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Abstract
Historically, the news media has been a primary participant in the construction of moral panics surrounding various drugs and their users. The current study utilizes the moral panic framework to depict how the media represents a drug new to the Western world: kratom. Kratom, a traditional plant-based substance from South Asia, came in to the public’s view when the DEA announced its intent to emergency schedule the substance, citing a threat to public health. We use content analysis to explore how kratom and kratom use is depicted in a sample of news media articles gathered from an online source. Broadly, we find that the news media seems to report more information about the substance and less hyperbole than is typical of media reports on drugs in the past.
... Поэтому, прежде чем полностью отказаться от концепции моральной паники, следует попытаться привести эту теорию в соответствие с текущим состоянием общества. Это было успешно сделано в отдельных областях, связанных c наркотиками (например, Armstrong, 2007;Webb & Griffin, 2019) (Burns & Crawford, 1999;Elsass et al., 2021;Schildkraut et al., 2015). Мы предлагаем внести ряд уточнений в указанную теорию, используя для этого авторскую концепцию «двойной паники». ...
... Влияние политического климата на моральную панику очень велико и может быть легко использовано политическими партиями для продвижения своей повестки (Critcher, 2008). Кроме того, взаимосвязь между СМИ, политикой и моральными паниками актуализируется тем, что общество неизбежно узнает о происходящем вокруг через СМИ, которые используют моральные паники в своих интересах (Critcher, 2008;Webb & Griffin, 2019). Цель такого расширения концепции моральной паники -определить и охарактеризовать нюансы, которые американская политика оказывает на моральную панику, и предложить дополнительную модель, которая может снять некоторые критические замечания. ...
Objective: to comprehensively analyze the moral panic concept, developed in the works by S. Cohen, and to elaborate, on its basis, a new concept – the dual panic theory.
Methods: dialectical approach to cognition of social phenomena, allowing to analyze them in historical development and functioning in the context of the totality of objective and subjective factors, which predetermined the following research methods: formal-logical, sociological.
Results: Moral panics have been broadly discussed in the public discourse since S. Cohen’s (1972) seminal text on the topic. Despite copious research, we believe that the theory is in need of expansion due to the increased complexity of societal interactions. Through the lens of an increasingly polarizing American culture, we believe the original concept of moralpanics is overly simplified and no longer encompasses the intricacies of American society. Using the story of the McCloskey family’s 2020 interactions with Black Lives Matter protestors and Goode and Ben-Yehuda’s (1994) definitional criteria, we propose a new, expanded theory of moral panics – Dual Panic Theory.
Scientific novelty: based on the analysis of the existing approaches to the moral panic concept, the paper offers and elaborates a new concept – the dual panic theory. It suggests that an event can happen that causes a competing panic by two opposing sides of an issue. Different from a culture war, dual panics are genuine panics about an action rather than a reaction to oppositional outrage from a competing interest group. Goode and Ben-Yehuda argue that researching moral panic cannot be complete without an examination of all societal levels, from elites to grassroots, and the full spectrum from ideology and morality at one end to crass status and material interests at the other. As society has evolved, so too must the theoretical explanations of societal reactions, moral panic or otherwise.
Practical significance: the main provisions and conclusions of the article can be used in scientific, pedagogical and law enforcement activities when considering the issues related to the moral panic concept.
... While disproportionality is a recurring point of critique with the moral panic framework, drugs often seem to be subject to "stereotyping, exaggeration, the rush to judgment, sensational anecdotes, and bogus claims" (Goode 2008: 533;Grundetjern and Tchoula 2021;Kavanaugh and Biggers 2019). Drawing on the moral panic approach, Webb and Griffin (2020) assess media accounts of Kratom. Indigenous to Southeast Asia, Kratom contains alkaloids used to treat addictions. ...
... In the United States, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) had planned to add Kratom to Schedule 1 of banned substances thought to have high potential for abuse and no medical use, although due to protests from the American Kratom Association and other groups the DEA backed away from making Kratom a Schedule 1 substance (Griffin and Webb 2018). Webb and Griffin (2020) find there was a "mild moral panic" regarding Kratom in the US as the media started to report "bad trips" regarding Kratom use, and for that reason the DEA attempted to schedule Kratom as a Schedule 1 drug. Public backlash caused the DEA to withdraw these plans (Griffin and Webb 2018). ...
Smoking a potent concentration of salvia divinorum (hereafter salvia) has the capacity to dissolve one’s ego and sense of self. Due to the catatonic state a strong dose of salvia produces, the substance has been considered alarming by claims-makers including politicians, media officials, police, and citizen groups. This paper examines news media accounts of salvia use in Canada and salvia’s regulation by the Canadian federal government. Providing a qualitative content analysis of newspaper articles spanning 1991–2019 regarding claims made about salvia, we draw from literature on moral panics and drugs to conceptualize the police and political response to salvia in Canada. We trace the shifting claims made by an array of claims-makers, showing how the focus changed from curiosity to claims about risk. The banning of salvia in Canada displays the hallmarks of a moral panic, though in this case the claims-making about the harm and risk of salvia went on for years before the substance was made illegal. We apply the notions of slow panic and panic policy to salvia regulation in Canada and reflect on the implications for literatures regarding drug panics and the new psychedelic renaissance.
... The impact of politics on moral panics is profound and can be easily exploited by political parties to advance their agenda (Critcher, 2008). Further, the relationship between the media, politics, and moral panics is pertinent because society inevitably learns about what is going on around them through the media, who exploit moral panics to their benefit (Critcher, 2008;Webb & Griffin, 2019). The purpose of this expansion to the moral panic concept is to define and characterize the nuances that American politics has on moral panics and to help offer an additional model that may address some of the criticisms. ...
Moral panics have been broadly discussed in the public discourse since Stanley Cohen’s (1972) seminal text on the topic. Despite copious research, we believe that the theory is in need of expansion due to the increased complexity of societal interactions. Through the lens of an increasingly polarizing American culture, we believe the original concept of moral panics is overly simplified and no longer encompasses the intricacies of American society. Using the story of the McCloskey family’s 2020 interactions with Black Lives Matter protestors and Goode and Ben-Yehuda’s (1994) definitional criteria, we propose a new, expanded theory of moral panics – Dual Panic Theory.
... After examining past literature (Griffin et al. 2013;Singh et al. 2021;Webb and Griffin 2020), the researchers decided to include 16 criteria for article coding: overdose/death, abuse potential/addiction/health problems/mental (referred to as "health concerns" throughout this paper), raves/mass parties/clubs/bars, law enforcement 3 , drug seizures, horror stories, violence, crimes (25 different crimes and one "other" category), organized crime, legality/politics, death penalty, treatment/harm reduction/medical, corporal punishment, drug mule, passing reference, and country or region (13 total: Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore, Philippines, China, Thailand, Other Asian countries, Europe, Middle East, Africa, North America, South America, and Oceania). There were no major changes to these categories after peer debriefing. ...
Many researchers have noted that media coverage of drugs can be sensationalized and/or have questionable accuracy. Additionally, it has been alleged that the media often treats all drugs as harmful and can fail to differentiate between different types of drugs. Within this context, the researchers sought to deconstruct how media coverage was similar and/or different according to drug type within a national media outlet in Malaysia. Our sample comprised 487 news articles published over a two-year period. Articles were coded to reflect thematic differences in drug framing. We focus on five drugs widely used in Malaysia (amphetamines, opiates, cannabis, cocaine, and kratom) and assess the most frequent themes, crimes, and locations mentioned in reference to each drug. All drugs were primarily covered in a criminal justice context, and articles highlighted concern about the spread of these drugs and their abuse. Drug coverage varied, particularly in association with violent crimes, specific regions, and discussion of legality. We find evidence of both similarities and differences in how drugs were covered. Variation in coverage demonstrated that certain drugs were deemed a heightened threat, as well as reflected broader social/political processes shaping ongoing debates over treatment approaches and legality.
... More recent accounts have applied a moral panic framework to the use of alcohol (Armstrong & Abel, 2000), cannabis (Goode & Ben-Yehuda, 1994;Taylor, 2008), MDMA (Critcher, 2003), LSD (Goode, 2008), crack cocaine (Glasser & Siegel, 1997;Reinarman & Levine, 1997), GHB (Griffin, 2012), methamphetamine (E. G. Armstrong, 2007;Linnemann, 2010), synthetic and prescription drugs (Rosenbaum et al., 2012), kratom (Webb & Griffin, 2020), and bath salts (Rosenbaum et al., 2012;Stogner & Miller, 2013;Swalve & DeFoster, 2016). Despite assertions from some scholars that the moral panic framework is outdated, overused, and conspiratorial (Horsley, 2017;Watney, 1987), it remains one of the most widely and frequently referenced analytical frameworks in the social sciences. ...
It has been well-established that, in the USA, the news media contributes to the construction of moral panics regarding the use and users of various types of drugs. In this study, we utilize the moral-panic framework to understand how the media depicts drug use in Malaysia. We used content analysis of two widely read English-language Malaysian newspapers to explore how drug use and drug users are depicted and portrayed. Broadly, we find that Malaysian news media tends to overemphasize legal issues while underemphasizing health issues associated with drug use, drug treatment, and harm reduction interventions. This type of coverage has likely contributed to a moral panic surrounding drug use in Malaysia.
... Two, the media are thereby analyzed (and critiqued) to play an active role in promoting the panic by articulating the moral entrepreneurs' position. Yet, taking cues from moral panic scholars who have suggested that the media are not a monolithic institution representing only the moral entrepreneurs' perspective (McRobbie & Thornton, 1995;Webb & Griffin III, 2019), I will argue that the case of music labeling shows that a moral panic is created by a clash of forces and opinions, whereby at least two opposing sides are in conflict with one another over what is (im)moral or not. In case, those who argued that lyrical content can be harmful were in the music labeling debate confronted with those who claimed that musical expression and free speech are central societal values. ...
Informed by a moral panic perspective, I analyze the music labeling debate in the United States from the mid 1980s until the early 1990s. Instigated by the Parents Music Resource Center (PMRC), a voluntary group set up in 1985 by several politically well-connected women, this peculiar chapter in the control of music led to a hearing in the U.S. Senate and produced an intense debate, involving members of the community and musicians, litigation in the courts and legal discussions, police actions, as well as research by academic experts. The moral panic faded rather quickly after a warning label for music recordings was adopted, which remains in place today. This paper presents an effort in cultural criminology to make sense of this episode in the social control of music and argues that a historical approach to moral panics, conceived as cultural struggles, has important analytical advantages because of its relative detachment from the immediacy of an intensely debated social concern. (Click on DOI link for full paper.)
Kratom is a traditional drug from Southeast Asia that has been an emerging new substance in the United States. On August 30, 2016, the DEA announced the intention to emergency schedule kratom into Schedule I. To support this decision, the DEA cited an increase in drug seizures of kratom and an increase in calls to poison control concerning kratom. However, a short time later, on October 12, 2016, the DEA withdrew the intent to schedule kratom after public and congressional backlash. The withdrawal by the DEA was somewhat unprecedented. To better understand both decisions, the current article examines the evidence the DEA cited to support their decision to emergency schedule kratom and the degree and type of media coverage of kratom to determine if a media-driven drug panic occurred.
Among policymakers and media in the United States, there is growing concern over increasing rates of illicit prescription drug use among college students. Using semi-structured interviews with 22 college students who misused prescription stimulants, we find that they draw on conventional middle-class beliefs (e.g., success and moderation) to make sense of their drug use. They do this by creating identities as people who are focused on success and use stimulants only as a tool to perform their best. They use excuses and justifications rooted in middle-class values to create symbolic boundaries between themselves (as legitimate users) and others (as hedonistic users). This allows them to persist with their illegal behaviors while maintaining an identity as conventional citizens.
Recent social and legal responses to novel psychoactive drugs (NPDs) have been attributed to media panics rather than these substance’s actual harms. NPDs, including botanical substances new to Western markets such as Salvia divinorum, newly synthesized analogues such as synthetic cannabinoids and “bath salts,” and new ways of administering drugs, such as combining prescription cough syrup with soda (“purple drank”) have been the target of various forms of legislation at the state and/or federal level. We systematically examine print media coverage of NPDs in the U. S. between 2005 and 2013 to determine whether media attention was temporally associated with legislative change. Results indicate that each drug had a brief window during which it was the focus of sensationalistic reporting. In addition, federal legislation banning synthetic cannabinoids and “bath salts” appear to be closely linked to media reporting as spikes in coverage both preceded and followed the bans.
Kratom (or Ketum) is a psychoactive plant preparation used in Southeast Asia. It is derived from the plant Mitragyna speciosa Korth. Kratom as well as its main alkaloid, mitragynine, currently spreads around the world. Thus, addiction potential and adverse health consequences are becoming an important issue for health authorities. Here we reviewed the available evidence and identified future research needs. It was found that mitragynine and M. speciosa preparations are systematically consumed with rather well defined instrumentalization goals, e.g. to enhance tolerance for hard work or as a substitute in the self-treatment of opiate addiction. There is also evidence from experimental animal models supporting analgesic, muscle relaxant, anti-inflammatory as well as strong anorectic effects. In humans, regular consumption may escalate, lead to tolerance and may yield aversive withdrawal effects. Mitragynine and its derivatives actions in the central nervous system involve μ-opioid receptors, neuronal Ca2+ channels and descending monoaminergic projections. Altogether, available data currently suggest both, a therapeutic as well as an abuse potential.
Critics of the moral panic dismiss this extremely useful, often-cited, and durable concept on the basis of inapplicable criteria. Drawing on the example of LSD use in the sixties, these critics mistakenly assume that the disaster analogy is apt, insisting that the threat to society, and society's responses, be very much like victims trapped in a burning building. In addition to the fact that the introduction of a new and potentially harmful drug into a society does not entail an on-the-spot threat or reaction, the natural disaster does not typically involve a folk devil or deviant. But the supposed threat of LSD use did entail sensitization, stereotyping, exaggeration, the rush to judgment, sensational anecdotes, and bogus claims. The moral panic notion continues to illuminate social processes and deserves to remain in the sociologist's conceptual tool-box.
Questions the idea of moral panic and delineates the rudiments of an alternate model of deviance construction and moral public discourse, using LSD prohibition as a working example. In developing their model, the authors draw on research on people in disasters and collective behavior. In keeping with these traditions, they argue that, when faced with emergent social threats, members of society seek to clarify ambiguous and often conflicting information about such threats through affiliation. The process through which ambiguous social information gets interpreted closely resembles the ways in which social movements arrive at interpretive frames that ready participants for action. Thus, whether or not a social object becomes deviantized depends on a complex process of social construction involving active, not merely reactive, efforts by social actors (contrary to traditional images of "panic"). Members of the mass media, as a special category of social actors, are seen as playing key roles in selecting and disseminating information about emerging social problems, thus fueling the interpretive ambiguities and conflicts surrounding potential moral threats.
Although it is known that state initiatives can help produce moral panics, the role policy rhetoric assumes in creating, sustaining, and terminating moral panics has not been theoretically addressed. This article offers a typology of drug policies and illustrates how each is used at varying stages of a moral panic. It is argued that moral panics begin when proactive and punitive statements are used in combination. Moral panics subside when reactive and rehabilitative rhetorical statements are issued concurrently. The argument is empirically tested by analyzing the presidential addresses of the Reagan and Bush administrations for drug-related statements. Regression analysis, analysis of variance, and crosstabular analyses are used to test several hypotheses derived from the theoretical discussion. The empirical evidence supports the theoretical discussion and the constructionist perspective of social problems. By 1986 Americans were convinced that drugs were sweeping the nation like a ''white plague.'' Yet, based on governmental gures, drug use declined during the 1980s. Between 1979 and 1985 the
This research examines the content of a sample of newspaper articles from the Midwestern states. The analyses find highly
gendered accounts of methamphetamine related crimes. Media depictions suggest women use meth for reasons drawn from conventional
notions of motherhood, sexuality, and subordination. Alternately, motives of men appear constructed around dominant notions
of male criminal virility and the viability of the drug trade. The findings offer a contextual framework to consider how this
sort of mediated dichotomy emerges from and reinforces popular notions of gendered crime and drug users in non-urban spaces.
Reports of toxicity secondary to Kratom are rare and lack of diagnostic testing in human specimens has prevented confirmatory explanation of observed clinical effects. We present a novel case of serious human toxicity following Kratom use confirmed via quantitative analysis of urine by high performance liquid chromatography coupled to electrospray tandem mass spectrometry. A 64 year-old male was witnessed to have a seizure at home following kratom consumption. Upon arrival to the emergency department (ED), the patient was unresponsive. While in the ED, the patient sustained a second seizure. He was intubated to protect his airway. The remainder of his hospital course was uneventful. A urine specimen was collected shortly after admission and sent for analysis. The mitragynine concentration in the urine was 167 ± 15 ng/ml. We report a rare case of Kratom toxicity characterized by a seizure and coma confirmed by urinary analysis of mitragynine by high performance liquid chromatography coupled to electrospray tandem mass spectrometry. The proposed mechanism for this reaction is unclear but suggested mechanisms include adenosine binding or stimulation of adrenergic and/or serotonergic receptors similar to tramadol.
Kratom is a plant native to Southeast Asia. It has been used for hundreds, if not thousands, of years in traditional medicine within that region. Kratom is a rare substance, due to it having both stimulant and narcotic properties. Kratom use has spread to regions outside of its native geographic range, and these countries are simultaneously considering both the benefits kratom could hold for patients and the misuse that could occur among drug users. Within the United States, after reports of increasing kratom use, the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) announced its intention to regulate the plant on an emergency basis. After considerable public and legislative backlash, the DEA backed off of this decision. To date, no federal regulation exists within the United States, and only a few states have regulations. This chapter discusses kratom use within Southeast Asia and the growing body of research documenting the potential medical benefits as well as the abuse liability of kratom. It concludes by discussing the drug regulation system within the United States and the potential hurdles kratom might face before becoming a recognized part of American pharmacopeia.
Recent work finds that medical marijuana laws reduce the daily doses filled for opioid analgesics among Medicare Part-D and Medicaid enrollees, as well as population-wide opioid overdose deaths. We replicate the result for opioid overdose deaths and explore the potential mechanism. The key feature of a medical marijuana law that facilitates a reduction in overdose death rates is a relatively liberal allowance for dispensaries. As states have become more stringent in their regulation of dispensaries, the protective value generally has fallen. These findings suggest that broader access to medical marijuana facilitates substitution of marijuana for powerful and addictive opioids.
Background:
Kratom use in the West has increased recently, yet the prevalence and motives for use among individuals with a history of substance use disorder (SUD) have not been fully examined. Kratom has been documented as a means of treating chronic pain, mitigating drug dependence, and easing withdrawal symptoms, yet it is unclear if substance users are utilizing kratom as a self-medication. Abuse liability, side effects, and overall appeal of kratom remain uncertain.
Methods:
In April 2017, an anonymous survey regarding kratom use and motivations was completed by clients enrolled in a 12-Step-oriented residential program. 500 respondents with a self-reported history of SUD completed the survey.
Results:
20.8% of respondents endorsed lifetime kratom use and 10.2% reported past-12-month use. Kratom-users were younger (=32.1 vs. 35.9, p<0.001) and were more versatile substance users. A majority (68.9%) of kratom-users reported having used the drug as a means of reducing or abstaining from non-prescription opioids (NPO) and/or heroin, and 64.1% reported using kratom as a substitute for NPO/heroin. 18.4% of kratom-users reported using the drug due to a disability or chronic pain. One-third of kratom-users stated that kratom was a helpful substance and that they would try it again. However, kratom was not preferred and was indicated as having less appeal than NPO, heroin, amphetamines, and Suboxone.
Conclusions:
Among substance users, kratom use may be initiated for a variety of reasons, including as a novel form of harm-reduction or drug substitution, particularly in the context of dependence and withdrawal from other substances.
Background:
Kratom preparations have raised concerns of public health and safety in the US. Investigation into the demographics, perceived beneficial and detrimental effects of Kratom as well as common doses and purposes of its use are important to properly evaluate its potential health impact.
Methods:
An anonymous cross-sectional online survey was conducted in October 2016 of 10,000 current Kratom users through available social media and online resources from the American Kratom Association. A total of 8049 respondents completed the survey.
Results:
Kratom is primarily used by a middle-aged (31-50 years), middle-income ($35,000 and above) population for purposes of self-treating pain (68%) and emotional or mental conditions (66%). Kratom preparations present with a dose-dependent effect with negative effects, which were primarily gastrointestinal related including nausea and constipation, mainly presenting at high (5g or more/dose) and more frequent (22 or more doses/week) dosing.
Conclusions:
Kratom shows a dose-dependent opioid-like effect providing self-reported perceived beneficial effects in alleviating pain and relieving mood disorders. Kratom was primarily used for self-treatment of pain, mood disorders, and withdrawal symptoms associated with prescription opioid use.
Although some novel psychoactive substances (NPS) are newly discovered chemicals, others are traditional or indigenous substances that are introduced to new markets. One of these latter substances is a plant many people refer to as kratom. Indigenous to Southeast Asia and used for a variety of instrumental and recreational purposes, kratom has recently become available to Western drug users. Kratom is somewhat unique in that the plant contains two different psychoactive chemicals, which have both stimulant (mitragynine) and narcotic (7-hydroxymitragynine) properties. Thus, kratom may appeal to different types of drug users for reasons other than curiosity. In the current study, 15 samples of products that were either directly advertised as kratom or were listed in the results of a web search (but were not directly advertised as kratom) were purchased for testing. After laboratory testing, it was determined that all products advertised as kratom contained the active chemical mitragynine, but 7-hydroxymitragynine was not detected in any of the samples. Implications are discussed.
Various concerns and rationales have been the driving force for drug regulation in the United States. The Controlled Substances Act of 1970 (CSA) set up a comprehensive list of schedules and criteria that were intended to guide how all drugs were to be regulated, based on abuse liability and medical utility. This law was also supposed to eliminate the hodgepodge efforts of Congress in determining which drugs were legal to use and which ones were not, often based on utilitarian rationales. A comparative content analysis of the witness testimony at scheduling hearings, regarding two controlled substances, suggests that rationales for the scheduling of gammahydroxybutyric acid (GHB) typically were based on J. S. Mill's "harm to others" utilitarian approach, whereas the scheduling of methylene-dioxy-methamphetamine (MDMA) was typically based on the utilitarian approach of legal paternalism.
The contemporary media has often portrayed marijuana as a “slacker drug”; however, this portrayal is somewhat novel. Several scholars have argued in the early 1900s, especially in the 1930s, the media often associated marijuana with violence and mental illness. Another common argument was that marijuana was associated with Mexican immigrants. Conversely, other researchers have argued that these reports were overblown and media accounts of marijuana were not very common until recent years. The current study utilizes recently available on-line archives to conduct a more comprehensive test of how exactly marijuana was depicted in The New York Times from 1851–1950.
The pain medication OxyContin (hereafter referred to as oxycodone extended release) has been the subject of sustained, and largely negative, media attention in recent years. We sought to determine whether media coverage of oxycodone extended release in North American newspapers has led to changes in prescribing of the drug in Nova Scotia, Canada. An interrupted time-series design examined the effect of media attention on physicians' monthly prescribing of opioids. The outcome measures were, for each physician, the monthly proportions of all opioids prescribed and the proportion of strong opioids prescribed that were for oxycodone extended release. The exposure of interest was media attention defined as the number of articles published each month in 27 North American newspapers. Variations in media effects by provider characteristics (specialty, prescribing volume, and region) were assessed. Within-provider changes in the prescribing of oxycodone extended release in Nova Scotia were observed, and they followed changes in media coverage. Oxycodone extended release prescribing rose steadily prior to receiving media attention. Following peak media attention in the United States, the prescribing of oxycodone extended release slowed. Likewise, following peak coverage in Canadian newspapers, the prescribing of oxycodone extended release declined. These patterns were observed across prescriber specialties and by prescriber volume, though the magnitude of change in prescribing varied.
This study demonstrates that print media reporting of oxycodone extended release in North American newspapers, and its continued portrayal as a social problem, coincided with reductions in the prescribing of oxycodone extended release by physicians in Nova Scotia.
In 1989 and 1990 there was much media and political concern about use of the drug “ice,” or smokable crystal methamphetamine, which was believed to pose a social threat potentially as great as that of crack cocaine. This concern was not sustained, however, and references to the topic diminished sharply within a few months. The incident thus offers a valuable opportunity to trace the history of a drug panic from its origins to its eclipse. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of domestic political divisions, especially in Hawaii, in citing the panic. It is suggested that this incident illustrates both the manner in which local problems come to be projected on the national political arena and the limitations inherent in such a process. The paper explores the rhetorical devices used to create a sense of impending menace around the supposed danger, and the reasons why such an apparently plausible danger failed to gain more public attention or credence.
This article is intended to highlight some key themes within the news media's reporting of drugs, drug users and drug-related crime.1 Its aim is to focus on how the news media represent illegal drugs and drug users and their causal links with further criminal behaviour. The article proposes that news media and governmental beliefs mirror each other and have both adopted a stance that serious or `problematic' drug use is dangerous and causes further criminality. It also asserts that both media coverage and policy direction are disproportionately aimed at specific stereotypes of drug users and drug-using offenders, to the point whereby simplistic notions have developed at the expense of a much wider and more complex discussion to the detriment of a holistic drugs discourse. The ramifications of such representations are that users of heroin and crack cocaine are thought of as risk-bearing `outsiders' and are actively excluded from society. The article will draw on a plethora of studies from across the globe through the belief that even in an era of media diversity and culturally diverse drug use, there are common globally identifiable themes within the news media's reporting of drugs and crime.
In the last few years, 'meth' (methamphetamine) has become a major concern for law enforcement officials in rural America. Meth is the label given to a homemade substance that is manufactured (typically) in rural labs using fertilizers, cold tablets, and household acids. The amateur nature of the production process separates meth from its commercially produced equivalents, the stimulant medications that are the first-line therapy agents for attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder and narcolepsy and that are authorized by the United States Air Force as fatigue countermeasures. A way to understand the social construction of the meth-scare is to apply the moral panic conceptual framework. A moral panic is a social condition that becomes defined as a threat to community values and whose nature is presented in a stereotypical fashion by the mass media. The official reaction to the social condition is out of all proportion to the alleged threat. Reporting about a moral crisis involves a continuous exaggeration of the problematic aspects of the social condition and an ongoing repetition of fallacies. Discussions of meth tend to obscure its nature while heightening horrors that immediately promote a limited and inaccurate notion of the nature of meth. The emergence of the idea that meth is something new has activated a particular set of social responses that have a harsh impact on those designated as meth users. The meth scare is blinding people to the plight of white, underclass, rural, poor people.
Interpersonal attraction of “men seeking men” in personal advertisements is investigated by using an electronic telephone advertisement system. One hundred and sixty-seven phone advertisements from men seeking men in Ottawa, Canada, were used in this study. Content analysis reveals themes and patterns in regard to inclusion of genital language, sexual roles, sexual acts, body language, race, and age. Results reveal a strong emphasis in advertisements' content on physical appearance and sexual relationships. Physical appearance and comments related to sex were mentioned in most ads, suggesting the importance of these two issues as strategies for securing responses when placing personal advertisements seeking men.
Introduction and AimsUntil recently, synthetic cathinones marketed as bath salts' were legally sold at convenience stores and online in the USA. Media reports initiated concerns of a growing bath salt' epidemic. Despite media attention and the recent legal action banning synthetic cathinones, little is known about its prevalence or users. Design and MethodsA self-report survey was administered to 2349 students in 40 randomly selected courses at a large university in the Southeastern United States. The resulting sample was 51.6% female, 68.9% white, 24.4% black, 2.8% Hispanic and 4.0% other races, with a mean age of 20.06 years and median family income of $75000-99999. ResultsOnly 25 (1.07%) of the students reported using synthetic cathinones at least once. Synthetic cathinone use was found to be more common among men (1.68% vs. 0.50% of women, P=0.005), Hispanics (4.7%) and Native Americans (4.3% vs. 0.89% of whites and 0.72% of blacks, P=0.002), and student athletes (4.0% vs. 0.90% of non-athletes, P=0.001), but in each of these groups, synthetic cathinones were used more rarely than marijuana (58.14%, P<0.001), cocaine (9.08%, P<0.001), Salvia divinorum (7.89%, P<0.001), synthetic cannabinoids (14.28%, P<0.001), methamphetamines (1.92%, P=0.002), 3,4-methylenedioxy-N-methylamphetamine (MDMA) (12.54%, P<0.001) and several other drugs and pharmaceuticals. Discussion and Conclusions
Bath salts' have received a great deal of media attention in the USA, yet the prevalence of synthetic cathinone use among our sample was extremely rare. We suggest that the media attention focusing on synthetic cathinone use as a growing epidemic may be largely misplaced. [Stogner JM, & Miller BL. Investigating the bath salt' panic: The rarity of synthetic cathinone use among students in the USA. Drug Alcohol Rev 2013;32:545-549
Social problems may fruitfully be looked at as constructed phenomena, that is, what constitutes a problem is the concern that segments of the public feel about a given condition. From the constructionist perspective, that concern need not bear a close relationship with the concrete harm or damage that the condition poses or causes. At times, substantial numbers of the members of societies are subject to intense feelings of concern about a given threat which a sober assessment of the evidence suggests is either nonexistent or considerably less than would be expected from the concrete harm posed by the threat. Such over-heated periods of intense concern are typically short-lived. In such periods, which sociologists refer to as “moral panics,” the agents responsible for the threat—“folk devils”—are stereotyped and classified as deviants. What accounts for these outbreaks or episodes of moral panics? Three theories have been proposed: grassroots, elite-engineered, and interest group theories. Moral panics are...
Here we have a drug that is not like opium. Opium has all the good of Dr. Jekyll and all the evil of Mr. Hyde. This drug [marijuana] is entirely the monster Hyde, the harmful effect of which cannot be measured.
—Harry J. Anslinger, Hearings on the Marihuana Tax Act, U.S.
House of Representatives Committee on Ways and Means, 1937
Despite their widespread Internet availability and use, many of the new drugs of abuse remain unfamiliar to health care providers. The herbal marijuana alternatives, like K2 or Spice, are a group of herbal blends that contain a mixture of plant matter in addition to chemical grade synthetic cannabinoids. The synthetic cathinones, commonly called "bath salts," have resulted in nationwide emergency department visits for severe agitation, sympathomimetic toxicity, and death. Kratom, a plant product derived from Mitragyna speciosa Korth, has opioid-like effects, and has been used for the treatment of chronic pain and amelioration of opioid-withdrawal symptoms. Salvia divinorum is a hallucinogen with unique pharmacology that has therapeutic potential but has been banned in many states due to concerns regarding its psychiatric effects. Methoxetamine has recently become available via the Internet and is marked as "legal ketamine." Moreover, the piperazine derivatives, a class of amphetamine-like compounds that includes BZP and TMFPP, are making a resurgence as "legal Ecstasy." These psychoactives are available via the Internet, frequently legal, and often perceived as safe by the public. Unfortunately, these drugs often have adverse effects, which range from minimal to life-threatening. Health care providers must be familiar with these important new classes of drugs. This paper discusses the background, pharmacology, clinical effects, detection, and management of synthetic cannabinoid, synthetic cathinone, methoxetamine, and piperazine exposures.
The leaves of Kratom, a medicinal plant in Southeast Asia, have been used as an herbal drug for a long time. At least one of the alkaloids present in Kratom, mitragynine, is a mu-receptor agonist. Both Kratom and an additional preparation called Krypton are available via the internet. It seems to consist of powdered Kratom leaves with another mu-receptor agonist, O-desmethyltramadol, added. O-Desmethyltramadol is an active metabolite of tramadol, a commonly prescribed analgesic. We present nine cases of intoxication, occurring in a period of less than one year, where both mitragynine and O-desmethyltramadol were detected in the postmortem blood samples. Neither tramadol nor N-desmethyltramadol was present in these samples, which implies that the ingested drug was O-desmethyltramadol. The blood concentrations of mitragynine, determined by ultra-performance liquid chromatography-tandem mass spectrometry, ranged from 0.02 to 0.18 μg/g, and O-desmethyltramadol concentrations, determined by gas chromatography with nitrogen-specific detection, ranged from 0.4 to 4.3 μg/g. We believe that the addition of the potent mu-receptor agonist O-desmethyltramadol to powdered leaves from Kratom contributed to the unintentional death of the nine cases presented and conclude that intake of Krypton is not as harmless as it often is described on internet websites.
Mods and Rockers, skinheads, video nasties, designer drugs, bogus asylum seeks and hoodies. Every era has its own moral panics. It was Stanley Cohen’s classic account, first published in the early 1970s and regularly revised, that brought the term ‘moral panic’ into widespread discussion. It is an outstanding investigation of the way in which the media and often those in a position of political power define a condition, or group, as a threat to societal values and interests. Fanned by screaming media headlines, Cohen brilliantly demonstrates how this leads to such groups being marginalised and vilified in the popular imagination, inhibiting rational debate about solutions to the social problems such groups represent. Furthermore, he argues that moral panics go even further by identifying the very fault lines of power in society.
Mitragynine is thus a drug with a highly unusual but nevertheless well-documented history of being described as both a depressant and a stimulant, while at the same time possessing the chemical structure one might expect of a psychedelic. It can suppress the opiate withdrawal syndrome, but it is not reversed by nalorphine. Discovering the sites of action of this novel substance, thus resolving the apparent contradictions, may improve understanding in several areas of psychopharmacology. Just as new analytic methods were applied to the molecule in the 1960's, researchers now have at their disposal such techniques as receptor binding studies using radiolabeled compounds. Such studies have yet to be performed.
Salvia divinorum and Mitragyna speciosa ("Kratom"), two unscheduled dietary supplements whose active agents are opioid receptor agonists, have discrete psychoactive effects that have contributed to their increasing popularity. Salvia divinorum contains the highly selective kappa- opioid receptor agonist salvinorin A; this compound produces visual hallucinations and synesthesia. Mitragynine, the major alkaloid identified from Kratom, has been reported as a partial opioid agonist producing similar effects to morphine. An interesting minor alkaloid of Kratom, 7-hydroxymitragynine, has been reported to be more potent than morphine. Both Kratom alkaloids are reported to activate supraspinal mu- and delta- opioid receptors, explaining their use by chronic narcotics users to ameliorate opioid withdrawal symptoms. Despite their widespread Internet availability, use of Salvia divinorum and Kratom represents an emerging trend that escapes traditional methods of toxicologic monitoring. The purpose of this article is to familiarize toxicologists and poison control specialists with these emerging psychoactive dietary supplements.
Kratom (Mitragynia speciosa korth) is recognized increasingly as a remedy for opioid withdrawal by individuals who self-treat chronic pain.
A patient who had abruptly ceased injection hydromorphone abuse self-managed opioid withdrawal and chronic pain using kratom. After co-administering the herb with modafinil he experienced a tonic-clonic seizure, but he reported only modest abstinence once kratom administration stopped. We confirmed the identity of the plant matter he ingested as kratom and identified no contaminants or adulterants. We also conducted high-throughput molecular screening and the binding affinity at mu, delta and kappa receptors of mitragynine.
We report the self-treatment of chronic pain and opioid withdrawal with kratom. The predominant alkaloid of kratom, mitragynine, binds mu- and kappa-opioid receptors, but has additional receptor affinities that might augment its effectiveness at mitigating opioid withdrawal. The natural history of kratom use, including its clinical pharmacology and toxicology, are poorly understood.
What Made the DEA Change its Mind about Banning a Drug for Heroin Addiction?
- Greg Hadley
- Hadley, Greg
Hadley, Greg. 2016. "What Made the DEA Change its Mind about Banning a Drug for Heroin Addiction?" Miami
Herald. https://www.miamiherald.com/news/nation-world/national/article107741147.html.
Forget ‘Moral Panics’
- Mark Horsley
- Horsley Mark
Horsley, Mark. 2017."Forget 'Moral Panics'."Journal of Theoretical and Philosophical Criminology 9(2): 84-98.
Pp. 69-85 in The Control of Drugs and Drug Users: Reason or Reaction
- Karim Murji
Murji, Karim. 1998. "The Agony and the Ecstasy: Drugs, Media and Morality." Pp. 69-85 in The Control of Drugs and
Drug Users: Reason or Reaction? edited by R. Coomber. Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers.
Here Today, Gone Tomorrow…And Back Again? A Review of Herbal Marijuana Alternatives (K2, Spice)
- Christopher D Rosenbaum
- P Stephanie
- Kavita M Carreiro
- Babu
Rosenbaum, Christopher D., Stephanie P. Carreiro, and Kavita M. Babu. 2012. "Here Today, Gone Tomorrow…And
Back Again? A Review of Herbal Marijuana Alternatives (K2, Spice), Synthetic Cathinones (Bath Salts), Kratom,
Salvia Divinorum, Methoxetamine, and Piperazines." Journal of Medical Toxicology 8 (1):15-32. doi: 10.1007/
s13181-011-0202-2.
Meth: America’s Most Dangerous Drug
- David J Jefferson
- Jefferson, David J.
The Agony and the Ecstasy: Drugs, Media and Morality.” Pp. 69-85 in The Control of Drugs and Drug Users: Reason or Reaction
- Karim Murji
- Murji Karim
The Drugtakers: The Social Meaning of Drug Use
- Jock Young
- Young, Jock