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The Case for the Recognition of Krav-Maga as Part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Israel

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Abstract

Krav-Maga (“contact combat”) has attracted increasing attention, both in Israel and abroad, as a civilian combat discipline, a martial art and an effective self-defense system used by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). This paper explores the interactions between the development of Krav-Maga and the history, culture and heritage of the Jewish population of Israel. Using qualitative research methods, it is demonstrated that the evolution of Krav-Maga is intertwined with ideological changes and historical events that affected the Jewish people in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and with the cultural history and identity of Jewish immigrants to Israel in the mid 20th century. We argue that Krav-Maga meets the criteria set out in UNESCO’s definition of intangible cultural heritage and that it should be included in the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Israel.
Open Journal of Social Sciences, 2019, 7, 294-303
http://www.scirp.org/journal/jss
ISSN Online: 2327-5960
ISSN Print: 2327-5952
DOI:
10.4236/jss.2019.74023 Apr. 23, 2019 294 Open Journal of Social Sciences
The Case for the Recognition of Krav-Maga as
Part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Israel
Guy Mor
School of Martial Arts, Shanghai University of Sport, Shanghai, China
Abstract
Krav-Maga
(“contact combat”) has attracted increasing attention, both in
Israel and abroad, as a civilian combat discipline, a martial art and an effec-
tive self-
defense system used by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). This paper
explores the interactions between the development of
Krav-Maga
and the
history, culture and heritage of the Jewish population of Israel. Using qualita-
tive research methods, it is demonstrated that the evolution of
Krav-Maga
is
intertwined with ideological changes and historical events that af
fected the
Jewish people in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries, and with the cultural
history and identity of Jewish immigrants to Israel in the mid 20th
century.
We argue that
Krav-Maga
meets the criteria set out in UNESCO
s definition
of
intangible cultural heritage
and that it should be included in the Represen-
tative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Israel.
Keywords
Krav-Maga, Society and Culture, Intangible Cultural Heritage, Culture History,
Kapap
1. Introduction
Krav-Maga
, meaning “contact combat”, is a hand-to-hand combat discipline
that was developed in the 19th century by Jewish immigrants to (what was then)
Palestine [1]. The discipline is globally associated with modern day Israel, as re-
flected in the media and in privately published books [2]. In recent years,
Krav-Maga
has been growing in popularity [3], a trend which may be attributed
to the global increase in terrorist actions against civilians, such as the Charlie
Hebdo shooting in 2015 [4], and to the reputation of
Krav-Maga
as the official
hand-to-hand combat method of the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) [5]. Despite
this growth in popularity, little scholarly research has been undertaken to ex-
How to cite this paper:
Mor, G. (2019
)
The Case for the Recognition of Krav
-
Maga
as Part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage
of Israel
.
Open Journal of Social Sciences
,
7,
294
-303.
https://doi.org/10.4236/jss.2019.74023
Received:
March 20, 2019
Accepted:
April 20, 2019
Published:
April 23, 2019
Copyright © 201
9 by author(s) and
Scientific
Research Publishing Inc.
This work is licensed under the Creative
Commons Attribution
International
License (CC BY
4.0).
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Open Access
G. Mor
DOI:
10.4236/jss.2019.74023 295 Open Journal of Social Sciences
amine the historical origins and evolution of
Krav-Maga
, nor how these are
linked to the cultural heritage of the Jewish people. Both of these intellectual
projects are important if the case including
Krav-Maga
within the ambit of the
intangible cultural heritage of Israel is to be evaluated
.
It is worth noting that
some recent work has been carried out [6] on the link between the emergence of
Krav-Maga
and the violent relations between Jewish and Arab residents of Pales-
tine in the late 19th century [7]. However, this work does not examine the cultur-
al and ideological dimensions of the development of
Krav-Maga.
In the current study, we examine the evolution of
Krav-Maga
in more detail
and seek to locate its development within the cultural and ideological trends that
fashioned the development of Jewish consciousness during the late 19th century
and the first half of the 20th century. We argue that these socio-cultural trends
found their natural expression in the establishment of the State of Israel and that
Krav-Maga
therefore qualifies as part of the
intangible cultural heritage
of the
Israeli nation.
2. The Meaning of Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH)
To establish the argument that
Krav-Maga
should be considered as part of
Israels intangible cultural heritage (ICH), it is necessary to define what the term
means. In the scholarly literature, “heritage” is generally treated as a concept that
reflects the way in which a group understands its history processed through time
[8]. There are numerous, more subtle ways of construing the notions of culture
and heritage [9]. However, for the present purposes, it is sufficient to rely on
UNESCOs (2003) definition of ICH:
intangible cultural heritage
means the practices
,
representations
,
expres-
sions
,
knowledge
,
skills—as well as the instruments
,
objects
,
artifacts and cultur-
al spaces associated therewiththat communities
,
groups and
,
in some cases
,
individuals recognize as part of their cultural heritage. This intangible cultural
heritage
,
transmitted from generation to generation
,
is constantly recreated by
communities and groups in response to their environment
,
their interaction
with nature and their history
,
and provides them with a sense of identity and
continuity
,
thus promoting respect for cultural diversity and human creativity
[10]
.
This definition provides an understanding of the elements that are required
for something to fall within the category of
intangible cultural heritage.
The de-
finition emphasizes the transmission and evolution of ICH through time and
therefore implies that processes, knowledge, practices (and so on) that are rooted
in a peoples history, and that are subject to generational change, qualify as cul-
tural heritage. Moreover, this definition incorporates the idea that the processes
that make up the ICH must function subjectively as part of a nations identity or
heritage.
In this paper we seek to demonstrate that
Krav-Maga
is a body of knowledge,
a practice and a skill that is transmitted from generation to generation. We will
G. Mor
DOI:
10.4236/jss.2019.74023 296 Open Journal of Social Sciences
show that its form evolves through time, and that its evolution interacts with the
history, culture and heritage of the Israeli people. Further, it will be shown that
Krav-Maga
underpins a sense of Israeli national identity, but also promotes co-
operation between individuals with different national identities. For these reasons,
it is argued that it constitutes part of the
intangible cultural heritage of Israel.
3. Historic Events Leading to the Creation of a New Ideology
and Culture (1782-1903)
For many years, Jews, as a minority, were subjected to systematic persecution,
such as their enforced exile from Prague in 1744 and their exposure to the Da-
mascus blood libel in 1840 [11]. However, hope for a safer and better life began
to spread in the late 18th century when Emperor Joseph II of the Habsburg Mo-
narchy granted religious freedom to the Jewish population as part of his 1782
Edict of Tolerance [12]. This trend continued into the second half of the 19th
century and, in 1861, Alexander the 2nd (Emperor of Russia) granted Jews the
right to attend regular educational programs and to participate more freely in
economic life
activities from which they had previously been barred [13].
However, despite these trends, anti-Semitism did not disappear and, in fact, it
re-surfaced with some intensity in the Russian empire in the late 19th century
immediately following the assassination of Alexander the 2nd in 1881 [14]. Vio-
lent attacks against Jews, known as
pogroms
, continued to erupt from time to
time, creating a conviction among Jews that anti-Semitism in Europe was un-
likely to fade. As a consequence, Jews abandoned hope of a normal life in exile
and started to embrace two major new conceptions of their future
one practical
and one ideological. The practical change was an increase in Jewish emigration
from Russia to other countries, including but not limited to Palestine (later to
become Israel). The second development was the rise of a new ideology promul-
gated by the Jewish leadership, one which called upon Jews to act proactively to
determine their own future rather than accepting the status quo as inevitable
[15].
To understand the dynamics of this ideological shift, it is necessary to ex-
amine the writings of Jewish leaders and activists who operated in this period.
One such leader, Judah Leib Pinsker, in his famous article “Auto-Emancipation”
(1882),
called on the Jewish people to seek independence rather than relying on
other nations to protect them [16]. His article opened with an ancient Hebrew
saying: “
If I am not for myself
,
who will be for me
?
... And if not now
,
when
?”
[17].
By associating the new ideology with this traditional aphorism, Pinsker
harnessed the peoples bond with their Jewish heritage, providing a powerful ra-
tionale and motivation to support the proposed ideological change.
This paradigm shift from persecuted minority to putative nation was rein-
forced by ongoing expressions of anti-Semitism, leading to the creation of the
Zionist movement towards the end of the 19th century [18]. This in turn trig-
gered a series of political developments that eventually led to the establishment
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of the State of Israel in 1948. Other key Zionist leaders who sought to awaken the
notion of Jews as a strong people with the capacity to defend themselves were
Max Nordau and Ze’ev Jabotinsky. In 1898, Nordau coined the term “Muscular
Judaism”
to refer to the concept of Jews with intense national pride, physical
prowess, and the ability to fight and protect themselves and their nation. Fur-
ther, he linked this concept to traditional heroes such as Samson, Shimon bar
Kokhba and Judas Maccabeus [19]. Echoing Pinskers strategy, Nordau used
these cultural icons to link the new ideology to ancient Jewish themes. Similarly,
Ze’ev Jabotinsky founded the Jewish Self-Defense Organization in Odessa [20],
and argued that athletic training should be practiced on a regular basis to ensure
that the Jewish population was able to fight for its freedom and national homel-
and [21]. This political ideology encouraged many Jews to take a stand and im-
migrate to what was then Palestine
a territory governed by the Ottoman Em-
pire [22].
4. First Signs of a Jewish Pioneering Ethos: 1904-1914
From 1904-1914, as the ideas of the Zionist movement spread and as an-
ti-Semitism in Europe continued unabated, about 35,000 Jews immigrated to
Palestine [23]. Most of these immigrants were young people who gave effect to
the new ideology of the proud strong Jew by 1) creating a new form of
agricultural settlement known as the
Kibbutz
, and 2) assuming responsibility for
the guarding of Jewish settlements. In 1907 several new immigrants who former-
ly belonged to Jewish self-defense groups in Europe formed the
Bar-Giyora
organi-
zation. This group was named after Shimon Bar-Giyora, one of the leaders of the
Jewish rebellion against the Roman occupation of Jewish land in 66 - 73 AC [24].
The name of the movement demonstrates again the practice of imbuing a con-
temporary emphasis on assertive self-reliance using folk memories derived from
Jewish tradition. In 1908 an organization known as
Hashomer
(“The Guard”)
replaced Bar-Giyora as the movement that embodied the ethos of proud Jewish
warriors and was ready to protect Jewish settlements in Palestine [25].
5. Realization of the New Ideology during
the British Mandate (1917-1948)
In 1917 the British wrested the area of Palestine from the Ottoman Empire,
creating an opportunity for the Zionist movement to promote its objectives. A
key development was the “Balfour Declaration” of November 2nd 1917, which
stated that the British government
favored the establishment of a national ho-
meland for the Jews in Palestine [26]. This statement led to increased Jewish
immigration to Palestine [27] but also to an increase in hostile resistance by the
indigenous Arab population. In response, Jewish organizations initiated forms of
combat training relying mainly on known martial disciplines, such as Ju-Jitsu
and boxing, combined with some practical experience and knowledge acquired
by Jewish immigrants during training in their countries of origin [28]. Unfortu-
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nately, these techniques failed to save lives in real combat situations [29].
In 1920, following another wave of Arab attacks against Jewish residents, the
Hagana
(a Jewish paramilitary organization) was established based on the infra-
structure of
Hashomer
[30]. The
Hagana
sought to develop an unarmed combat
discipline that would provide effective defense against Arab attacks, and looked
to experts such as Dr. Moshe Feldenkrais and others to provide advice on un-
armed combat.
Feldenkrais (1904-1984), who had experience of Ju-Jitsu and other hand-to-hand
combat systems, sought to create a practical and more effective solution based
on his own research and incorporating the principle of “unconscious reaction”
(also known as “reflexive reaction”). This approach is predicated on the assump-
tions that human beings have a pre-programmed system of reactions to menaces
and that these reactions are performed unconsciously [31]. This insight led Fel-
denkrais to establish an improved fighting and training regimen whose funda-
mental principles were later adopted by both
Kapap
(an abbreviation of
Krav
Panim el Panim
meaning “face-to-face combat”) and
Krav-Maga
. The
Hagana
command considered his ideas sufficiently promising to justify the award of a
three-year grant allowing Feldenkrais to train
Hagana
members [32].
Between 1936 and 1939, the Arab leadership felt intimidated by the expansion
of Jewish numbers and recognized that they might lose their numerical advan-
tage. Encouraged by Arab political achievements in Iraq, Egypt and Syria, the
Arab revolt in Palestine was initiated with the intention of ending Jewish immi-
gration and advancing Arab independence; it resulted in numerous casualties on
all sides [33]. In the course of this violence, Jewish groups felt compelled to de-
velop and disseminate knowledge of hand-to-hand combat techniques, alongside
physical and basic military education [34]. Being under the British mandate,
open training in combat disciplines was restricted, so Jewish immigrants adapted
known hand-to-hand combat tactics to create a unique combat discipline, which
could be represented as a “defensive sport” (
Sport Magen)
. This discipline,
which incorporated techniques from Ju-Jitsu, boxing and wrestling, as well as
some of Feldenkrais’s ideas, was promoted first by Gersho Kofler as a sport un-
der the sports organization
Hapoel
[35]. During the same period, a British intel-
ligence officer (Charles Orde Wingate) stationed in Palestine decided to support
the Zionist cause by forming small, armed assault units of British-led Jewish
commandos to counter hostile Arab actions [36]. This was a transformative
moment in the development of the Zionist movements approach, shifting from
a focus on defense to the creation of a dynamic and highly effective coun-
ter-terrorism operation [37]. A further contribution to the development of the
Jewish combat doctrine arose from Jewish demonstrations in protest at what
were seen as discriminatory regulations proposed by the British Secretary of
State for the Colonies in 1939. During these protests, British policemen used ba-
tons to beat Jewish demonstrators, causing significant demoralization within the
Jewish community and the dissolution of several youth platoons [38]. This, in
turn, encouraged
Hagana
members to conduct “combat experiments” to find a
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10.4236/jss.2019.74023 299 Open Journal of Social Sciences
practical means of countering the threat of the British batons. The outcome was
the introduction of a short-stick fighting method, which became an integral part
of the general face-to-face combat training regimen of the time [39]. The con-
ceptual transformation from a defensive to an offensive approach, along with the
introduction of the short-stick weapon, was associated with a change in the labe-
ling of the combat system; what was previously known as
Sport Magen
became
Kapap
[40].
The development of a local combat discipline, and the shift from defensive to
active counter operations, can be seen in a broader context as part of an emerg-
ing combat culture based on proactivity, Muscular Judaism and self-reliance.
6. The Establishment and Development
of Krav-Maga in Israel (1948-1971)
For the first decade following the declaration of Israeli independence in 1948
and the establishment of the IDF, the armys hand-to-hand combat training re-
lied heavily on
Kapap
, and used instructors and training materials from the
Hagana
[41]
.
It is true that from 1948 until the late 1950s, several different terms
appeared in IDF documents, but these were used interchangeably. Thus
Kapap
,
Sport Magen and Krav-Maga [42]
were all seen as variants of a common hand-to
hand system. Eventually, towards the end of the period, the term
Krav-Maga
became the accepted term for the IDFs hand-to-hand-combat method, displac-
ing the term
Kapap
altogether [43].
The most recent phase in the evolution of
Krav-Maga
was the development of
a non-military form, often credited to Imi Lichtenfeld, a prominent hand-to-hand
combat instructor and
Kapap
and
Krav-Maga
specialist within the
Hagana
and
IDF [44]. From around 1964, Lichtenfeld was active in promoting
Krav-Maga
as
a civilian discipline, introducing new techniques and adopting the judo belt sys-
tem. In August 1971, the first civilian
Krav-Maga
instructors course was held in
Lichtenfelds training club in Netanya [45].
7. Krav-Maga Today
Krav-Maga
today is taught and practiced in three different modes: As a self-defense
system, as a combat system for security forces, and as a martial art. The “un-
conscious reaction” principle established by Feldenkrais continues to serve as
the common feature of all three manifestations of
Krav-Maga
. However, the par-
ticular techniques included within the
Krav-Maga
portfolio continue to evolve in
response to changing threats, such as attempts to kidnap Israeli soldiers or
snatch their rifles [46]. Thus military
Krav-Maga
continues as an evolving sys-
tem of hand-to-hand combat.
From a civilian perspective, there are dozens of
Krav-Maga
organizations all
over the world, each promoting participation in the discipline through courses,
training camps and international events [47]. Several Israeli colleges offer
Krav-Maga
training programs for overseas students who may learn the discip-
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line in Israel or in external facilities located abroad [48]. Over the last two dec-
ades, a new segment of the tourism industry has emerged in Israel specifically to
satisfy the demand for
Krav-Maga
training, sometimes paired with touring the
country [49]. These training courses and “Tour and Train” experiences bring
people of different nationalities together with a common interest in
Krav-Maga
,
through which they develop a sense of identity and solidarity, create friendship
bonds, and learn to respect cultural diversity.
8. Discussion
The argument we wish to advance is that the development of
Krav-Maga
is in-
terwoven with the history and traditions of the Jewish people. The roots of this
system of combat are to be found in the Jewish cultural and ideological revolu-
tion that took place in the late 19th century. This “muscular” approach to the de-
fense and maintenance of Jewish identity is itself resonant with ancient biblical
traditions associated with Jewish survival in a hostile environment. Migration
from Europe to Palestine, local hostilities with the resident Arab population, and
vacillating relationships with British Mandate forces have all exerted an influ-
ence on the format and application of
Krav-Maga
as it evolved through time.
The interactions between these historical events not only created a distinctive
system of combat, but also played a part in the formation of Jewish national
identity, a more robust and self-reliant ideology and, ultimately, a national ho-
meland.
The combat discipline itself, although bearing different names at different
points in its history, essentially constitutes a single, evolving system, which has
picked up modifications as a consequence of Jewish historical events. In Felden-
kraisdays (and before), the training was called self-defense and Jujitsu. During
1933-1941, the predominant title was
Sport Magen
(though it was also some-
times referred also as Jujitsu
)
. The name
Kapap
appeared once the discipline
evolved to incorporate short-stick fighting. By the mid-1950s, the term
Krav-Maga
had established its dominance. However, throughout these periods, as argued
above, the principles of self-reliance and unconscious reaction, as well as the use
of experimentation to develop appropriate responses to changing threats, have
been constant features.
Krav-Maga
would not be the first combat discipline to be recognized as an
example of the ICH of a nation; some Chinese martial arts [50] and Taekkyeon
(a traditional Korean martial art) [51] have already been recognized. However
Krav-Maga
, which grew out of European Jewish history and as a response to
dramatic cultural change, embodies the memory of resistance to historical op-
pression. In this respect, it closely resembles Capoeira (an Afro-Brazilian cultur-
al practice of simultaneous fighting and dancing), which was recognized by
UNESCO in 2014 as part of the intangible cultural heritage of Brazil [52].
Krav-Maga
meets the UNESCO criteria for intangible cultural heritage in that it
is recognized by Israelis as part of their cultural heritage, it is passed down from
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10.4236/jss.2019.74023 301 Open Journal of Social Sciences
generation to generation, and it has been constantly evolving in response to the
vicissitudes of Jewish history for more than a century.
Krav-Maga
is widely prac-
ticed internationally, while being recognized as an authentic form of Israeli
hand-to-hand combat. Thus it reinforces Israeli national identity while promot-
ing cooperation among practitioners from many different countries. It follows
that there is a solid justification for declaring and protecting
Krav-Maga
as an
element of the
intangible cultural heritage
of Israel.
Conflicts of Interest
The author declares no conflicts of interest regarding the publication of this pa-
per.
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... Objetivando apresentar reflexões a respeito das origens, criação, conceituação, classificação, introdução e desenvolvimento do Krav Maga enquanto modalidade de luta a partir dos estudos de Guy Mor (2018;2019; ...
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Krav Maga (‘contact combat’) is an Israeli combat discipline arguably one of the many intangible cultural heritages of Israel and the Jewish people. It has played a unique role in the (re)creation and preservation of the Jewish identity and the formation of the state of Israel. Recently we observe a growing academic literature debating the role of martial arts in international affairs and domestic political processes. It is the scope of this paper to contribute to this proposing a framework for understanding Krav-Maga as a means of cultural diplomacy as seen in other nations.
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Full-text available
Participants from all around the world come to train in Israeli Krav Maga (close combat) with the ‘Tour and Train’ programme. They perform exercises that aim to control close-range violence and are devised within a certain logic, and this logic is subsequently disseminated to become part of the globalised view of the war on terror. Whereas the understanding of globalised terror and its counteraction is often drawn from political statements and their interpretation, in Tour and Train ‘universal’ understandings of terror and the war on terror are constructed through practice in its own right. Krav Maga cosmology views violence as sudden, unexpected alterations in intensity. This view eliminates any specificities and replaces content with intensity, sheer somatic sensation, with relentless fighting activity within an active–passive frame that presumes that there is always a course of action to be taken, while the fighter is also a passive passenger of the flow of violence. According to this view, the ideologies behind and reasons for belligerent situations, as well as the intentions of attacker and defender, are null and void, and terror itself is the result of fortuity.
Book
After endless hours of searching, teaching, learning, consulting, experiencing, and experimenting, with various martial art teaching methods, in different cultures, institutions and organizations, world-wide. The authors present a method, which will enable Krav-Maga and martial arts instructors to improve and refine their teaching skills. This book should be considered a toolkit, from which the instructor can pick the relevant teaching tool to instruct, convey or communicate a movement or a technique, to a student or a class. It is hoped that with each successful use of a tool, the instructor will go on to incorporate more of these tools, in their own teaching format. Based on our experiences, applying our method properly will result in higher attendance, less dropouts, and overall, a greater sense of satisfaction from martial arts training.
Article
Krav-Maga (‘contact combat’) is an Israeli combat discipline practiced by thousands of individuals worldwide. During the past few decades, it has attracted a considerable amount of attention mainly as a self-defence system, although its origins are also rooted in sport. Despite the widespread popularity of Krav-Maga, its origins, history, and evolution have not been seriously examined in the academic literature, nor has its key role in promoting the use of reflex reactions in combat. This paper addresses these gaps in the literature while emphasizing the distinctive characteristics of Israeli combat disciplines. It also challenges popular misconceptions about the historical roots of Krav-Maga. Our research leads to three key conclusions: First, Israeli combat disciplines played a pioneering role in the use of situational awareness and reflex responses to an attack – in preference to a reliance on forms training. Second, contrary to commonly held beliefs, Krav-Maga is a direct development of Jewish hand-to-hand combat disciplines that can be traced back to 1891. Third, the development of Krav-Maga may be viewed as a reflection of historical and political events affecting the Jewish people from the late nineteenth century.
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Since the adoption of the Venice Charter in 1964, there have been many conservation guidelines in the form of charters, recommendations and resolutions that have been introduced and adopted by international organisations such as UNESCO and ICOMOS. This article focuses on the scope and definition of heritage as promulgated by the various charters across the globe. The term ‘historic monument' used in the Venice Charter 1964 was reinterpreted by ICOMOS in 1965 as ‘monument' and ‘site'; and by UNESCO in 1968 as ‘cultural property' to include both movable and immovable. The different terminology between the UNESCO and ICOMOS was reconciled at the World Heritage Convention 1972. At national and regional levels the scope of heritage was broadened to include gardens, landscape and environment, and later reinterpreted and defined quite differently in Europe, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and China. Although the scope of heritage, in general, is now agreed internationally to include ‘tangible' and ‘intangible' as well as ‘environments', the finer terminology of ‘heritage' has not been streamlined or standardised, and thus no uniformity exists between countries.
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The aim of this work is to analyse the evolution of the concept of cultural heritage in West European states. In the last decades of the 20th century, the term “heritage” was characterised by expansion and semantic transfer, resulting in a generalisation of the use of this word, frequently used in the place of another, such as, monument and cultural property. However, all these terms are not able to cover the same semantic field. Starting by the reflection on the semantic evolution of the notion of cultural heritage in France, we approach to the international definition of heritage given by the directives, charters and international resolutions in order to define a global outline of the meaning of heritage that is not just limited to a particular national dimension. From a purely normative approach, one went to a less restrictive approach, one based on the capacity of the object to arouse certain values that led the society in question to consider it as heritage and therefore, to a further step in which heritage is no longer defined on the basis of its material aspect. This development has also made it possible to recognise intangible cultural heritage, which was ignored for a long time, as heritage to be protected and safeguarded.
History and Singularity of Krav-Maga. The International Journal of the History of Sport
  • G Mor
Mor, G. (2018) History and Singularity of Krav-Maga. The International Journal of the History of Sport.
Krav-Maga the Israeli Discipline of Defense
  • K Lichtenstein
Lichtenstein, K. (2008) Krav-Maga the Israeli Discipline of Defense. Orion Books, Israel, 13-23.
We Tried It: Krav Maga Worldwide
  • A Almedrala
Almedrala, A. (2014) We Tried It: Krav Maga Worldwide. Huff Post. https://www.huffpost.com/entry/krav-maga_n_4784896
How This Man Taught Me to Kill in Four Moves
  • J Tylor
Tylor, J. (2009) How This Man Taught Me to Kill in Four Moves. Independent. http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/how-this-man-taught-me-to-k ill-in-four-moves-1790034.html