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Agresión reactiva y proactiva en niños y adolescentes uruguayos
Abstract
Aggression is a heterogeneous, multifaceted construct involving different psychobiological mechanisms and phenomenological manifestations, and influenced by external and socio-cultural factors. The present study examines reactive and proactive aggression in Uruguayan children and adolescents from different socioeconomic contexts. To this end, 643 subjects of both sexes, aged between 8 and 21 years, completed the reactive-proactive aggression questionnaire (RPQ; Raine, Dodge, Loeber, Gatzke-Kopp, Lynam, Reynolds, Shouthamer-Loeber, and Liu, 2006). The results showed that: a) there was an increase in the disposition to reactive, emotional and impulsive aggression from childhood to adolescence; b) both forms of aggression were more frequent in boys during childhood and adolescence, and c) no significant differences were noticed in relation to the socioeconomic status of the groups studied. These findings suggest the advisability of designing programmes aiming at early prevention and treatment of aggressive behaviour, focusing mainly on male subjects and including all social strata, with the objective of reducing subsequent aggressive tendencies in youth and adulthood.
KEYWORDS: reactive aggression, proactive aggression, childhood, adolescence, sex, socioeconomic status, Uruguay.
... Añadido a lo anterior, otra de las principales explicaciones para dichas conductas podría ser la combinación de tres factores: falta de control de las emociones, una gran actividad en la amígdala y poca actividad inhibidora en la zona de la Corteza Orbito Frontal (COF). Por su parte, se ha encontrado que las personas con una lesión en la COF tendrían un aumento en la agresión impulsiva (Fares et al., 2012;Sepúlveda y Moreno, 2017). Asimismo, la perspectiva psicobiológica destaca que los niveles bajos de serotonina en el cerebro son inversamente proporcionales a los niveles de violencia reactiva (Ortega-Escobar y Alcázar-Córcoles, 2016). ...
... Asimismo, la perspectiva psicobiológica destaca que los niveles bajos de serotonina en el cerebro son inversamente proporcionales a los niveles de violencia reactiva (Ortega-Escobar y Alcázar-Córcoles, 2016). Finalmente, se ha logrado identificar que esta violencia podría estar relacionada con problemas de atención e hiperactividad, problemas del sueño e, incluso, dificultad en el procesamiento de la información (Fares et al., 2012;Penado et al., 2014). ...
... Respecto a los aspectos psicológicos relacionados con la violencia hostil se ha señalado que dichos comportamientos representan una dificultad en la resolución de conflictos y el uso de estrategias desadaptativas que posiblemente se hayan adquirido durante la infancia, por lo que recurrir a ellas resultaría algo "normal" para las personas perpetradoras (Chaux, 2003;Fares et al., 2012). Además, esta violencia se podría vincular con trastornos de la personalidad, retraso mental, psicosis, crisis emocionales y estados de ánimo cambiantes (López, 2021). ...
En los albores de la historia de la violencia, esta se
consideraba de carácter instintivo como parte de la
naturaleza humana, cuyo fin único era la autodefensa
y la supervivencia; sin embargo, al paso del tiempo
los estudios científicos han realizado aportaciones
orientadas al origen de la violencia desde las ideas
biológicas hasta aquellas que consideran las variables
individuales y socioculturales. Para tal motivo, a través
de una revisión narrativa, se percibe que la violencia
en el noviazgo parece tener las mismas características;
por lo tanto, resulta pertinente tener claro tanto su
origen, conceptualización y por supuesto la clasificación
de los tipos de violencia que se sufren y ejercen
en la población adolescente y de jóvenes emergentes.
Como resultado se ha logrado identificar que dicha
categorización se puede realizar desde tres grandes
aristas: 1) su contexto, ya que al ser un fenómeno
multicausal el desarrollo de la actitud va a depender de
las condiciones ambientales en las cuales se desenlace,
como podría ser el contexto social, escolar, familiar y
de pareja; 2) su manifestación, esto porque la mayoría
de las veces no se puede delimitar el origen del acto
violento, por lo que se puede tipificar como física,
sexual, de control y psicológica; 3) su uso, que puede
ser hostil o instrumental en donde se tiene como principal
objetivo ejercer violencia y control, ocasionando
daño sobre la víctima. Actualmente se ha evidenciado
que existen nuevos tipos de violencia, entre los cuales
se encuentran inmersas la violencia de género, aunque
su estudio no es reciente, su inclusión en las tipologías
sí lo es, la cual tiene su justificación en el género; y la
ciberviolencia, que surge a partir de los avances tecnológicos,
debido a que las formas de interacción han
evolucionado a un ciber espacio permitiendo también
que se cometan actos abusivos mediante la red. En
conclusión, se resalta que la violencia en la pareja es
un fenómeno que tiene diversas modalidades y clasificaciones,
las cuales dañan la integridad de la persona
en distintos ámbitos de su desarrollo, conllevando
severas consecuencias para quien la sufre.
... (17) Las evidencias sugieren que la agresión reactiva se encuentra asociada con una diversidad de emociones negativas sintomatología psicopatológica como el miedo, la irritabilidad, la hostilidad, la depresión y la somatización (18) ; mientras que, por su parte, la agresividad proactiva se encuentra relacionada con la conducta violenta, la ansiedad, la impulsividad, la distorsión de la realidad y la psicopatía (19) . Estudios llevados a cabo en adolescentes hispanoparlantes señalan que la agresión reactiva y la agresión proactiva, o ambas, se asocian con la conducta antisocial (20) , pero también se ha reportado que la agresión proactiva tiene a disminuir con la edad, que es más frecuente en varones (21) , y que se asocia con diversas formas de distorsiones cognitivas. (22,23) Esta teoría de la agresividad reactiva y proactiva, no ha sido investigada en el Perú, a pesar de que la agresividad y la violencia han sido temas recurrentes en la investigación psicológica nacional, sobre todo, la violencia contra la mujer (24) , las relaciones entre la familia y la conducta agresiva en adolescentes (25) y variables vinculadas con la violencia en la escuela (8) . ...
... No obstante, ello supone contar con instrumentos adecuados, y dado que la agresividad es una variable que está sujeta a la variabilidad cultural (43) y al sexo de las personas (6) . En tal sentido, el presente estudio tuvo por objetivo analizar la validez y la confiabilidad, así como la invarianza según el sexo en una muestra de adolescentes de la ciudad de Arequipa, del Cuestionario de Agresión Reactiva/Proactiva, creado por Raine et al. (19) En tal sentido, aunque través de diversos estudios con muestras hispanoparlantes de España (26,27) , Uruguay (21) y Perú (29,30) , el Cuestionario de Agresión Reactiva/Proactiva ha demostrado tener adecuadas propiedades psicométricas, confirmándose la estructura de dos factores con índices de confiabilidad satisfactorios (α< .7) para cada uno de ellos, en nuestro estudio la estructura factorial de dos dimensiones solo obtuvo indicadores de bondad de ajuste adecuados, cuando se practicaron correcciones y modificaciones estadísticas. ...
... Asimismo, el análisis de diferencias de medias latentes en ambos factores indica que existen diferencias según el sexo de las personas, por tanto, los niveles de agresividad reactiva y proactiva son mayores en los varones que en las mujeres, lo cual sigue en la línea de estudios previos realizados sobre la agresividad (2,6) . En ese sentido, cabe señalar que los estudios sobre el Cuestionario de Agresión Reactiva/Proactiva han sido preferentemente realizados en varones (19,21) , por lo que existe poca evidencia sobre la agresividad reactiva y proactiva en adolescentes mujeres con este instrumento, y mucho menos aún estudios de la invarianza factorial. ...
Introducción:
en esta investigación se analiza la validez, confiabilidad e invarianza del Cuestionario de Agresión Reactiva/Proactiva.
Método:
el estudio fue de tipo instrumental. Se evaluó a 2803 adolescentes, de los cuales 48.9% fueron mujeres 51.1% varones de la ciudad de Arequipa. Se aplicó el Cuestionario de Agresión Reactiva Proactiva (RPQ).
Resultados:
la prueba obtuvo índices de bondad de ajuste adecuados y se confirmó la estructura bifactorial mediante el análisis factorial confirmatorio. La prueba presentó invarianza escalar y estricta en función al sexo de los estudiantes evaluados, de modo que los varones muestran una mayor agresividad reactiva y proactiva que las mujeres. Las medidas de confiabilidadfueron satisfactorias.
Conclusión:
el RPQ es válido con una estructura de dos factores, además es invariante en función al sexo de los evaluados.
... Estudios realizados en adolescentes hispanoparlantes señalan que tanto la agresión reactiva, como la agresión proactiva, o su expresión mixta, se asocian con la conducta antisocial (Penado, Andreu y Peña, 2014). Asimismo, estudios en niños y adolescentes uruguayos han reportado que la agresión proactiva tiene a disminuir con la edad y que es más frecuente en varones (Fares, Cabrera, Lozano, Salas y Ramírez, 2012). Otros estudios han relacionado la agresividad reactiva, proactiva y mixta con variables cognitivas como la impulsividad cognitiva (Andreu, Peña y Penado, 2013), señalando que si bien los tres tipos de adolescentes agresivos muestran niveles elevados de impulsividad en comparación con sujetos no agresivos, los agresivos proactivos presentan mayores niveles de impulsividad no planificadora (Andreu, Peña y Penado, 2012). ...
The present study aimed to value the relationships between reactive/proactive aggression and cognitive distortion among adolescents from Arequipa City in Peru, for which it was necessary to realize a psychometric analysis of the tests used. Evaluated were 2,830 high school students (48.9% female and 51.1% male) aged between 13 and 19 years old, with the Reactive/Proactive Aggression Questionnaire and the How I Think Questionnaire. A psychometric analysis was performed to evaluate the validity and reliability of the instruments applied, as well as a correlation analysis to determine the relation between the variables. The psychometric results show a construct validity and reliability of the questionnaires, with adequate fit values and internal consistency; while the correlation analysis reveals that the reactive aggression is weakly related with cognitive distortions, and proactive aggression is moderately related to cognitive distortions. Propiedades psicométricas de los cuestionarios Reactive/Proactive Questionnaire (RPQ) y How I Think Questionaire (HIT) en estudiantes peruanos Key words: Reactive aggression; proactive aggression; cognitive distortion; psychometrics.Resumen: La presente investigación tiene por finalidad valorar las relaciones entre la agresión reactiva/proactiva y las distorsiones cognitivas de adolescentes de la ciudad de Arequipa (Perú), para ello ha sido necesario realizar un análisis psicométrico de los instrumentos utilizados. En ese sentido se evaluó a 2830 estudiantes nivel secundario (48.9% mujeres y 51.1% varones) entre 13 y 19 años de edad, a través del Cuestionario de Agresión Reactiva/Proactiva y el Cuestionario How I Think. Se realizó un procesamiento psicométrico para valorar la validez y la confiabilidad de los instrumentos, así como un análisis de correlación para determinar el grado de relación entre las variables. Los resultados psicométricos dan cuenta de la validez de constructo y la confiabilidad de los instrumentos, que tienen índices adecuados de ajuste y consistencia interna; mientras que el análisis de correlación reveló que la agresión reactiva se relaciona de manera débil con las distorsiones cognitivas, y la agresión proactiva se relaciona de manera moderada con las distorsiones cognitivas.
... In addition, Raine et al. (2006) obtained satisfying reliability: 0.90 (general aggression), 0.84 (reactive aggression), and 0.86 (proactive aggression). The RPQ has been adapted for use in Hong Kong (Fung et al., 2009), mainland China (Li & Fung, 2015), Spain (Peña Fern andez, Andreu Rodríguez, Barriga, & Gibbs, 2013), and Uruguay (Fares, Cabrera, Lozano, Salas, & Ramírez, 2012) before, and in each case has been found to exhibit a high degree of internal consistency, with Cronbach's a values of 0.83, 0.78, 0.84, and 0.77 for reactive aggression and 0.89, 0.85, 0.87, and 0.78 for proactive aggression, respectively. This study employed the Chinese version of RPQ validated in the cross-cultural study by Fung et al. (2009) ...
This study is the first attempt to measure reactive and proactive aggression in 1,203 youths aged
between 11 and 20 from Hong Kong, mainland China, Spain, and Uruguay using the Reactive- Proactive Aggression Questionnaire (RPQ). The two-factor RPQ construct was found to exhibit an excellent model fit for all sub-samples, and the measurement and structural invariance across the four regions was also revealed. After controlling for age, the youth in Uruguay exhibited the highest levels of general, reactive, and proactive aggression, followed by Spain, Hong Kong and mainland China. Reactive, proactive, and general aggression increased with age in the total sample, but the effects differed among regions. Boys were found to exhibit higher levels of general, reactive, and proactive aggression than girls only in Uruguayan sample. These findings confirmed the cross-cultural generalizability of the two-factor RPQ model, and suggested culture, age, and gender to be significant determinants of youth aggression.
... Kong (Fung et al., 2009), mainland China (Li & Fung, 2015), Spain (Fernández, Rodríguez, & Gibbs, 2013), and Uruguay (Fares, Cabrera, Lozano, Salas, & Ramírez, 2012) to .84 (proactive aggression). ...
This study is the first attempt to measure reactive and proactive aggression in 1,203 youths aged between 11 and 20 from Hong Kong, mainland China, Spain, and Uruguay using the Reactive‐Proactive Aggression Questionnaire (RPQ). The two‐factor RPQ construct was found to exhibit an excellent model fit for all sub‐samples, and the measurement and structural invariance across the four regions was also revealed. After controlling for age, the youth in Uruguay exhibited the highest levels of general, reactive, and proactive aggression, followed by Spain, Hong Kong and mainland China. Reactive, proactive, and general aggression increased with age in the total sample, but the effects differed among regions. Boys were found to exhibit higher levels of general, reactive, and proactive aggression than girls only in Uruguayan sample. These findings confirmed the cross‐cultural generalizability of the two‐factor RPQ model, and suggested culture, age, and gender to be significant determinants of youth aggression. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
... In addition, Raine et al. (2006) obtained satisfying reliability: 0.90 (general aggression), 0.84 (reactive aggression), and 0.86 (proactive aggression). The RPQ has been adapted for use in Hong Kong (Fung et al., 2009), mainland China (Li & Fung, 2015), Spain (Peña Fern andez, Andreu Rodríguez, Barriga, & Gibbs, 2013), and Uruguay (Fares, Cabrera, Lozano, Salas, & Ramírez, 2012) before, and in each case has been found to exhibit a high degree of internal consistency, with Cronbach's a values of 0.83, 0.78, 0.84, and 0.77 for reactive aggression and 0.89, 0.85, 0.87, and 0.78 for proactive aggression, respectively. This study employed the Chinese version of RPQ validated in the cross-cultural study by Fung et al. (2009) ...
In recent years, Spanish prisons show a decline in prison population, with a parallel increase in aggressive behaviour. Serious or very serious assaults suffered between 2006 and 2010 numbered 725, while between 2011 and 2016 the exponential increase in assaults amounted to 2208. Coercion, verbal aggression in the form of threats and criticism, considered minor infractions, increased from 2160 in 2009 to 3035 in 2016. In prisons, there are different types of cell blocks where various intervention programmes are applied. These depend on repeat offenses, class of felony and even the prisoner’s dangerousness. In the least conflictive cell blocks, coexistence is easier, since the inmates view the correctional officer as a helper or an equal and not as someone who they must confront as if they were an enemy. This trust facilitates our work. On the contrary, in more problematic cell blocks, we find inmates who are more reluctant to follow the options presented by the institution and put into practice by the correctional officer. In these cases, the increased tension is palpable, and the best defence is the ability to work with disruptive behaviours through verbal communication, dialogue, and self-control. Understanding the situation can be complicated as inmates may form groups or closed systems in reaction to those who they believe to be their oppressors. This occurs with prisoners who belong to armed or criminal gangs, Latino gangs (maras), jihadist terrorist organisations or prisoners convicted of violent crimes. In order to do our job well when a conflict arises, we need to be emotionally detached and focus our attention on resolving the conflict. This does not always prove successful, especially when additional resources are required: the more violence, the less and more drastic the options available to resolve the conflict. In some cases, prisoners feel no pain nor suffer mental load during the conflict. In many cases, threats to our mental, or even physical, being occur on a daily basis. These individuals establish their own rules of coexistence, which they use to break down an established system with which they do not identify. But, at the same time, they know the laws well enough and use their tools and self-protection mechanisms, resulting in (mostly false) complaints. This aggressive behaviour, far from being impulsive, is motivated, purposive and aimed at achieving goals, namely the destruction of that which does not coincide with their purposes or thoughts. This situation forces prison officers to be on a permanent state of alert while prisoners attempt to wear them down to the point of apathy. I have had enough conversations in this hostile, threatening and complex environment to think that this violence we could call political, yet personal, carried out by lucid, yet threatening, people, who are rational, yet pitted, against the world and yourself, with morally justified, yet aversive, motives generates constant pressure and psychological permeability among prison officers. It produces fear and doubt that sometimes translates into a weakening of your own knowledge and actions.
Resumen: En este trabajo se examinan las propiedades psicométricas del Cuestionario de Agresión Reactiva-Proactiva (RPQ; Reactive-Proactive Aggression Questionnaire), elaborado por Raine et al. (2006). En su aplicación a una muestra de 732 adolescentes de la Comunidad de Madrid (360 va-rones y 372 mujeres), el análisis factorial confirmatorio reveló que el modelo estructural bifacto-rial presenta un mejor ajuste a los datos que el modelo estructural unifactorial. Por otra parte, se ob-servaron diferencias estadísticamente significativas en ambos tipos de agresión en función del sexo y la edad de los participantes. Los hombres presentaron mayores niveles de agresión proactiva que las mujeres; mientras que en todos los grupos de edad analizados la agresión reactiva fue signifi-cativamente mayor que la proactiva tanto en hombres como en mujeres. Los resultados obtenidos en este estudio sugieren que este instrumento mide de forma fiable y válida dos tipos funcionales de agresión asociados a diferentes procesos y mecanismos motivacionales. Palabras clave: Agresión reactiva y proactiva, análisis factorial confirmatorio, validez de cons-tructo, adolescentes, RPQ. Abstract: The psychometrical characteristics of the Reactive-Proactive Aggression Questionnaire (RPQ), designed by Raine et al. (2006), was examined in this work. When applied to a sample of 732 adolescents from Madrid (360 males and 372 females), the confirmatory factor analysis showed that the bifactorial structural model fitted the data better than the unifactorial model. On the other hand, statistically significant differences were observed in both types of aggression according to sex and age of participants. Males showed higher levels of proactive aggression than females, whereas in all the analyzed age groups, reactive was significantly higher than proactive aggression in men as well as in women. The results obtained in this study suggest that this instrument measures two functional types of aggression associated to different processes and motivational mechanisms in a reliable and valid way.
Although numerous investigations of overt aggressive and antisocial trajectories have been undertaken, there is a dearth of literature examining gender differences and similarities in trajectory patterns and their correlates. To address these gaps, we investigated gender differences in the prevalence rates, predictive validity during transition to adulthood, childhood risk factors, and adolescent correlates of different trajectories of teacher-reported overt aggression (i.e., fights, argues, gets in trouble) among 220 participants (116 girls and 104 boys) evaluated annually from grade 4 to grade 12. Four patterns of trajectories were identified: low, increasing (i.e., adolescent-onset), decreasing (i.e., childhood-limited), and high (i.e., childhood-onset). A large proportion of youth, particularly girls, displayed low levels of aggression over time. A small proportion followed the childhood-onset trajectory. Across gender, the childhood-onset trajectory was associated with the highest rates of maladjustment during the transition to adulthood, the highest number of childhood risk factors, and multiple problems during adolescence. The adolescent-onset trajectory was associated with few childhood risk factors, but with high levels of independent status during adolescence. In contrast, the childhood-limited trajectory was associated with several childhood risk factors, but high levels of parental monitoring and school engagement during adolescence. Romantic involvement differentiated the adolescent-onset and childhood-limited trajectories among girls.
The purpose of the present study was: first, to offer a few theoretical considerations on the concept of human aggression and its main types; and second, to analyse the relationship between those types of aggression and other related psychological constructs, such as anger, hostility, and impulsivity, summarizing the main empirical results of our research in progress. In order to assess their eventual correlations, several self-report techniques were compared: (a) AQ, used to measure several kinds of aggression, anger, and hostility; (b) CAMA, a questionnaire already used in a variety of cultures, for measuring attitudes toward interpersonal aggression in different instrumental and hostile situations; (c) ASQ, an instrument for measuring experienced anger and its expression in assertive or aggressive ways; and (d) BIS, used to prove three impulsiveness sub-traits: motor, attentional, and non-planning impulsiveness. The different definitions of aggression may be grouped according to whether the primary goal is distress or harm, focusing primarily on the objective infliction of harm, or on the subjective intention of harming. Most classifications in the literature show two kinds of aggression, even if different names are used: Hostile Aggression (among other names it is also known as 'reactive, impulsive, or affective') is an act primarily oriented to hurt another individual; and Instrumental Aggression (also known as 'proactive, premeditated, or predative') is a means or tool for solving problems or for obtaining a variety of objectives. As predicted, there was a positive correlation between experience and expression of anger. Anger involved physiological arousal and prepared for aggression. Anger and impulsiveness were also positively correlated with hostile aggression, but not with instrumental aggression. In the case of impulsiveness, non-planning impulsiveness was positively correlated with some situations related to hostile aggression, such as emotional agitation or lack of communication, but not with instrumental one. Finally, hostility positively correlated with anger and different kinds of aggression, but not its degree of justification. In sum, aggression can be reflected in the different personality constructs, measured by self-reports.
Previous research has suggested that females hold “expressive” social representations of aggression and males hold “instrumental” representations [e.g., Archer and Parker (1994): Aggressive Behavior 20:101–114; Campbell et al. (1992): Aggressive Behavior 18:95–108]. There is also evidence to suggest that an instrumental representation is associated with higher levels of actual aggression [e.g., Archer and Haigh (1996): British Journal of Social Psychology 35:1–23; Campbell et al. (1993): Aggressive Behavior 19:125–135] and that although males employ more physical aggression, females use more indirect aggression [Lagerspetz and Bjorkqvist (1994): Plenum Press]. In light of these findings, the present study aimed to (1) devise questionnaires measuring social representations of physical, verbal, and indirect aggression, suitable for use with children aged 7 to 11 years; (2) examine sex and age differences in these questionnaires; and (3) compare representations of physical aggression with representations of indirect aggression for both boys and girls. Results showed that compared with girls, boys held more instrumental representations of all three forms of aggression, whereas compared with boys, girls held more expressive representations. Likewise, children aged 10 to 11 years held more instrumental representations of all three forms of aggression compared with children aged 7 to 8 years. There were no differences between representations of physical vs. representations of indirect aggression for girls or for boys. Sex and age differences were discussed in terms of sex roles and a developmental change in children’s views on aggressive retaliation. In addition, previous research suggesting a link between representations and actual aggression was questioned. Aggr. Behav. 26:442–454, 2000. © 2000 Wiley-Liss, Inc.
Different developmental courses have been postulated for proactive and reactive aggression.
Investigated the developmental course of proactive and reactive aggression in a large sample of adolescent boys from low socioeconomic areas.
A dual group-based joint trajectory method was used to identify distinct trajectories as well as similarities and differences in intra-individual changes.
The trajectories for proactive and reactive aggression were similar: the majority of individuals followed infrequent and desisting trajectories. Contrary to expectations, very few adolescents followed trajectories of increasing proactive aggression. Reactive aggression was more common than proactive aggression. The overlap in trajectory group membership of individuals following trajectories of high peaking proactive and reactive aggression was nearly 100%. Across a period of 5 years, the boys on the high peaking trajectories were twice as likely to have affiliated with gangs.
The developmental courses of proactive and reactive aggression are similar during adolescence. Males who tend to frequently use one form of aggression throughout adolescence also tend to frequently use the other and are at an increased risk for contemporaneous delinquent lifestyles.
To examine whether kindergarten children's genetic liability to physically aggress moderates the contribution of friends' aggression to their aggressive behaviors.
Teacher and peer reports of aggression were available for 359 6-year-old twin pairs (145 MZ, 212 DZ) as well as teacher and peer reports of aggression of the two best friends of each twin. Children's genetic risk for aggression was based on their cotwin's aggression status and the pair's zygosity.
Children's aggression was highly heritable. Unique environment accounted for most of the variance in friends' aggression, although there was also a small genetic contribution (15%). Both genetic liability to aggression and having aggressive friends predicted twins' aggression. However, the contribution of aggressive friends to children's aggression was strongest among genetically vulnerable children. This result was similar for boys and girls, despite sex differences in both aggression and the level of aggression of friends.
Affiliation with aggressive friends at school entry is a significant environmental risk factor for aggression, especially for children genetically at risk for aggressive behaviors. Developmental models of aggression need to take into account both genetic liability and environmental factors in multiple settings, such as the peer context, to more precisely describe and understand the various developmental pathways to aggression. The implications for early prevention programs are discussed.
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