Language Planning for Modernization: The Case of Indonesian and Malaysian
... After independence, determined and continual planning has been carried out to develop standard Indonesian language to serve as the national and official language (Alisjahbana, 1976;Moeliono, 1986;Sneddon, 2003). As a result, the language's position has been well established (Montolalu & Suryadinata, 2007), and it has been used for government administration, business, media, and the medium of instruction (Kohler, 2019). ...
... While there have been numerous descriptive studies on RIHLs, few have covered the LPP question. For example, Alisjahbana (1976), Moeliono (1986), and Sneddon (2003) were about Indonesian (language) development. Various studies, for example, Sobarna (2007), Wilian (2010), and Ravindranath and Cohn (2014), devoted their attention to language shift, not to LPP. ...
... The language ideology may underlie the determined endeavor to develop Indonesian as the language of unity and modernization (Alisjahbana, 1976), through comprehensive and detailed LPP (which encompass status, acquisition, and corpus planning, Moeliono, 1986), and has led to a great success for Indonesian. However, the success comes with a price in the decline of RIHLs (e.g., in Ravindranath & Cohn, 2014). ...
Regional indigenous heritage languages (RIHLs) are in decline in Indonesia, and this problem needs attention from language policy and planning. This study explores a subset of the Indonesian language policy, namely, its acquisition planning. Content analysis and doctrinal method were employed. The sample included national legislations and some regional legislations. The results are as follows. As subjects taught in schools, Indonesian is “compulsory” at all levels; RIHLs are “optional” at primary and secondary levels and “absent” at the tertiary level; English is “compulsory” at the secondary level and “optional” at the tertiary level. As the media of instruction, Indonesian is “compulsory” at all levels; RIHLs are “optional” in very limited cases; English is “optional” at the tertiary level. As languages for mass media, Indonesian is “compulsory”; English is “optional” for specific aims or audience; RIHLs are “optional” for local communities. There are possible “incoherences” among various legislations, that is, the Constitution, some national laws and regulations, and some regional bylaws. To implement constitutional mandate, the acquisition planning may need revision. In the revision, RIHLs may need to be included as mandatory subjects, while some RIHLs may need to be used as the media of instruction and in mass media. Further studies for the revision are recommended.
... Categories such as Malay language and ethnic languages increasingly became part of public meta-pragmatic discourses through such activities as the 1928 Youth Congress, which proposed using Malay -renamed as bahasa Indonesia (Indonesian) -as the language of a growing anti-colonial movement and of a potential Indonesian state, rather than Javanese or other ethnic languages (e.g. Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Anwar, 1980;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Foulcher, 2000). Some of the reasons given for such a choice were based upon arguments about the relatedness of Malay to place-based ethno-linguistic groupings, such as Balinese, Javanese, Sundanese, Buginese, Minahasan, Acehnese, Minangkabau (e.g. ...
... This usage of NJ inter-ethically contrasts markedly with the imagined or hoped for exchanges of Indonesian (e.g. Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Anwar, 1980;Dardjowidjojo, 1998), which have reached ideological status by way of the Indonesian constitution, language policy and school curriculum (e.g. Section 2.3). ...
... The second language ideology I examined related to language use in interethnic interactions, where the Indonesian constitution, language policy, language educators and school curriculum all seem to imagine that such interactions will be characterized by Indonesian usage (e.g. Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Anwar, 1980;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Lowenberg, 1990Lowenberg, , 1992Nababan, 1985Nababan, , 1991. In Sections 9.4 and 9.5 I showed that there was again a large difference between this ideology and practice with inter-ethnic interactions frequently being conducted using NJ forms. ...
“Goebel's book is a carefully crafted examination of how talk mediates social relations in the context of ethnic diversity…. A strength of Goebel's approach is his effort to take into account historical perspectives captured in language ideologies….For those interested in considering broader sociological patterns Goebel's meticulous data are a rich and exciting resource…. Goebel notes in the book's preface that his work is not an easy read …. For those interested in tracing the role of language in on–the–ground processes of ethnic identification in a situation of diversity, however, the book is well worth the effort.” Nancy Smith-Hefner, Boston University. (Anthropological Linguistics, 54/1: 97-100)
This book is of interest to anyone concerned with identity formation, space, and the nation, and sets an important methodological example for how to study the role of language practices in demarcating space.” Sheri Gibbings, WilfrId Laurier University. (Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 167/4: 561-598)
"Goebel presents a richly detailed description of language variation in two wards of Semarang…This multidisciplinary work has implications for many fields.” Ellen Rafferty, University of Wisconsin-Madison. (Asian Studies Review, 35/3: 419-420)
“Goebel has written a very stimulating book that significantly enriches our knowledge of the relationships between national and regional languages in Java.” Edwin Wieringa, University of Cologne. (Anthropos, 107/1: 257)
“The book’s strength is its careful identification of moments of talk during which interlocutors co-create and delimit the linguistic and cultural practices that form a positive neighborhood identity and often simultaneously work to exclude neighbors.” Christina Casey, Old Dominion University. (Anthropology and Humanism, 38/2: 209-211)
... One It was no doubt, during the Dme of colonisaDon, especially in the era of Dutch and Javanese occupaDon, Malay was associated with the language of liberaDon and independence (Alisjahbana, 1976 society during the colonisaDon. The biggest populaDon with its own language was (and is) Javanese. ...
... When the language was dominated, it will also be dominaDng the whole aspect of life, parDcularly in the poliDcal dominaDon. From linguisDc point of view, it was spoken exclusively by Javanese people and more importantly, as highlighted by Alisjahbana (1976), it was a complex language, and the social status of hierarchy was reflected in the language. Therefore, this naDon needed a language spoken by mostly of the inhabitants and one which did not represent an ethnic group dominaDon. ...
The global adoption of English-medium instruction (EMI) in different levels of education has mushroomed both in Europe and Asia. In Europe, massive programs are extended, particularly, in Netherlands, Germany, Sweden, France, and Denmark; while in Asia; China, Japan, Taiwan, and Korea are leading countries in running EMI. To keep up with this growing global phenomenon, Indonesia State Universities just adopted this program nationally in 2016. Consequently, the body of research carried out on EMI from the role of language in EMI from teachers to students’ perception is dominated by Europe and Asia. However, little is known of research on the use of English and other languages by observing EMI classrooms. This study, therefore, focuses on investigating how Indonesian university content teachers use English and other languages in Indonesian EMI settings.
Employing a qualitative inquiry as the research method this study was employing qualitative study tools including classroom observation, semi-structured interview, field notes and website documentation. Data collected were analysed by using qualitative/thematic content analysis (QCA/TCA). The theoretical framework adopted post-structuralist and multilingualism of ELF. Recruiting thirty-four Indonesian universities content teachers who live in Special Region Yogyakarta and Central Java Provinces, Indonesia as the participants, this study explored teachers’ use of English and other languages in their EMI classrooms, their perceptions, and attitudes of English and other languages in EMI settings in Indonesian universities. The study revealed that English was the major language used in the teaching sessions; however, the quantification method demonstrated that teachers made use of all linguistic resources they had. Arabic was used to open and close the class, greeting students and praying. Mother tongue was used to say their local terms, domain terms, asking/confirming/joking, and local repertoire. Thai is spoken by the teacher to attract and build a hello-effect atmosphere for students, especially to drive out drowsiness in the classroom. Javanese is used spontaneously when the teacher illustrated a local setting and local context in the teaching. Latin was mentioned by the teacher as many sources of law are rooted from Latin. Malay was spoken to accommodate Malaysia students in his class. Those linguistics resources are spoken through ELF code-switching or code-mixing including embedded, or separated, or combination of embedded and separated with English and other languages. On other occasions, it could be direct and one way, mirroring, rebounding, back-to back, and combine language in a creative way.
Teachers’ perceptions toward the establishment of International Undergraduate Program (IUP) were split into conceptualisations and attitudes. Teachers’ conceptualisations of IUP covered wide range of dimension from language requirement to enrol IUP to outcomes of the program. Teachers’ attitude of the establishment of IUP showed that a single majority of teachers supported and agreed with the presence of IUP in their universities and only one voiced his disagreement. The basis of teachers’ support was based on their institutional, classrooms, students and graduates, and teachers’ perspectives. Meanwhile, teachers’ perception of English use was closely related to their orientation of using English, and language education policy of using English. Teachers’ perception of using language other than English (LOTE) reflect their language preference for teaching, accommodation of LOTE use, consideration of practicing multilingual, and their mixed position between perception and practices of LOTE. Regarding teachers’ perception of English and LOTE, most of the teachers (24 of 34) expressed a positive view on the use of English and LOTE. Finally, teachers’ attitude toward using English and LOTE showed that all teachers had a positive attitude to the use of English in IUP. They either agreed or were in support for accommodating English LOTE in the EMI program.
... One reason is precisely because it is the language of the ethnic majority, one whose powerful position might threaten other ethnic groups. During the national independence movement, the founding fathers of the country aspired for a more 'democratic' language that is not spoken by an ethnic majority (Alisjahbana, 1976). Secondly, Javanese has an inherent structural complexity and a linguistic hierarchy that would make it difficult for other ethnic groups who do not share the same social concepts to learn it (Bertrand, 2003). ...
... Their existence demonstrates the implementation of the additive perspective of multilingualism in the country. Despite the considerable success of Indonesian that has been claimed as 'a linguistic miracle' (Alisjahbana, 1976) and the increased supremacy of English, the relatively short history of language planning and policy in Indonesia has not proved conducive to the maintenance of diversity. This provides evidence in support of Lo Bianco's (2010: 47) contention that 'historical analysis of state language planning activity would show that the bulk of this action has been against rather than in favour of multilingualism'. ...
Indonesia is the second most linguistically diverse nation in the world. It has established its reputation as one of the largest markets of English language education. This paper examines the context of multilingualism in Indonesia in relation to the increasingly dominant role of English from my viewpoint as a researcher. I begin the paper by outlining how Indonesia is currently adapting to the role of English as a global language. I then discuss the position of English within the linguistic ecology of the country, highlighting how its promotion in the educational system adversely affects the maintenance of the indigenous and heritage languages. Finally, I point to the need for deliberate action in education that promotes multilingualism. I argue for a redirection in the Indonesian educational system towards multilingual education in order to ensure the preservation of the indigenous and heritage languages while adopting English as a Lingua Franca.
... At one such meeting, the 1928 Youth Congress, participants proposed that Indonesian should be the language of Indonesia and proposed it as the language of both a growing anti-colonial movement and of an independent Indonesian state (e.g. Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Anwar, 1980;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Foulcher, 2000). Just as importantly, this pledge contrasted with an implied set of regional languages and their associated ethnic social types. ...
... Indonesian was not only represented in textbooks, grammars, and classrooms as the language of education and modernity, but its usage among Indonesians from throughout the archipelago was ideologized as the penultimate 'example of' and 'vehicle for' doing unity in diversity (e.g. Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1993;Nababan, 1985). ...
... At one such meeting, the 1928 Youth Congress, participants proposed that Indonesian should be the language of Indonesia and proposed it as the language of a growing anticolonial movement and of an independent Indonesian state (e.g. Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Anwar, 1980;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Foulcher, 2000). Just as importantly, this pledge contrasted with an implied set of regional languages and their associated ethnic social types. ...
... Indonesian was not only represented in textbooks, grammars, and classrooms as the language of education and modernity, but its usage among Indonesians from throughout the archipelago was also ideologised as the penultimate "example of" and "vehicle for" doing unity in diversity (e.g. Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1993;Nababan, 1985). ...
... Introductory textbooks and scholarly accounts of Indonesia and Indonesian (bahasa Indonesia) point out that Indonesia is made up of over 17000 islands populated by 400-1000 ethnic groups, each with their own language (e.g. Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Bertrand, 2003;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Elson, 2008;Robson, 2004;Sneddon, 2003;Vickers, 2005). In daily interaction, strangers are commonly identified as a member of one ethnolinguistic group or another with reference to their accent along with a commonly asked question about where that stranger was born. ...
... Indonesian was not only represented in textbooks, grammars, and classrooms as the language of education and modernity, but its usage among Indonesians from throughout the archipelago was also ideologized as the penultimate "example of" and "vehicle for" interaction amongst strangers and for the doing of unity in diversity (e.g. Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1993;Nababan, 1985). ...
... Introductory textbooks and scholarly accounts of Indonesia and Indonesian (bahasa Indonesia ) point out that Indonesia is made up of over 17,000 islands populated by 400-1000 ethnic groups, each with their own language (e.g. Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Bertrand, 2003;Dardjowi djojo, 1998;Elson, 2008;Robson, 2004;Sneddon, 2003;Vickers, 2005 ). In daily interaction strangers are commonly identified as a member of one ethnolinguistic group or another with reference to their accent along with a commonly asked question about where that stranger was born. ...
... Indonesian is not only represented in textbooks, grammars and classrooms as the language of education and modernity, but its usage among Indonesi ans from throughout the archipelago is also ideologized as the penultimate ''example of'' and ''vehicle for'' doing unity in diversity (e.g. Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Dardjowidjoj o, 1998;Departemen Pendidikan Dan Kebudayaan, 1993;Nababan, 1985Nababan, , 1991. ...
Work on communicative competence (CC) has focused upon the type of CC developed in small group settings. This paper examines the types of competences that develop as part of a person’s schooling and media consumption. Involvement in these activities enables competence to comprehend others’ ways of speaking and an ability to evaluate these ways of speaking, which I refer to as “knowledging”. Where acts of knowledging are ratified as appropriate, we can say that this represents an example of CC. I use audio-video recordings of organized teledrama viewing sessions involving a group of Indonesians to show how these Indonesians comprehend and evaluate signs that have associations with particular ethnic stereotypes that they themselves do not identify with.
... Consequently, a complicated and expansive cultural reform approach is required to cover a wider area. The transformation process involves three major parts of culture: the expressive aspects of culture and religion; the progressive aspects of science, technology, and economics; and the political and organizational aspects of power and solidarity (Alisjahbana, 1976). Cultural development will be challenging without simultaneously supporting these three factors and may be fatal to the culture. ...
The values of multicultural education in Indonesian middle and high school textbooks have been of great interest among researchers, for the Indonesian people have a variety of cultures, ethnicities, religions, as well as different levels of economy. Teaching the values of multicultural education in Indonesian language textbooks aims to foster solidarity and harmony in society. Multicultural education aims to achieve two objectives, namely national unity and cultural diversity, in order to adapt to the changes brought about by the country's economic progress and globalization. This study compared the dominant values of multicultural education between Indonesian language textbooks for grade 7 middle and grade 10 high schools. Based on critical discourse analysis, this study documented the values of multicultural education in three major issues: religion, culture, and ethnicity. The results of the comparative analysis show that high school Indonesian language textbooks dominate the values of multicultural education more than those middle school textbooks. Additionally, the implications and suggestions for further development of the values of multicultural education in the two textbooks are also discussed.
... In the CLG, we witness the breakthrough of the modern as he conceived it -involving the recognition of the autonomy of language, together with a new focus of analysis on the principles governing the crucial properties of language -which are: first, 7 Sugono et al. (eds.) 2008, p. 15;Cribb 2000, pp. 31-37. ...
Starting from De Mauro’s edition of Saussure’s Cours de linguistique générale (CLG), this article will focus on its Indonesian translation by Rahayu Hidayat, Pengantar Linguistik Umum (PLU) (1988). First, we will analyse the translation strategy of PLU, in particular its Indonesianisation of Saussurean dichotomies and terminology, and how it addresses the gap between the French original and the Indonesian reader. Then, secondly, we will take a closer look at the introduction in Indonesia – in three steps well before 1988 – of Saussure’s ideas and synchronic structural linguistics: in the 1940s, through the Dutch Javanist Uhlenbeck; postindependence, by the Indonesian linguist Wojowasito in 1961; then in the 1970s and 1980s, as part of the ongoing modernisation of Indonesian linguistics. Post-1988, finally, we will consider the impact PLU has had, in linguistics as well as in socio-cultural semiotics. In this process of intellectual transfer, reception and renewal, PLU occupies a pivotal position, presenting Saussure as founder of structural linguistics, between the other contributions he made, respectively as critic of historical linguistics and as seminal semiotic thinker.
... For doubters on what the Filipino language is capable of, look at what Indonesia and Malaysia was able to achieve with Bahasa in just 20-30 years. Their national languages are younger than Filipino, yet they were able to use and intellectualize it in just 20-30 years because of strong government support and multisectoral unity for their languages (Alisjahbana, 1976;Abas, 1987;Constantino, 1991;Gonzalez, 2022). The way their people embraced their languages as a badge of honor, as a marker of collective identity is a lesson that we should really learn now. ...
This paper provides a practical guide in answering the unresolved question “What is the best medium of instruction” for Philippine schools?” The first part would discuss the second Marcos administration’s language policy and how it departs from the Philippine Constitution’s official language policy. The second part argues that while the Mother Tongue Based-Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE) is a good compromise policy given the country’s multilingual, multicultural, and neocolonial status, its haphazard implementation has not (yet) delivered on its promises. The third part provides a deconstruction of myths surrounding various Philippine administrations’ and some education sector professionals’ and bureaucrats’ obsession with maintaining English as either the sole or main medium of instruction despite the fact that such policy goes against the Philippine Constitution’s official language provisions. The fourth part provides an alternative language policy (functional multilingualism), which may not be ideal, but could be a working compromise that would satisfy both national language advocates, MTB-MLE advocates, and foreign language enthusiasts too.
... Success, however, has been elusive, as is expected of any move towards language standardisation across political boundaries especially with regard to pronunciation (Milroy & Milroy, 2012). Several factors served as impediments to standardisation (Asmah, 1993;Alisjahbana, 1976). First, external influence: Bahasa Indonesia's spelling and morphology involving foreign words and affixes followed Dutch grammar while Malay looked to English as its reference. ...
... … that Bahasa Indonesia is used as a MoI in only some subjects … , then in principle, the existence of RSBI/SBI deliberately ignores the role of Bahasa Indonesia and violates Article 36 of the 1945 Constitution that stipulates that the State language is Bahasa Indonesia; … (Mahkamah Konstitusi, 2013, pp. 40, 50 an integral part of the country's political unity and an important source of the national culture and identity amidst the extraordinary ethnolinguistic and cultural diversity (Alisjahbana, 1976;Quinn, 2001). Under Article 1 of Language law, English falls into the category of "foreign language," that is "language other than Indonesian and local language". ...
This study examined the pedagogic beliefs and practices of Indonesian teachers of English as a foreign language (EFL) regarding the teaching and learning of culture and interculturality in the local high-school English classrooms. I took an intercultural stance on language education and viewed language and culture as socially constructed practices that have fluid and negotiable boundaries and are interrelated in multiple and complex ways (Holliday, 2011, 2016; Kramsch, 1998; Liddicoat, 2002). An interculturally-oriented language education recognises an inextricable language-culture connection and links home with target language-and-cultures (Byram, 1997; Kramsch, 1993; Liddicoat & Scarino, 2013; Newton, Yates, Shearn, & Nowitzki, 2010).
I conducted a qualitative case study to gain in-depth understandings of the phenomenon in question. I illuminate how the Indonesian EFL teachers addressed culture and interculturality in the EFL classrooms, what beliefs informed the teachers’ instructional judgement and decisions, and what immediate and wider contextual factors shaped their understandings and presentations of culture and interculturality in the classrooms.
Five teachers working in general, vocational and Islamic high schools participated in this study. I made classroom observations, conducted stimulated recall and in-depth interviews, and administered narrative frames to glean the teachers’ insights. I also used document analysis and students’ focus group discussion to corroborate the teachers’ practices and illuminate the situatedness of Indonesia’s EFL pedagogy. Triangulations within the data set occurred throughout the iterative research process. In addition, I paid close attention to the sociolinguistic, cultural, educational, political and religious factors that were simultaneously at play and likely to impact on the teachers’ beliefs and practices.
The cases of the EFL teachers reveal some significant evidence. First, the ways the teachers worked with culture and interculturality was to a certain extent influenced by Indonesia’s policies on language, general education, and EFL pedagogy. The policies and underlying ideology shaped the teachers’ beliefs and attitudes towards English and the NSs of English as well as towards values and behaviours associated with Western culture. Second, the teachers’ conceptions of culture had an important bearing on how they represented culture in the classrooms. The teachers’ “large culture” (Holliday, 1999; Holliday, Hide, & Kullman, 2010) approach to culture and interculturality intersected with the expected role of the teachers and influenced their instructional decisions.
Third, despite the hegemonic State policies, the fact remains that the teachers demonstrated an active agency in dealing with the complexities of culture and interculturality. A variety of linguistic, cultural and political factors present in the immediate classroom and school contexts as well as in the wider socio-educational setting contributed to their agency. The teachers negotiated and mediated between home and target language-and-cultures. Fourth, the paths of EFL pedagogy and Islamic worldview ineluctably cross in predominantly-Muslim Indonesia. Both the teachers and learners came to terms with sometimes conflicting cultural beliefs and behaviours embodied in English and perceived to be incompatible with–or even threatening to–cultural values, meanings, and practices ingrained in the local societies.
In the light of the findings, I explore some wider pedagogic implications for various stakeholders in Indonesia’s educational setting in particular and in other similar EFL contexts. An intercultural EFL pedagogy could and ought to go beyond equipping learners with a mere English skill to providing them with opportunities to develop critical openness, informed understanding, and constructive engagement with the “foreign, culturally different others”.
... Maka berputiklah kelainan bahasa Melayu di wilayah Belanda yang berpusat di Jawa yang menerima pengaruh pelbagai bahasa khususnya bahasa Belanda dan Jawa selain bahasa-bahasa asli yang lain. Kelainan ini kian berbeza daripada bahasa Melayu yang dituturkan di kawasan teras Melayu, khususnya Singapura dan Semenanjung Tanah Melayu (Alisjahbana, 1976;Asmah, 1993;Collins, 1998). Menjelang kemerdekaan Indonesia, kelainan ini diisytiharkan sebagai bahasa kebangsaan Indonesia dan dinamakan Bahasa Indonesia. ...
Penubuhan Radio Malaya pada tahun 1946 di Singapura merupakan titik penting dalam perkembangan Sebutan Johor-Riau (SJR) sebagai sebutan standard bahasa Melayu di Malaysia dan Singapura. Pada tahun 1993, selaras dengan usaha pembakuan sebutan bahasa Melayu di Nusantara, pemerintah Singapura mengisytiharkan Sebutan Baku (SB) sebagai sebutan standard, menggantikan SJR, untuk digunakan di sekolah-sekolah, stesen-stesen penyiaran dan di upacara rasmi. Tidak seperti Malaysia yang kembali kepada SJR pada tahun 2000, Singapura mengekalkan SB. Makalah ini menyorot evolusi sebutan standard bahasa Melayu dalam konteks sosio-sejarah orang Melayu Singapura dan Malaysia dan turut menilai semula kebakuan SB. Lima gagasan penting telah dikenal pasti: 1) SJR (atau kelainan /ə/) dan kelainan /a/ merupakan dua model sebutan standard bahasa Melayu yang tumbuh secara tabii (SJR di selatan Semenanjung dan kelainan /a/ di utara); 2) Peristiwa-peristiwa penting yang berlaku secara kebetulan dalam jaringan ketersebaran SJR menjadikannya sebutan standard yang lebih berpengaruh daripada kelainan /a/; 3) Identiti bahasa orang Melayu Singapura terkait rapat dengan SJR. 4) SB adalah model sebutan yang dibuat-buat berpandukan prinsip ‘sebut sebagaimana dieja’ dan tidak dapat dipakai untuk bahasa Melayu selagi ejaan tidak menepati sebutan; 5) SB yang dituturkan di Singapura muncul sebagai sebutan hibrid – campuran SB dan SJR. Makalah ini turut membincangkan implikasi daripada penerusan dasar SB di Singapura.
... Throughout the colonial history Indonesia had experienced the imposition of different languages, namely, Portuguese, English, Dutch, and Japanese, which were marked with colonialist cultures. As a result, the adoption of Bahasa Indonesia which is formerly Malay (Alisjahbana, 1976) was welcomed by Indonesians because it is a language that is more associated with the local culture. After over fifty years of independence, the status of English language teaching (ELT) in Indonesia remains the same-a foreign language. ...
... The massification of education, a reinvigorated government sponsored internal migration scheme, heavy investment in transportation and communication infrastructure, the commodification of ethnicity, strong efforts to centralize the bureaucracy, and equally strong efforts in the area of language planning and standardization all contributed to the imitation ideas about one nation, one territory, one people and one language in the period between 1966 to 1998 (e.g. Adams 1984;Alisjahbana 1976;Dick et al. 2002;Jones and Hull 1997;Kitley 2000;Nababan 1991;Sullivan 1992). To oversimplify this period what emerged was a core where there was the national language, Indonesian, and in the peripheries there were ethnic language cores (bahasa daerah). ...
Written by a wide range of highly regarded scholars and exciting junior ones, this book critiques and operationalizes contemporary thinking in the rapidly expanding field of linguistic anthropology. It does so using cases studies of actual everyday language practices from an extremely understudied, yet incredibly important area of the global South, Indonesia. In doing so, it provides a rich set of studies that model and explain complex linguistic anthropological analysis in engaging and easily understood ways.
As a book that is both accessible for undergraduate students and enlightening for graduate students through to senior professors, this book problematizes a wide range of assumptions. The diversity of settings and methodologies used in this book surpass many recent collections that attempt to address issues of (super)diversity and how to go about addressing contemporary processes of diversification given rapid ongoing social change. In focusing on the trees, so to speak, the collection as a whole also enables readers to see the forest. This approach provides a rare insight into relationships between everyday language practices, social change, and the ever present and ongoing processes of nation building.
... These languages included Indonesian, English, and a regional language (bahasa daerah), which was the language of the region where the school was located. While regional languages were ideologized as unitary languages of co-ethnic communication, Indonesian was ideologized as the main "vehicle for" doing unity among a diverse nation of strangers (Alisjahbana 1976;Abas 1987;Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan 1993;Dardjowidjojo 1998). ...
This chapter looks at the relationship between dialogue and monologue and what this reveals about the emergence of local practices and ideologies about these practices. This chapter’s empirical focus is the talk that occurs in a regular monthly women’s meeting that occurred in one of Indonesia’s diverse urban neighborhoods in the mid-1990s. It shows how imitation of each other’s talk figures in the emergence of norms for social conduct in this neighborhood and ultimately a monologic neighborhood voice. In doing so, the chapter also points to how this interactional work relates to broader state ideologies about national and ethnic languages.
... Bahasa Inggris telah dikenal sebagai bahasa asing pertama di Indonesia sejak tahun 1955 (Alisjahbana, 1976;Dardjowidjojo, 2000;Nur, 2003). Di Indonesia ditawarkan berbagai macam bahasa asing, seperti bahasa Jerman, Jepang, Mandarin, Perancis, dan Arab, namun bersifat sebagai subject pilihan (Renandya, 2000). ...
Bahasa merupakan salah satu identitas nasional sebuah Negara. Bahasa tidak hanya merupakan alat untuk komunikasi, tetapi bahasa juga merupakan kebanggaan suatu bangsa. Bahasa Indonesia adalah bahasa nasional bangsa Indonesia, sehingga setiap warga Negara wajib menggunakan bahasa nasionalnya sebagai perwujudan kebanggaan atas negaranya. Tetapi seiring dengan perkembangan teknologi modern dan ilmu pengetahuan serta temuan-temuan ilmiah yang kebanyakan dipublikasikan dalam bahasa Inggris, sudah menjadi keharusan bagi suatu bangsa untuk mempelajari bahasa Inggris. Karena statusnya yang hanya sebagai bahasa asing, bahasa Inggris tidak akan mempengaruhi perkembangan anak Indonesia dalam mempelajari bahasa ibunya maupun bahasa nasionalnya.
Kata kunci: bahasa, bahasa Indonesia, bahasa asing
... The quoting of someone else (represented) as using Indonesian, helps to re-link the national language, Indonesian, to the context of government and civil servants, while reproducing one exemplary model of Indonesian speakership that has a long history in language development policy in Indonesia (e.g. Alisjahbana, 1976;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Moeliono, 1986). ...
This book examines the discursive connections between global flows of ideologies about leadership and good governance, how these ideologies are localized in Indonesia, and how all of this relates to changing political, bureaucratic, and market regimes between 1998 and 2004. It starts with a speech given by the head of the International Monetary Fund about the importance of good governance. It then traces the uptake of shibboleths of this speech within Indonesian government policy documents, within the Indonesian mass media, and in the everyday talk that occurred in a government office in Indonesia during the author’s five months of fieldwork in that office between August 2003 and January 2004. The book makes the case that in order to formulate nuanced interpretations of connection and processes of localization, researchers need to engage in a type of reflexivity that involves a constant movement between data from different time-spaces. Such a practice, it is argued, adds to our understanding of how and why both researchers and those researched come to believe and present themselves in specific ways. In doing so, the book extends contemporary conceptual work in the broad areas of sociolinguistics and linguistic anthropology as it relates to notions of scale, connection, chronotope, leadership talk, and personhood, while sketching how this conceptual work can be operationalized methodologically.
... After Indonesia declared its independence on August 17th 1945, Bahasa Indonesia was stated as the official language by Constitution (Alisjahbana, 1976). The Republic of Indonesia had developed into four periods. ...
Indonesia has successfully implemented language policy by choosing Malay language as its national language which enables to unite ethnics from a variety of vernaculars’ background. However, Indonesia is not considered successful enough in preserving indigenous languages and promoting English as a crucial international language. In comparison with Indonesia, Malaysia and the Philippines faced some challenges when applying a language of majority as national language. Yet, both countries have more focuses to develop English in domestic level for global purposes. There are some sociolinguistic challenges for Indonesian policy makers in terms of local, national and international languages.
... Language planning activities had their basis in a long history of Dutch thought and colonial administrative practices (e.g. Alisjahbana 1976;Errington 2001;Maier 1993;Moriyama 2005;Sneddon 2003). The massive diversity that the Dutch encountered was simplified by a series of governors, administrators, educators, and settlers, many of whom reacted to Dutch sensibilities in the Netherlands. ...
This chapter uses a sociolinguistic lens to examine language change and diversity in contemporary Indonesia. Using examples from conversations, Indonesian television, politicians’ speeches, and political campaign signs, I note that ideas about Indonesian, Indonesian-ness, and ethnicity have dramatically changed. In interpreting this change, I argue that the ongoing commodification of languages and the positive revaluing of varieties of regional languages has contributed to this process. The commodification of languages has also changed the way language is thought of and used. For example, language mixing is now an accepted practice and some ethnic languages have co-equal status with Indonesian. The circulation of ethnic languages within the mass media has also created new forms of sociability among Indonesians. For example, familiarity with other ethnic groups’ languages enables many Indonesians to use bits of these languages in everyday conversations to appear more convivial, to seek votes in political contests, and so on.
... The massification of education, a reinvigorated government sponsored internal migration scheme, heavy investment in transportation and communication infrastructure, the commodification of ethnicity, strong efforts to centralize the bureaucracy, and equally strong efforts in the area of language planning and standardization all contributed to the imitation ideas about one nation, one territory, one people and one language in the period between 1966 to 1998 (e.g. Adams 1984;Alisjahbana 1976;Dick et al. 2002;Jones and Hull 1997;Kitley 2000;Nababan 1991;Sullivan 1992). To oversimplify this period what emerged was a core where there was the national language, Indonesian, and in the peripheries there were ethnic language cores (bahasa daerah). ...
... These languages included Indonesian, English, and a regional language (bahasa daerah), which was the language of the region where the school was located. While regional languages were ideologized as unitary languages of co-ethnic communication, Indonesian was ideologized as the main "vehicle for" doing unity among a diverse nation of strangers (Abas, 1987;Alisjahbana, 1976;Dardjowidjojo, 1998;Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1993). ...
... The massification of education, a reinvigorated government sponsored internal migration scheme, heavy investment in transportation and communication infrastructure, the commodification of ethnicity, strong efforts to centralize the bureaucracy, and equally strong efforts in the area of language planning and standardization all contributed to the imitation ideas about one nation, one territory, one people and one language in the period between 1966 to 1998 (e.g. Adams, 1984; Alisjahbana, 1976; Bjork, 2005; Dardjowidjojo, 1998; Dick, 2002; Jones & Hull, 1997; Kitley, 2000; Nababan, 1991; Sullivan, 1992). To oversimplify this period what emerged was a core where there was the national language, Indonesian, and in the peripheries there were ethnic language cores (bahasa daerah). ...
... How social relations are managed in such a diverse country has also been a long-term focus (e.g. Bertrand, 2004; Bruner, 1974; Coppel, 1983; Davidson & Henley, 2007; Goebel, 2010; Hedman, 2008; Hefner, 2001; Liddle, 1970; Purdey, 2006) with much attention being paid to the development of a national language, Indonesian, as one way of handling linguistic diversity (e.g. Alisjahbana, 1976; Errington, 1998; Moeliono, 1986; Sneddon, 2003). While many of these studies take into consideration post-structural arguments and social constructivist perspectives, their focus on interview, archival, and survey data usually don't provide us with insights into how social relationships form and dissolve though face-toface talk amongst those of different backgrounds. ...
... The strategy of linking national identity to Bahasa Indonesian and the importance of a common national language were articulated by nationalist elites during the struggle for independence from the Dutch and British. Its origins lie in the period in which external threat was most present and acute (Alisjahbana, 1962(Alisjahbana, , 1974(Alisjahbana, , 1976Anderbeck, 2015;Mühlhäusler, 1996). Lewis et al. (2015), there are 719 languages in Indonesia, 706 living and 13 extinct. ...
Why are some countries more linguistically homogeneous than others? We posit that the international environment in which a state develops partially determines the extent of its linguistic commonality and national cohesion. Specifically, the presence of an external threat of territorial conquest or externally supported secession leads governing elites to have stronger incentives to pursue nation-building strategies to generate national cohesion, often leading to the cultivation of a common national language through mass schooling. Comparing cases with similar levels of initial linguistic heterogeneity, state capacity, and development, but in different international environments, we find that states that did not face external threats to their territorial integrity were more likely to outsource education and other tools for constructing identity to missionaries or other groups, or not to invest in assimilation at all, leading to higher ethnic heterogeneity. States developing in high threat environments were more likely to invest in nation-building strategies to homogenize their populations.
... Throughout the colonial history Indonesia had experienced the imposition of different languages, namely, Portuguese, English, Dutch, and Japanese, which were marked with colonialist cultures. As a result, the adoption of Bahasa Indonesia which is formerly Malay (Alisjahbana, 1976) was welcomed by Indonesians because it is a language that is more associated with the local culture. After over fifty years of independence, the status of English language teaching (ELT) in Indonesia remains the same-a foreign language. ...
... Throughout the colonial history Indonesia had experienced the imposition of different languages, namely, Portuguese, English, Dutch, and Japanese, which were marked with colonialist cultures. As a result, the adoption of Bahasa Indonesia which is formerly Malay (Alisjahbana, 1976) was welcomed by Indonesians because it is a language that is more associated with the local culture. After over fifty years of independence, the status of English language teaching (ELT) in Indonesia remains the same-a foreign language. ...
... The standardisation and modernisation of Indonesian has been rightly hailed as a monumental achievement in linguistic planning and reform, carried out over a relatively short period of time (see, e.g. Alisjahbana, 1975;Fishman, 1978;Sneddon, 2003). Indonesian represents what Gellner refers to as high culture. ...
Timor-Leste celebrated its formal political independence on 20th May 2002. The National Constitution of the new nation declared the endogenous lingua franca (Tetum) and the former colonial language (Portuguese) to be co-official. The remaining local languages were given the status of national languages. Indonesian and English were designated as working languages ‘for as long as is deemed necessary’. In this monograph, I consider the origins and implications of these constitutional provisions. The paper consists of five parts. 1. A social and economic profile of the polity. This section also discusses migration, communications and the media in relation to language policy and practice.2. A language profile of the country, followed by a discussion of diglossia, multilingualism, literacy and official language choice.3. An account of the sociolinguistic consequences of language contact and an historical analysis of social policies and practices that have shaped the habitus.4. A discussion and analysis of current language policy development in terms of goals, motives and orientations.5. An assessment of the prospects for language maintenance with special reference to policy outcomes and options. I advocate a rights-oriented approach to language management, arguing that in the absence of such an approach, ad hoc power relationships between languages will continue to dominate social discourse and language politics.
Language maps, which reflect linguistic pluralism, multilingualism and the spread of languages across countries and empires were part of an evolving human history. Historically, language came under the impact of geography, political conflicts and colonization. Due to these factors, languages penetrate borders or ended up in isolation or even in extinction. In this context, the paper investigates selected language maps of many African, Asian, European and South American countries in order to underline the connections between language, politics, immigration, war and other related elements. The paper argues that current language maps in some geographical regions are similar to the political maps of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries because colonial languages continued to exist in these countries even after the departure of the colonizers. Further, the paper explores the spread of a variety of languages and their penetration in some countries, which constituted a great part of the European Union, in order to examine the impact of geo-politics on the changing status of language maps in Europe.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) comprises 10 countries of Southeast Asia, namely Brunei, Myanmar, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Thailand, Singapore, and Vietnam. It is a region of great linguistic diversity, with more than 1000 languages being spoken across the 10 nations. The language policies of the ASEAN nations promote the respective national languages and English as languages of education. This chapter provides a brief history of English in ASEAN in order to contextualize the current important roles of English as the lingua franca (ELF) of ASEAN. It describes the multilingual context of ASEAN and the developing role of English as an ASEAN lingua franca. The chapter considers the presence of distinctive linguistic and sociocultural features of ASEAN English. In any discussion of the linguistic and sociocultural features of ASEAN ELF, it is important to point out at the outset that ASEAN ELF is not a stable single variety of English.
Kosmetikwerbeanzeigen in deutschen und in indonesischen Frauenzeitschriften
haben ihren eigenen spezifischen sprachlichen und kulturellen Charakter. Dieser ist
jeweils Gegenstand der vorliegenden Untersuchung. Im sprachlichen Bereich geht es
um die in den untersuchten Anzeigen verwendeten textsortenspezifischen
Sprachstile und um lexikalische, syntaktische und rhetorische Mittel. Der
nichtsprachliche Bereich befasst sich mit der Darstellung der jeweiligen bildlichen
Inszenierung der Frauenrolle, mit den in den Anzeigen konstruierten Images und
deren Verhältnis zur sozial-kulturellen Realität sowie mit den Visualisierungstechniken der Anzeigenwerbung. Die angeführten Gemeinsamkeiten beruhen auf der
Tatsache, dass eine Internationalisierung in der Werbebranche in den beiden
Ländern angestrebt wird. Die Unterschiede sind außer mit sprachlichen
Gesetzmäßigkeiten auch mit historischen und geopolitischen sowie kulturellen
Hintergründen der Frauen zu erklären. Die Art der Auseinandersetzung mit Fremden,
das Selbstverständnis, die unterschiedlichen Schönheitsideale sowie die
Klimaunterschiede sind einige weitere Gründe dafür, dass die Kosmetikindustrie die
Bedürfnisse und Erwartungen der Frauen beider Länder sehr unterschiedlich
berücksichtigen muss.
In 2018, the Language Comission of the Ministry of Education and Culture (Kemendikbud) of the Republic of Indonesia has made verification towards all the languages that exists in Indonesia. The verification conducted from 1991 to 2017 resulted in 652 languages to be found. That number still does not include the dialects and their sub-divisions of the 652 languages. Meanwhile, UNESCO recorded 143 languages based on their vitality status. Identity can be interpreted as similarity or unity with others in a certain area or other things (Rummens, 1993: 157-159). "The identity possessed by an individual can be in the form of personal identity and social identity" (Santoso, 2006: 44-45). Using statistical data on language issued by the Indonesian Central Bureau of Statistics as a corpus and literature study by tracing the title of mainstream online media coverage related to the use of code mixing, identity theory, and the concept of intercultural communication, this paper discusses the relationship between the use of code mixing in the Indonesian people's everyday life with the nation‟s identity as a country that is bhineka (mentioned as its official national motto) or diversed. Instead of being not nationalist, the practice of code mixing by the Indonesian people is actually a manifestation of the identity of the Indonesian people as a diverse society. The code mix that occurs in the daily life of the community is proof that Indonesian people can understand each other and communicate well in a very complex diversity.
This study examines the Qur’an schools in Malay Peninsula during the British colonial rule. It investigates how these educational institutions were perceived by the colonial rule and analyse the process of their transformation over the decades. It is also crucial to clarify the concept of Qur’an schools within the juncture of overall Islamic education centers operated not only in Malaya but also in the Archipelago, which were functional enough in the dissemination of traditional religious knowledge and values to the new generations. The colonial rule delivered new educational initiatives such as the Malay vernacular schools by implimenting various policies on the basis of a Euro-centric approach in the latter period of colonial rule. The colonial rule integrated Qur’an classes emulating partially the practice of Qur’an schools into newly established Malay vernacular schools in order to attract the interests of the Malay parents in an effort to convince them to send their children to these institutions. Although Malay families got used to these new education initiatives and register their children at these institutions, it is asserted that the secular-based vernacular schools are deemed to have caused degradation in the socio-cultural and religious structure of traditional Malay Muslim societies. In this context, this new education system is a subject matter to be studied and analyzed as a phenonemon of change in social structure. It is also worth observing the reactions of the Malay Muslim communuities during this process towards the new educational establishment. The analytical narratives of this study rely on sources produced during the colonial period and other related sources of contemporary literature.
This study investigates constructions of manliness in the late-colonial Netherlands Indies (1870s- 1930s), with particular reference to the so-called ‘Sino-Malay’ novels and newspapers produced by its local-born, culturally hybrid Chinese population (Peranakan). These authors incorporated ideas from South East Asia as well as China and Europe in their works, providing insights in traditional notions of heteronormative manhood, but also exposing major reconfigurations of gender within the diverse conditions of modernity. Their writings thus provide an underexplored vista into a remarkably diverse society in transition. I will centre on words used in the Malay vernacular to characterize men and male behaviour. This serves as a springboard to explore three interconnected themes surrounding manliness in Sino-Malay publications: violence, sexuality, and modernity. As will be shown, several constructions of gender and manifestations of popular culture associated with modern Indonesia were rooted in the same discourse as these colonial-era works.
This paper explores how Esperanto (Esperantists) plays an important role in Chinese language reform during 1911–1958. It divides the period into three stages and describes Esperantists’ activities from three perspectives accordingly: roles, goals/results and motives. The paper reveals Esperantists’ roles have transformed from “people with influence” to “people with expertise” and then “people with power.” From the perspective of goals/results, the first stage failed because it didn’t achieve the goals as expected while the second and third stages were successful. In order to further explain reasons for the failure or success, this article goes on to analyze the three stages from Ager’s 7i Model (motives). It shows that these motives as social factors largely affecting language planning are not of paramount importance in accounting for the different results. The paper concludes that the study of planned language will be valuable for language planning through the case of Esperantists’ activities in Chinese language reform and suggests further investigations on different language schemes associated with Esperantists in China.
This paper tracks the changing relationships between language planning and development aid over a period of 70 years from the end of the Second World War to the present day. Drawing on documentary resources – in particular, the published proceedings of the Language and Development Conferences (LDCs) – the paper identifies a number of significant milestones. It is argued that the period under review can usefully be analysed in terms of three “development phases”. The paper pays particular attention to English and it demonstrates that contributors to the LDCs have become more questioning about the role of English in development as awareness of multilingualism has grown.
This article describes how standard Malay, known as Bahasa Melayu or Bahasa Malaysia (BM) in Malaysia and Bahasa Indonesia (BI) in Indonesia, is assessed within the public school systems of these two countries using high stakes exams. A brief linguistic description of the language is provided, since linguistic features are specifically taught in the curriculum and assessed in the high stakes exams. A historical overview of how BM came to be adopted as the official language of instruction in each country is also given. The official language curriculum in each country is explained, and details are given of how the high stakes assessment of BM is conducted for certification and gatekeeping purposes at the exit levels of elementary and secondary schooling. The chapter also discusses challenges related to the growth and assessment of BM and BI.
This article looks at the language planning that has been carried out since Independence in Malaysia for the promotion of Malay, the national language. After a sociolinguistic outline of the country, the different phases language planning is normally divided into are examined in detail, highlighting both the points that have proven to be successful and those that have not. In the second part of the article the problems that have been encountered during language planning and the reasons why Malay has not succeeded in becoming a full-blown national language which even the non-Malays can identify with are examined. Together with the problems, some possible solutions are put forward that may improve the given situation and make Malay a useful and prestigious language also for the non-Malays, who make up more than one third of the total population, and perhaps even internationally.
In this 2015 presidential address, I use the story of so-called artificial (invented, constructed) languages to discuss anthropology as an act of imagining alternative worlds. I argue that this activity becomes particularly salient at moments of crisis in liberal democratic capitalism and takes a variety of forms according to the position of social actors with respect to the political economic conditions they face. From Esperanto to Klingon and beyond, artificial languages illustrate some key dilemmas and responses, of which anthropology is a part. [Presidential Address, language, anthropology, artificial languages].
This chapter describes in some detail the factors that resulted in the build-up of the multi-ethnic landscape in Malaysia as a result of economic immigration, from the pre-British period to the period of post-independence Malaysia. In the pre-independence period, it discusses the development of an educational system that reflected the needs of the three distinct ethnic communities, the dominant ethnic Malays, the Chinese and the Indians, and the setting up of English-medium schools. In the post-independence period, it discusses the divisions caused by these distinctly different systems of education and the growth of the sense of dispossession among the dominant ethnic group and subsequently the growth of nationalism and the push for Bahasa Malaysia as the national and official language.
Bahasa Indonesia, the national language of Indonesia, has traditionally borrowed items from the world’s classical languages, Sanskrit and Arabic. However, elements from European languages, especially English, have also massively influenced the expansion of Bahasa Indonesia’s lexicons. Massive influx of the latter has caused a controversy among Indonesia’s linguists and other experts. Should greater loan be made from the former, as traditional source of borrowings, or should Bahasa Indonesia borrow more from the latter, as the language of modernity symbol in Indonesia? The controversy has been cleverly resolved with the adaptation and combination of elements of seemingly conflicting sources to serve specifically Indonesian objectives. In the lexical modernization of Bahasa Indonesia, despite the apparent irreconcilability of the two approaches to the use of foreign borrowings, Indonesians are effectively utilizing in a systematic manner the diverse foreign languages that their rich and varied history has made available to them.
Keywords: Lexical Borrowing, Nativization, Bahasa Indonesia, Language Modernization
In this paper, I will sketch the issue of historical writing in the Eurocentric perspective concerning two regions, Malaya and the East Indies in Southeast Asia. The reason to take these re- gions into consideration in the same text can be justified on the basis that both regions have been historically and anthropologically considered concentric. With regard to this region, this paper is an overall attempt to understand the successive efforts of Western individuals writing history from the Eurocentric perspective since the earlier period of Western intervention in the regional socio-economic and cultural changes. In fact, absorption of the native histories is not just a reflec- tion of understanding the native, but an attempt to transform them for some supposedly higher ideals. In this context, it would be neglectful if we did not also note that the native communities in the Eastern sphere of the Indian Ocean studied in this text have historically had Muslim majorities.
The development of Indonesian as a new national language is closely linked to the development of Indonesia as a new nation, but the Indonesian language has only rarely been studied as a part of larger patterns of social and cultural change. An overview of the language situation in Jakarta, Indonesia's center and capital, highlights linguistic continuities and discontinuities between that modern speech community and the traditional culture of the dominant Indonesian ethnic group, the Javanese. The speech repertoires of Jakartans do not resemble the well-known Javanese speech levels, as Benedict Anderson has suggested, but they are better described with the widely known sociolinguistic concept of diglossia. This relatively abstract characterization can be complemented by a study of patterns of borrowing into Indonesian from foreign languages, which may reflect long-standing indigenous attitudes toward power and the use of foreign linguistic codes. Different aspects of the rapidly changing linguistic situation in Jakarta may reflect on the emerging national language and culture.
The development of the national language of the Philippines is sketched from the initial selection of Tagalog to its standardisation and propagation as Wikang Pambansa (national language), and its renaming as Pilipino, subsequently FILIPINO.The last phase of language development is the phase of cultivation which has many aspects. Usually the national language is cultivated as a language of imaginative literature, the mass media, a medium of instruction in the basic educational system, as the language of governance, and as a language of academic discourse.The last phase can be considered as a process of modernisation (through its use to thematise current realities and as a process of intellectualisation (as a medium of oral and written academic discourse)).The intellectualisation phase consists not only of lexical expansion (through modern terminologiesfor thedisciplines) but likewiseof stylistic differentiation (using syntactic devices for different types of prose discourse). Intellectualisation is examined as process and product and according to its inner (psychological) and outer (sociological) dimensions.Some theoretical insights from the Philippine experience are discussed ; the intellectualisation of Filipino is unprecedented because it is an ongoing process that can be documented in detail through the corpus being generated and should enrich the scholarly literature on this topic.
As an official language of newly-independent East Timor, the public role of Tetun has increased markedly since 1999. Its use is, however, hampered by a shortage of agreed, well-understood, technical terminology. This paper reports on a project by the Independent Electoral Commission and the United Nations Development Programme to develop a glossary of electoral terms for Tetun. Most of the proposed terms were based on Portuguese words; however, phrases were usually adjusted to Tetun syntax. Abstract nouns were given alternative translations as verbs. Definitions used complete sentences which included the head word, and gave more information than traditional dictionaries do.
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