Kubielas, 2010]. ...
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Celem omawianego badania jest analiza związku pomiędzy stopniem urbanizacji a BIZ, jak i stopniem urbanizacji a konkurencyjnością, w czym pomogą odpowiedzi na dwa pytania badawcze (PB1 i PB2): (PB1) Czy aktywność inwestycyjna firm zagranicznych w Polsce jest powiązana ze stopniem urbanizacji województw w Polsce?; (PB2) Czy stopnień urbanizacji w województwach w Polsce jest powiązany z ich konkurencyjnością?
... We argue that a growth theory based on an explicit account of dynamic capabilities may provide more convincing answers. Following authors such as Freeman (2019) and Sainsbury (2020), "the rate at which a country's economy grows depends on whether its firms have the capabilities to generate and exploit the windows of opportunity they see for innovation and technical change in their industries, and whether over time they are able to enhance their technological and organizational capabilities" (Sainsbury, 2020, p.13). Dynamic capabilities, that is, the organizational capabilities that are most concerned with change (Winter, 2003, Teece, 2017 are most important in this regard. ...
Article
Full-text available
The literature on wage gaps between Chiapas and the rest of Mexico revolves around individual factors, such as education and ethnicity. Yet, twenty years after the Zapatista rebellion, the schooling gap has shrunk while the wage gap has widened, and we find no evidence indicating that Chiapas indigenes are worse-off than their likes elsewhere in Mexico. We explore a different hypothesis and argue that place-specific characteristics condition the choices and behaviors of individuals living in Chiapas and explain persisting income gaps. Most importantly, they limit the necessary investments at the firm level in dynamic capabilities. Based on census data, we calculate the economic complexity index, a measure of the knowledge agglomeration embedded in the economic activities at the municipal level. Economic complexity explains a larger fraction of the wage gap than any individual factor. Our results suggest that the problem is Chiapas, and not Chiapanecos.
... The article by Chris Freeman (2019) published in Industrial and Corporate Change raises a pretty fundamental question for economists and historians alike, namely how to explain the diversity in economic performance across countries and over time. The perspective developed by Freeman in the article, and further elaborated in a subsequent book (Freeman and Louc¸ã, 2001), places innovation and diffusion at the core of the explanation. ...
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According to Christopher Freeman technological revolutions play a key role in capitalist development. In this article, we ask to what extent more recent developments are consistent with the perspective advanced by Freeman. We focus on two issues in particular, the climate challenge and what has been dubbed “A Fourth Industrial Revolution” that is, advances in artificial intelligence and the proliferation of the internet of things.
... Social evolution is now tied up to the development of all economies and societies on the planet, while every moment within globalization drives to the strengthening, deepening, and sensitization of these evolutionary connections. In other words, globalization constitutes the synchronously complex and coevolutionary phase of global economy (Asghar, Ali, & Mamoon, 2017;Cantwell, Dunning, & Lundan, 2010;Freeman, 2019;Jaelani, 2016;Reich, 1992): and, of course, the phenomenon of global economy exists since the beginning of human history and did not appear in our days ‚all of a sudden‛. ...
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INTRODUCTION We are experiencing a phase of profound restructuring of globalization nowadays, manifested through a wide variety of crisis symptoms, articulated at the same time upon the economic, political, social, and environmental spheres. Everything shows that the movements of the world’s “tectonic plates” are re-shaping the existing geo-economic and geopolitical balances on the planet drastically, causing new challenges to emerge, as well as new opportunities and threats for all stakeholders and participants in the global socioeconomic system. ... This volume—which is a collection of published articles by the “Stra.Tech.Man Lab” research team—studies some of the fundamental aspects that concern the structuring/restructuring of the current phase of globalization: in what we call “new globalization.”
... A fully flatten historical dimension of the partial spatial socioeconomic formations (Boschma & Frenken, 2006;Freeman, 2019). In this direction, on the foundations of the theoretical construction of neoclassical synthesis, policy-makers and economists alike built the socalled "Washington Consensus." ...
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This article aims to present the theoretical foundations of the classical political economy through the contributions of Adam Smith and David Ricardo and to find out how their neoclassical followers interpreted, evaluated, and transformed this classical theoretical basis. Specifically, we analyze from a critical point of view the neoclassical interpretation of globalization by arguing that this theorization is probably insufficient in analytical terms. We conclude that an analytical counterproposal for the relative explanatory insufficiencies of the neoclassical synthesis is based on the modern evolutionary approach of globalization.
... III. Concerning chance, it is rather clear that this poses a rather unnecessary analytical dimension since it is fundamentally self-evident in every approach-chance always exists, in every kind of socioeconomic reality. The developmental history of each socio-economic space must have more analytical emphasis (Freeman, 2019;Vlados, Deniozos, Chatzinikolaou & Demertzis, 2018). On the other hand, the government should not be analysed only as an external and secondary factor. ...
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This study explores Porter’s diamond of national competitiveness, by critically examining both the analytical virtues, the extensions, and the criticisms it has received over time. The aim is to analyse the stage in which the study of the diamond is currently in, about twenty years after the introduction of M. Porter, suggesting that its analytical contribution focusing on the industrial dynamics (meso-competitiveness) is still relevant even though significant analytical repositioning and improvements are possible. This research attempts to integrate a set of evolutionary socioeconomic dimensions into the “diamond’s” analytical perspective, ending up with a proposed “competitiveness web” conceptual model.
... Znajduje to odzwierciedlenie w przenikającej się ewolucji technologii i struktury produkcji [Nelson, Winter, 2002, s. 37-39]. W kształtowaniu konkurencyjności ważne są nie tylko technologiczne zmiany, ale także innowacje instytucjonalne -zarówno nowe regulacje, jak i udoskonalenia istniejących rozwiązań prawnych [Freeman, 1996]. Potwierdza to również analiza luki technologicznej i jej zmiany w czasie [Gomułka, 1998;Kubielas, 2010]. ...
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Strategia rozwoju miasta zgodnie z koncepcją smart city jest obecnie intensywnie eksploatowana. Można to przypisać wielkości rynku tworzonego przez smart cities [Frost, Sullivan, 2014], a po części – przydatnością tego typu inicjatyw w promocji miejsc (city branding). Pomimo braku jednolitego zrozumienia terminu oraz ogólnie przyjętej operacjonalizacji koncepcji, smart city to częsty pomysł na promocję miasta, a także na jego faktyczny rozwój [Hollands, 2008]. W niniejszym tekście zostanie skrótowo omówione rozumienie terminu smart city, sposoby wdrażania takiej strategii rozwoju miasta oraz jej przydatność dla podnoszenia konkurencyjności obszaru miejskiego.
... Social evolution is now tied up to the development of all economies and societies on the planet, while every moment within globalization drives to the strengthening, deepening and sensitization of these evolutionary linkages. In other words, globalization constitutes the complex and coevolutionary phase of global economy (Asghar, Ali, & Mamoon, 2017;Cantwell, Dunning, & Lundan, 2010;Freeman, 2019;Jaelani, 2016;Reich, 1992): and, of course, the phenomenon of global economy exists since the beginning of human history and did not appear in our days ‚all of a sudden‛. ...
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In the current restructuring phase of globalization, the geopolitical analysis, combined with the derived concept of geoeconomics, seems to acquire a new, growing interest. Specifically, the scientific discipline of geopolitics synthesizes the different socioeconomic analytical tools, having as final goal to propose and implement a proper strategy (geostrategy) by focusing on increasing national power and broadening the control of a geographic territory. In this context, this article explores how the contemporary geopolitical and geoeconomic analysis can valorize a composite evolutionary-dialectical method to enhance their understanding. To this end, substantial points of analytical enrichment to geopolitics and geoeconomics seem to emerge in the globalization's restructuration era.
... Znajduje to odzwierciedlenie w przenikającej się ewolucji technologii i struktury produkcji [Nelson, Winter, 2002, s. 37-39]. W kształtowaniu konkurencyjności ważne są nie tylko technologiczne zmiany, ale także innowacje instytucjonalne -zarówno nowe regulacje, jak i udosko- nalenia istniejących rozwiązań prawnych [Freeman, 1996]. Potwierdza to również analiza luki technologicznej i jej zmiany w czasie [Gomułka, 1998;Kubielas, 2010]. ...
Chapter
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Miasta zamieszkuje ponad połowa ludności świata i do nich też kieruje się największa część światowego ruchu turystycznego: w Europie już na początku pierwszej dekady XXI w. turystyka miejska stanowiła 30% podróży i 20% wyjazdów turystycznych [Law, 2002; UNWTO, 2011]. Funkcja turystyczna, najbardziej egzogeniczna ze wszystkich funkcji miasta, określa stopień jego otwartości, natomiast wielkość i jakość zagospodarowania turystycznego stanowi wyznacznik możliwości recepcyjnej miasta. Obszary zurbanizowane borykają się z różnorodnymi zjawiskami negatywnie oddziałującymi na równowagę i potencjał ich rozwoju, turystyka zaś ma z jednej strony znaczący w tym udział a z drugiej – może stanowić bufor, służący rewitalizacji i regeneracji nadwyrężonej funkcji oraz tkanki fizycznej miasta. Analizując tematykę rozwoju funkcji turystycznej ośrodków miejskich, badacze odczuwają niedostatek opracowań poświęconych temu zagadnieniu [patrz np. Ashworth, 1992; Barke, Newton, 1995; Hinch, 1996]1. Częściowo wynika to z trudności pomiaru efektów rozwoju turystyki, a ściślej – wyodrębnienia i oszacowania skutków, które można przypisać turystyce, spośród wielu innych, spowodowanych przez różne formy ludzkiej działalności w wielowymiarowej przestrzeni funkcjonalnej miasta. Drugie źródło ma charakter metodyczny: duża liczba podmiotów oraz złożoność relacji i więzi instytucjonalnych między aktorami sceny gospodarczej, społecznej i kulturalnej miasta sprawiają, że wyzwanie stanowi zarówno identyfikacja interesariuszy rozwoju turystyki miejskiej, jak i wskazanie ich roli w kształtowaniu strategii zrównoważonego rozwoju tej branży. Celem niniejszego opracowania jest objaśnienie podstawowych pojęć dotyczących funkcji turystycznej miasta oraz określenie jej wpływu na proces internacjonalizacji i poziom konkurencyjności miasta.
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This is an analysis of the wide theoretical context and consequential work of Richard Nelson and Sidney Winter. We assume as a norm for this chapter that we must do an embryological analysis of their texts, and those of contemporary thinkers. We begin by disentangling the avalanche of new ideas in the early individual works of Nelson and Winter. This flow of frames and concepts evolving, and the torrent of new questions that they pose, become interlaced and crystalize during their joint contributions in the 1970s and 1980s. In these decades we can distill the essence and critical development of Nelson and Winter in dialectic opposition with 20 th Century standard economics. The advances achieved during the 1990s and 2000s, with new protagonists coming to the front, lead us to the frontier of evolutionary economics. Then, the sudden irruption of the recession in 2008, and the sequence of shocks that have transmuted the global economy during the last decade, have unchained crucial innovations in evolutionary economics that expand the field far beyond the consolidated "beachhead".
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This paper, using a long-term, product-level, cross-country dataset, analyzes the trade–growth nexus by introducing two novel indicators able to capture demand and supply attributes of countries’ quality of specialization. The Keynesian efficiency index measures demand attractiveness of the export baskets, estimating product-level demand elasticities and weighting them by diversification; the Schumpeterian efficiency index tracks the export baskets’ technological dynamism proxied by product-level patent intensities. These two dimensions of quality of specialization are effective in explaining the rate and volatility of growth and the duration of growth episodes, identified as periods longer than 8 years of 2% average growth and, even more, of exceptional growth episodes ($\geq\,5\%$). Our results, robust to a wide range of control variables, suggest that specialization per sé is detrimental for growth resilience while countries with a diversified export structure specialized either in demand-elastic and technological-dynamic productions are likely to experience longer growth episodes.
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Studies highlight how the once envied US national innovation system (NIS) is now showing signs of slowing down. In this article, we unpack this issue from an industrial R&D perspective. First, we highlight that open innovation (OI) practices (i.e., external sources and markets for technologies) have increased the rate of inventive activity in the current wave of industrial R&D, but financialization skews the firms’ focus on short-term profits and shareholder value maximization. When OI intersects with an institutional context that propagates such shareholder-centric governance of R&D, three social costs are incurred by the US NIS: (i) irrational relationship between risks and rewards, (ii) weak antitrust and intellectual property (IP) rights that result in a lack of business dynamism, and (iii) austerity and weak demand-side policies. We contend that these social costs tilt the R&D trajectory toward incremental R&D at the expense of the blue-sky science needed to retain US leadership in technological innovation. Second, we document three social benefits that public-sector R&D agencies generate for the US NIS: (i) undertaking a technology brokerage role, (ii) creating radical R&D markets, and (iii) embracing stakeholder governance. We emphasize how a hidden “entrepreneurial network state” subtly creates and shapes breakthrough R&D and markets for private sector firms but cannot recoup the rewards for society due to political rhetoric that favors incumbent market power. Third, we recommend both incremental and radical policies to drive institutional reforms that promote a stakeholder-centric form of R&D governance so that the future wave of industrial R&D creates value for society. Overall, we draw attention to the role politics plays in industrial R&D and the US NIS and how small adjustments in institutional dimensions and governance modes can impact the US R&D trajectory and competitiveness.
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La Universidad de la República es la institución pública de educación superior más importante y con mayor tradición de Uruguay. Entre sus funciones está la investigación y la producción de conocimiento de calidad, original, intelectualmente significativa y socialmente valiosa para el desarrollo social , económico y cultural del país. Este trabajo ofrece una mirada de las capacidades y principales contribuciones en materia de investigación e in-novación de la Universidad al país, ejemplificada con el papel desempeñado en el entorno de la pandemia por covid-19. Con base en esa experiencia, re-flexionamos sobre el proceso de ampliación de esas capacidades, así como sobre las oportunidades y dificultades para profundizarlas y expandirlas.
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Endless arguments can be made on history and its importance, perhaps this is one of the reasons why history, in addition to literature, are recognized as key and fundamental disciplines in the humanities. In order to expand and promote the historical approach in the analysis of technology and technology development and in line with historical approach in the Management Improvement Quarterly, a call for paper was received on historical analyses of technology and innovation development in the winter of 1399. Out of more than 30 abstracts received, 10 articles were accepted in five categories of technology and innovation management community, technology and innovation policy, industrial policy, industry level, organization/ firm level. This special issue is an effort to acknowledge the historical approach and understanding technology and innovation development. I hope readers find articles in this issue useful and interesting and they would promote historical approach in other journals and scientific publications of technology management as well as science and technology policy.
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Endless arguments can be made on history and its importance, perhaps this is one of the reasons why history, in addition to literature, are recognized as key and fundamental disciplines in the humanities. In order to expand and promote the historical approach in the analysis of technology and technology development and in line with historical approach in the Management Improvement Quarterly, a call for paper was received on historical analyses of technology and innovation development in the winter of 1399. Out of more than 30 abstracts received, 10 articles were accepted in five categories of technology and innovation management community, technology and innovation policy, industrial policy, industry level, organization/ firm level. This special issue is an effort to acknowledge the historical approach and understanding technology and innovation development. I hope readers find articles in this issue useful and interesting and they would promote historical approach in other journals and scientific publications of technology management as well as science and technology policy. در باب تاریخ و اهمیت آن می‌توان بحث و استدلال‌های بی‌پایانی مطرح کرد، شاید یکی از دلایلی که تاریخ در کنار ادبیات از کلیدی‌ترین و پایه‌ای‌ترین رشته‌ها در علوم انسانی شناخته‌ می‌شوند نیز همین باشد. در راستای گسترش و ترویج رویکرد تاریخی در تحلیل توسعه فناوری و فناوری و همراستا با توجه ویژه رهیافت‌ تاریخی در سیاست‌های فصلنامه بهبود مدیریت، فراخوانی برای دریافت چکیده و انتشار مقالات با رویکرد تاریخی در زمستان سال 1399 منتشر شد. از میان بیش از 30 چکیده دریافتی، نهایتاً 10 مقاله تحلیل تاریخی در پنج محور جامعه مدیریت فناوری و نوآوری، سیاست فناوری و نوآوری، سیاست صنعتی، سطح صنعت، سطح سازمان/ بنگاه پذیرفته شد که در این ویژه‌نامه در اختیار خوانندگان و علاقه‌مندان رویکرد تاریخی در تحلیل توسعه فناوری و نوآوری قرار می‌گیرد. ویژه‌نامه حاضر تلاشی ناچیز در زمینه ارج نهادن به تحلیل و فهم تاریخی در توسعه فناوری و نوآوری است که ان شاالله مورد توجه خوانندگان قرار گرفته و موجب ترویج این رویکرد حائز اهمیت در دیگر مجلات و نیز منتشرات علمی کشور در رشته‌های مدیریت تکنولوژی و سیاست‌گذاری علم و فناوری گردد.
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The aim of the essay is to reflect on how Freeman’s intellectual work linked to some of his contributions on the relationships between STI, Society and Development, including the role of STI policy and the Innovation System approach, influence my academic work. In particular, on the understanding and theoretical–conceptual, methodological and empirical analysis I make of both the processes of knowledge production and its creative use for economic-productive and social purposes. To this end, I propose to revisit Freeman’s work, identifying ideas, concepts and relationships that contribute to the understanding of the phenomena I study.
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--some text from this Introductory chapter of the book: "The linkage from innovation to growth also means that if the process of building technological capabilities is not effective, long run economic growth itself will be derailed or slow. This book starts from the recognition that this is the case for some of emerging economies or many countries in the global south, and thus the phenomenon of the so-called middle-income trap (MIT) is important (Felipe, 2012; Aiyar et al., 2013; Eichengreen et al., 2013; Lee, 2013a; Paus, 2017). In other words, we argue that the failure or ineffectiveness of technology upgrading is the key issue in understanding the nature and problem of economic growth at middle income stage. Technology upgrading is the process of enhancing technological capabilities of firms, sectors, regions or countries. The early literature has explored technological capabilities at different development stages and identified the characteristics of each stage. For example, Kim (1997) divides technology upgrading in developing countries into the stages of adoption, assimilation, and innovation. Along a similar vein, Hobday (1994) discussed upgrading along the stages of OEM (own equipment manufacturing), ODM (own design manufacturing) and OBM (own brand manufacturing). Lee (2005; 2013) linked these stages to different objects of learning, such as operational skills, process technology, design technology, and finally new product development technology. Discussion of diverse technologies can also be linked to diverse modes of learning and international technology transfer, including foreign direct investment (FDI), export, technology licensing, import of capital goods, and exchange of personnel. It also includes the necessary absorptive capacity required for successful technology upgrading (Amsden, 2001).
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“There is a common misunderstanding regarding the success of the Silicon Valley; it is true that it as a hive of innovative activities, but in concrete, ambitious and talented young people from all over the world, gathered around the ‘valley’ because it was the headquarters of universities, research laboratories, venture capital companies and venture capital at the disposal of brilliant people. Everything happened because innovative and intelligent government policies created the suitable ground and the suitable context. All countries worldwide are trying to emulate the success of the Silicon Valley [...], but there are three key elements which can make the difference between success and failure in terms of innovation, such as: policies, institutions and rules”. Quotation by Bruno Lanvin, summarizing the evidence of the Global Innovation Index Report 2015. But how to analyse, measure and evaluate policies, institutions and rules affecting innovation? What is important to measure regarding innovation? What are the models of innovation governance? Is there a relation between a Country's governance innovation model and the performance levels achieved? On one hand the most internationally widespread innovation measurement indicators mainly analyse two dimensions of the innovation process: committed resources (input indicators) and results/performance (output indicators). These are complex indices, prolific indicators, which estimate the weight of each single component of the innovative process. It measures the individual elements of complex formulas and tend to confirm the relation between investment and results, but struggle to grasp the weight of the process governance. On the other hand, there is a lack of analytical tools able to define the models of innovation governance which may lead to a more contextualised assessment of limits and resources of the innovation systems, also considering the above mentioned input and output dimensions. This paper is focused on the description of governance models and innovation performance levels of three European countries related to three different IUS clusters - Germany, France and Italy - trying to understand possible relations between the two drivers within the three countries surveyed, also using the Global Innovation Index. The available data show a strong relation between investment innovation rates in one country and the respective performances. We can note that to high investment (economic and social) rates in innovation correspond remarkable performances in terms of innovation and it happens, at a global level, almost exclusively in "high-income" countries. This has consequences, even indirectly, in terms of competitiveness of human and social capital, able to influence the so-called "attractiveness" of the specific country. The governance models of the three countries analyzed are very different, for reasons that are also endemic, but it is possible to support, in a nutshell, that where there are efficient coordination entities and the innovation system is more integrated (although multi-level), performance in terms of innovation and competitiveness is better. Therefore, the governance of innovation may be considered a decisive driver to measure competitiveness, but too often it is underestimated, either in Italy and in Europe (and within the global market).
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In this short essay, I will discuss Christopher Freeman’s legacy using two axes: (i) the multidimensional vision that he has put forward in National Innovation Systems and (ii) the upmost importance of considering time as a structuring element of the systemic analysis of innovation. I identify some aspects of Freeman’s systemic thinking. This essay is closed by reflecting on the beautiful road ahead that Freeman has signalled for future generations of scholars.
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Pegging similar research constructs against each other is the usual norm where different streams of thought aim to seek validation and claim space in scholarship. Nevertheless, with the rapid rate of innovation and interaction globally, developing a construct solely on its own merit sometimes can be futile though enlightening. This is the dilemma I was faced with whilst undertaking my doctoral study which was aimed at understanding various facets of Innovation Ecosystems. Leveraging off Christopher Freeman’s supposition of learning from the old to inform the new helped my thought processes. Firstly, I looked to Innovation Systems research to assist in understanding functional activities that occur in Innovation Ecosystems. Secondly, I applied the same perspective when it comes to selecting cases that I analysed in the study. The overall aim of this reflective piece is to exemplify how one construct can always learn from another to morph from just being theoretical to being practical.
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The purpose of the study is to develop a model for the co-evolution of the regional economy and economic institutions. The research methods used: abstract-logical for the study of theoretical aspects and the experience of modeling co-evolution; and economic-mathematical for the development of own model of coevolution. The results of the study: approaches to modeling the evolution of economic institutions, as well as the co-evolution of the regional economy and economic institutions are considered, strengths and weaknesses of existing approaches to modeling co-evolution are identified, on the basis of the logistic model and Lotka-Volterra equations, an own co-evolution model has been developed, which includes three entities: regional economy, “good” institution and “bad” institution. Three versions of the model have been developed: the co-evolution of the regional economy and the “good” institution, the co-evolution of the regional economy and the “bad institution,” and a variant of the co-evolution of all three entities simultaneously, in which the “good” and “bad” institutions interact according to the “predator-prey” model, and their the cumulative effect determines the development of the regional economy. Numerical experiments have been carried out in the MathLab, which have shown the capabilities of the model to reflect the results of the co-evolution of the economy of a resource-producing region and economic institutions. In the first variant, a “good” institution promotes economic growth in excess of the level determined by resource availability. In the second variant, the “bad” institution has a disincentive effect on the GRP, as a result of which the GRP falls below the level determined by the resource endowment. In the third variant, the interaction of “good” and “bad” institutions still contributes to economic growth above the level determined by resource availability, but causes cyclical fluctuations in the GRP.
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In this article, we study the effects of industrial policies on international convergence using a multicountry agent-based model which builds upon Dosi et al. (2019b, J. Econ. Dyn. Control, 101, 101–129). The model features a group of microfounded economies, with evolving industries, populated by heterogeneous firms that compete in international markets. In each country, technological change is driven by firms’ activities of search and innovation, while aggregate demand formation and distribution follow Keynesian dynamics. Interactions among countries take place via trade flows and international technological imitation. We employ the model to assess the different strategies that laggard countries can adopt to catch up with leaders: market-friendly policies; industrial policies targeting the development of firms’ capabilities and R&D investments, as well as trade restrictions for infant industry protection; protectionist policies focusing on tariffs only. We find that markets cannot do the magic: in absence of government interventions, laggards will continue to fall behind. On the contrary, industrial policies can successfully drive international convergence among leaders and laggards, while protectionism alone is not sufficient to support catching up and countries get stuck in a sort of middle-income trap. Finally, in a global trade war, where developed economies impose retaliatory tariffs, both laggards and leaders are worse off and world productivity growth slows down.
Article
Internationalization of R&D and innovation by multinational enterprises (MNEs) has undergone a gradual and comprehensive change in perspective over the past 50 years. From sporadic works in the late 1950s and in the 1960s, it became a systematically analyzed topic in the 1970s, starting with pioneering reports and “foundation texts”. Our review unfolds the theoretical and empirical evolution of the literature from dyadic interpretations of centralization versus decentralization of R&D by MNEs to more comprehensive frameworks, wherein established MNEs from advanced economies still play a pivotal role, but new players and places also emerge in the global generation and diffusion of knowledge. Hence, views of R&D internationalization increasingly rely on concepts, ideas, and methods from IB and other related disciplines such as industrial organization, international economics, and economic geography. Two main findings are highlighted. First, scholarly research pays increasing attention to the network-like characteristics of international R&D activities. Second, different streams of literature have emphasized the role of location-specific factors in R&D internationalization. The increasing emphasis on these aspects has created new research opportunities in some key areas, including inter alia: cross-border knowledge-sourcing strategies, changes in the geography of R&D and innovation, and the international fragmentation of production and R&D activities.
Article
We maintain that Chris Freeman’s approach to the study of the interplay between technical change and economic growth is still a very fertile source of insights. Alas, in much of mainstream research Freeman’s contribution is hardly considered. We show that this is a result of the basic assumptions of neoclassical growth theory (both “old” and “new”) that prevent a pregnant treatment of technical and institutional change. We conclude that if we want to make real progress with understanding the long-run dynamics of capitalist systems, Freeman’s “reasoned history” is an invaluable starting point.
Article
Every Schumpeterian is an evolutionary economist in his or her own way. Chris Freeman, whose 1995 essay is published in this issue of ICC, favored a rare combination of the Cambridge tradition, a Marxian view of inequalities and Schumpeter’s fascination with innovation as the driving force of capitalism. The article summarizes and discusses this combination and how Freeman generated a challenging agenda for contemporary economics, namely in the context of long wave analysis, the theme for his last book.
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New theories of economic growth that are policy-relevant and connect with the histories of success and failure in economic development are urgently needed. This article compares the neoclassical (or market efficiency) school of thought with the production-capability school of thought which included Alexander Hamilton, Friedrich List, and Joseph Schumpeter. Many affirmative, industrial policy steps by governments to promote economic development have been historically recorded—including in the UK and the United States. Meanwhile the neoclassical school has ignored the role of government in helping to create competitive advantage. It has also chosen to ignore how firms are formed, how technologies are acquired, and how industries emerge. The dynamic capability theory of economic growth developed here assigns the central role in economic growth to firms but also an important role to governments. The rate at which a country’s economy grows depends critically on whether its firms can build the capabilities to generate and take advantage of “windows of opportunity” that exist for innovation and new markets, and whether over time they are able to enhance their capabilities to move into higher value-added activities.1
Article
I am very glad Industrial and Corporate Change is publishing Chris Freeman’s paper (2019) on “History, Co-evolution, and Economic Growth”; it deserves to be widely read and thought about. Freeman’s analysis of the forces driving the industrial revolution in the UK is rich and persuasive, bringing together in a coherent way the analyses of several earlier scholars, and integrating their most salient findings and arguments and extending them within a rich analytical structure involving the co-evolution of technology, science, economic institutions, and various cultural and political aspects of British society at that time. His more general arguments that what he calls “reasoned history” is the best way of theorizing about the processes of long run economic change are well presented, and supported by his case study. I would like to use this opportunity to elaborate this general point of view. In other places, I have argued a generalization of Freeman’s proposition that I know he would approve. It is that the lion’s share of the economic understanding of professional economists is in the form of qualitative verbal descriptions and narratives, spliced by numbers, and structured in a “reasoned” but not formal way. I have called this form of understanding “appreciative” theory. The qualitative aspects of our understanding usually are sized, shaped, and pinned down to some extent by numbers and often by statistical relationships as is Freeman’s analysis, but as his study shows, these quantitative aspects of our understanding do not make sense on their own. Our qualitative understanding transcends them and is essential in indicating what those numbers mean. In many but not all cases, our appreciative theorizing is shaped and sharpened by formal models, and is stronger when it is. However, formal models should be regarded as aids to appreciative theorizing, which is where the understanding is, not as being our understanding in their own right.
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The cognitive objective of the work is to underline the strategic importance of knowledge and collaboration networks in the Fourth Industrial Revolution. In support of these considerations, the process of innovation in the new technological paradigm will be described, with the aim of highlighting that the better the level of human capital, the greater the chances of increasing competitiveness. The reflection will be followed by the evolution of the concept of the Innovation System, with reference to the actors and the network model, as well as to the policies that help shape a suitable context for the diffusion of the knowledge economy. The systemic approach will be found in the Campania Region, which although not starting from favorable positions in the ranking of the most innovative territories, is striving to face the territorial challenge. Although many parties agree with the need to govern change and the idea that technology should only play a role in supporting and enhancing human activity is making headway, in reality there remains a considerable distance between the declared intentions and the real practices followed in the era of digital transformation. The importance of this study lies in the observation that in the face of the Fourth Industrial Revolution, it is not enough to simply de-linearise the possible impacts of enabling technologies in forecasting terms, but it is necessary to enter into the merits of the paths of change, in order to identify to use the appropriate ways to guide and accompany them, which should be governed by an innovation systems governance that guarantees the participation of all stakeholders.
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Der Beitrag wendet sich gegen die neoklassische Perspektive, wonach vor allem die Ressourcenallokation das entscheidende Problem in der Diskussion wirtschaftlicher Prozesse darstellt. Er betont erstens den kausalen Gehalt mittelfristiger Innovationsprozesse und zweitens die Bedeutung einer global diversifizierten und ausdifferenzierten Wissensbasis. Zu unterschiedlichen Zeiten und an verschiedenen Orten herrschen demnach jeweils unterschiedliche „Innovationsstile“, die sich aus dem raumzeitlich gebundenen institutionellen Rahmen ergeben, wobei vier Institutionen entscheidende Bedeutung besitzen: Der vorherrschende Zeithorizont der Akteure; das etablierte Vertrauen mit seinen Eigenschaften; die konkrete Gestalt der jeweils vorhandenen Rationalitäten; sowie die jeweils institutionalisierten Formen der Ausübung von Autorität. Entscheidend ist, dass sich, je nach spezifischer institutioneller Kombination, hieraus eine Diversität von interaktiven Lernprozessen ergibt, in denen Wissen kontinuierlich wie auch kollektiv weiterentwickelt wird. Vor diesem Hintergrund diskutiert der Beitrag außerdem die analytische Bedeutung der nationalen Ebene in der Diskussion von Innovationsprozessen und dynamischer Wirtschaftsentwicklung.
Article
Résumé Nos sociétés vivent‐elles aujourd'hui une nouvelle révolution industrielle? Les auteurs s'efforcent de répondre à cette question à partir d'une évaluation des conséquences des changements technologiques sur le tissu socio‐économique actuel, notamment sous l'angle de l'emploi, des inégalités, des conditions de travail et des relations professionnelles. Ils avancent que les processus d'innovation et la diffusion de «l'automatisation intelligente» risquent de renforcer des schémas de répartition des revenus et des rapports de force inéquitables (certains préexistants à l'arrivée des technologies et d'autres apparus au cours des trente à quarante dernières années). Ils détaillent les implications de ces évolutions sur les politiques à mettre en œuvre.
Article
Resumen En este artículo se investiga si las sociedades asisten a una nueva revolución industrial, y cuál es la repercusión del cambio tecnológico en el tejido socioeconómico, principalmente con respecto al empleo, la distribución de la renta, las condiciones de trabajo y las relaciones laborales. Los autores sostienen que los procesos de innovación y la expansión de lo que denominan «automatización inteligente» tienden a exacerbar los actuales patrones de desigualdad de poder y de renta, que ya estaban presentes mucho antes la aparición de las tecnologías en cuestión. A tenor de esos procesos, proponen algunas recomendaciones para la formulación de políticas.
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The reflections which follow build on two interrelated questions, namely, first, whether we are witnessing another “industrial revolution”, and second, what is the impact of technological transformations upon the current dynamics of the socio‐economic fabric, especially with respect to employment, income distribution, working conditions and labour relations. We argue that the processes of innovation and diffusion of what we could call “intelligent automation” are likely to change the incumbent patterns of distribution of income and power, which have been there well before the arrival of the technologies we are concerned about. Some of them are indeed intrinsic features of capitalism since its inception, while others emerged over the last thirty‐forty years. First, we shall offer a fresco of such tendencies which certainly preceded any potential “Fourth Industrial Revolution” but are going to be amplified by the latter, within a process that we shall call “rentification of capitalism”. Second, we discuss the features of such possible new techno‐economic paradigm, distinguishing between so‐called Industry 4.0 and the more pervasive impact of big‐data analytics upon the social reproduction sphere. Third, we examine the relationships between technology, productivity and growth, and the ensuing impact on jobs. Finally, we discuss the patterns of division of labour, distribution of knowledge, power, and control in the era of rentified capitalism. Finally, we address some policy implications.
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The literature on income gaps between Chiapas and the rest of Mexico revolves around individual factors, such as education and ethnicity. Yet, twenty years after the Zapatista rebellion, the schooling gap between Chiapas and the other Mexican entities has shrunk while the income gap has widened, and we find no evidence indicating that Chiapas indigenes are worse-off than their likes elsewhere in Mexico. We explore a different hypothesis. Based on census data, we calculate the economic complexity index, a measure of the knowledge agglomeration embedded in the economic activities at a municipal level in Mexico. Economic complexity explains a larger fraction of the income gap than any individual factor. Our results suggest that chiapanecos are not the problem, the problem is Chiapas. These results hold when we extend our analysis to Mexico's thirty-one federal entities, suggesting that place-specific determinants that have been overlooked in both the literature and policy, have a key role in the determination of income gaps. The authors want to thank the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) for financing the study. The opinions expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of the its Executive Directory, or countries represented in the bank. We also thank JEL classification: A11, B41, O10, O12, O20, R00.
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Celem rozdziału jest określenie zdolności i pozycji innowacyjnej Polski w porównaniu z innymi krajami członkowskimi Unii Europejskiej, zwłaszcza tymi o podobnym do Polski poziomie rozwoju gospodarczego. Analiza obejmuje okres 2010-2017 i stanowi przyczynek do określenia roli innowacji w kształtowaniu przewag konkurencyjnych polskiej gospodarki.
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