Article

“Large Ocean States”: Sovereignty, Small Islands, and Marine Protected Areas in Global Oceans Governance

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Abstract

Small island states are typically portrayed as vulnerable and insignificant actors in international affairs. This article traces the emerging self-identification of "large ocean states" that these small island states in the Pacific and Indian Oceans are now employing, juxtaposing their miniscule landmass and populations with the possession of sovereign authority over large swathes of the world's oceans. Such authority is increasingly being exercised in the context of biodiversity conservation through expanding marine protected areas (an element of both the Sustainable Development Goals and the Aichi Targets of the Convention on Biological Diversity) as an expression of "ecological responsibility." This new exercise of green sovereignty reinforces state control over spaces previously governed only at a distance, but control made possible only through compromises with nonstate actors to fund, monitor, and govern these MPAs.

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... Small islands provide vital ecosystem services, supporting diverse livelihoods and human well-being of 10% of the world's population (Kueffer and Kinney, 2017). Although commonly highlighted for their reduced land area, small islands are essentially 'large ocean states' with a high ratio of coastline to land area and large exclusive economic zones, thus having significant territorial claims on the surrounding oceans (Chan, 2018). ...
... This may have initiated innovative financing mechanisms and partnerships in the WIO region. For example, Seychelles established the first-ever debt-for-nature swap financing which commits to protecting 30% of its EEZ in exchange for its bilateral or multilateral debt reduction, cancellation or buyback (Chan, 2018). Seychelles converted USD 21.6 million of the state's debt into investments in coastal protection and adaptation (Chan, 2018). ...
... For example, Seychelles established the first-ever debt-for-nature swap financing which commits to protecting 30% of its EEZ in exchange for its bilateral or multilateral debt reduction, cancellation or buyback (Chan, 2018). Seychelles converted USD 21.6 million of the state's debt into investments in coastal protection and adaptation (Chan, 2018). These avenues for mobilising climate and conservation finance from a diversity of sources is receiving more attention and will help transform debt into adaptation opportunities for small islands. ...
Article
Tropical small islands are particularly vulnerable to environmental impacts. In the small islands of the Western Indian Ocean (WIO), multiple stressors of environmental and socio-economic change interact and intensify at reduced spatial scales. Actors and institutions need to respond to these changes through responses – reactive or proactive actions planned or implemented by individuals, groups or organisations; aimed at responding to changing contexts and scenarios, by reducing, preventing and/or reverting the risks and impacts of environmental change. Through a mixed-method systematic review of academic literature from 2010 to 2020 using the Web of Science literature database, we document the types of responses, actors involved and elements of effective responses. We analysed 329 studies focusing on nine WIO small island states and territories (SISTs) – Zanzibar, Mafia, Seychelles, Comoros, Mayotte, La Réunion, Mauritius, Maldives and Lakshadweep. Using quantitative content analysis, we organised information into categories ranging from institutional (economic instruments, laws, policies and community based), social (educational and informational), infrastructural (engineered and technological) and ecological restoration-based responses. The articles varied in their geographical distribution, focus and depth with regard to the responses studied. Diverse responses are documented, that often overlap across categories and may be combined and pursued simultaneously. For example, responses range from coastal protection structures, land reclamation, land elevation and artificial islands to mangrove restoration, awareness raising programs, coastal zone regulations and climate induced migration and relocation policies. Responses were predominantly institutional (85% of 329 articles, n = 281) – mainly driven by governments. The most common social responses (53%, n = 183) were linked to environmental education programs and knowledge sharing platforms. Although the responses indicated an increasing interest in ecological restoration (27%, n = 91) and community-based initiatives (36%, n = 120), they were largely underrepresented in research. Cataloguing the different responses may help incorporate the diversity into well-informed decisions, offer alternative ways of thinking and highlight specific areas and response types that should be the focus of future research and practice. The elements influencing the effectiveness of responses were identified through thematic synthesis – relevance to the local social-ecological context, resources available (time and funding), knowledge (access, diversity, integration, transfer, innovative and anticipatory), governance of responses (coordinated, transparent, adaptive, equitable, participatory and polycentric) and iterative monitoring. These elements of effectiveness tend to be synergistic and no single element is effective in isolation. When these elements are not considered, the response intervention could be maladaptive or counterproductive. Poorly designed responses result in perverse social and ecological outcomes, further increasing the exposure and vulnerability to the environmental stressors and decreasing public confidence and support. This review documents current literature, points to knowledge gaps and highlights the potential for islands to learn from each other and to further apply these lessons to non-island settings, critically considering the local context.
... The drive towards LMPA creation is both the effect and cause of a new moral claim about 'ecological responsibility', emphasising not so much of the rights to extract resources from the ocean or the seabed, but a norm of stewardship and environmental protection. With their recently found responsibilities over their huge EEZs, and their actions in this direction, SIDS are supremely well placed to encourage foreign investment, donors, and developed countries with climate commitments to support their own efforts in order to develop a sustainable ocean management regime (Chan, 2018) and develop pioneering governance tools for the new Blue Economy. ...
... Their intent and moves to enhance 'positive sovereignty', extending and deepening state control over their waters, can contribute to global conservation norms and goals, enhancing the legitimacy of their own actions, as well as of those organisations who support them. But: such 'control' is often being mediated through deep and complex partnerships with non-state actors over the design, financing and implementation of (VL)MPAs, raising serious concerns about issues of accountability and power, in the context of a new 21 st century geopolitics (Chan, 2018). Additionally, there is a need for an improved understanding of how large MPAs interact with industrial fisheries; this would be a 'crucial step towards defining their role in global ocean management' (White et al., 2020(White et al., , p. 1571. ...
Article
The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) was adopted on 10th December 1982, 40 years ago. It has opened a new world for most coastal states, and small island states most of all. With an exclusive economic zone reaching out up to 200 nautical miles (370.4 km) from shore, small island states (SIS) have been coming to terms with now being ‘large ocean states’ (LOS). A foray into carving out marine protected areas has been gathering pace. While referencing the concept of ‘positive sovereignty’ (Jackson, 1993), this article suggests that UNCLOS may have an additional role to play in advising and supporting the governance of EEZs ... and particularly where SIDS are concerned.
... The environment is an important arena for small states and territories that allows them to 'punch above their weight' in international relations (i.e. Chan, 2018). The group of small island developing states, for example, have become an important voice in the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and were pivotal in securing text on keeping global average temperature increases below 1.5 degrees Celsius in the Paris Agreement (Thomas et al., 2020). ...
... The group of small island developing states, for example, have become an important voice in the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and were pivotal in securing text on keeping global average temperature increases below 1.5 degrees Celsius in the Paris Agreement (Thomas et al., 2020). Other small island states have sought to redefine themselves as 'large ocean states' by asserting new forms of global environmental stewardship by establishing marine protected areas in their vast exclusive economic zones (Chan, 2018). Focusing on the environment, therefore challenges common assumptions that small states and territories are necessarily weak, vulnerable and dependent, and offers an opportunity to explore more optimistic and constructive approaches to thinking about their international and domestic development. ...
Article
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Island-based states and territories harbour abundant wildlife, are acutely vulnerable to impacts of environmental degradation, and are often deemed non-self-governing due to associations with sovereign metropoles. Addressing environmental issues in these contexts can be dependent on governments having the appropriate authorities to engage in environmental action, but also the capacities needed to do so effectively. This paper develops an empirical analysis of environment and sovereignty in the context of the British Overseas Territories (UKOTs). Focusing on the mediation of sovereign powers for environmental action, the paper presents findings from interviews with representatives of government, civil society and scientific organisations to explore the authorities, needs and capacities for environmental action in the UKOTs and the perceived benefits and limitations that arise from the contextual condition of smallness in some territories. The paper synthesises suggestions for mediating relations of environmental sovereignty going forward in the context of Global Britain. Montana, J. (2022). Mediating sovereignty for the environment in the British Overseas Territories. Small States & Territories, 5(1), 103-120. https://www.um.edu.mt/library/oar/handle/123456789/94157
... fish, minerals), and the competition for control over their extraction, continue to dominate geopolitical attention, while changing geopolitical relations influence resource extraction and management regimes. Ocean space and resources continue to play a central role in inter-state relations, increasingly defining state identities and territorial claims, such as in the case of Small Island Developing States identifying as 'large ocean states' (Chan 2018). However, these examples also challenge traditional distinctions between land and sea (and sea and ice), state and non-state, and cooperation and conflict. ...
... In this chapter, we examine two recent efforts to territorialize the oceans for conservation, demonstrating that the ways in which ocean science -observation, measurement, interpretationis translated into calculable objects of governance plays a critical role in defining geopolitical interactions, both challenging and reinforcing conventional ideas of territory and space. While marine conservation is clearly tied to territorial and geopolitical projects within states' exclusive economic zones (Gruby et al. 2017;Chan 2018), we focus here specifically on efforts to territorialize the high seas, those areas beyond national jurisdictions. We summarize and bring together two related projects: (1) a study of long-term international efforts to advance biodiversity conservation on the high seas, drawing on the results of five Collaborative Event Ethnographies (Gray 2018); and (2) research on a regional conservation initiative in the Sargasso Sea, drawing on document analysis and semi-structured interviews (Acton et al. 2019). ...
... The fourth group comprises Micronesia and Kiribati, which have tiny land areas, but extensive EEZs due to their large number of islands spread over a wide area. Leaders of some of these countries have considered their nations "large ocean states" (Chan 2018). 8 In addition to the EEZ, the expansion of state control over the seas is indicated by requests for recognition of extended continental shelves. ...
Article
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The paper argues that the norm of sovereignty was extended to sea areas with only minor adaptations. Using an English School approach, it explores the political evolution of control over the seas, demonstrating why and how the norm of sovereignty prevailed over alternative norms and principles regulating control of the seas. The paper then compares the positions of Brazil, China and the United States on the current international regime of the ocean.
... This has led some to use the term 'large ocean states' to describe such places. 23 Second, her analysis clearly illustrates the multidimensional, interconnected and liminal nature of many maritime security challenges. Fisheries raise issues in all four domains identified above-national security (including interstate conflict), marine environment, economic development and human security-as well as the way in which such issues may interact with each other and with circumstances on land. ...
Article
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In this introduction to a special section of the September 2019 issue of International Affairs, we revisit the main themes and arguments of our article ‘Beyond seablindness: a new agenda for maritime security studies’, published in this journal in November 2017. We reiterate our call for more scholarly attention to be paid to the maritime environment in international relations and security studies. We argue that the contemporary maritime security agenda should be understood as an interlinked set of challenges of growing global, regional and national significance, and comprising issues of national, environmental, economic and human security. We suggest that maritime security is characterized by four main characteristics, including its interconnected nature, its transnationality, its liminality—in the sense of implicating both land and sea—and its national and institutional cross-jurisdictionality. Each of the five articles in the special section explores aspects of the contemporary maritime security agenda, including themes of geopolitics, international law, interconnectivity, maritime security governance and the changing spatial order at sea.
... These reframings are gaining traction in larger policy spheres as evidence by SIDS' rebranding themselves as "Large Ocean States" (Chan, 2018), the centring of the ocean in climate change and sustainable development policies globally and the strengthening of Pacific regionalism among PICs. Mapping Security in the Pacific: A focus on context, gender and organisational culture brings forth voices and perspectives in the PICs about what are (in)security issues in their own context, how these are seen, understood and defined, what kind of challenges are faced and what solutions are proposed for action and policy. ...
... These reframings are gaining traction in larger policy spheres as evidence by SIDS' rebranding themselves as "Large Ocean States" (Chan, 2018), the centring of the ocean in climate change and sustainable development policies globally and the strengthening of Pacific regionalism among PICs. Mapping Security in the Pacific: A focus on context, gender and organisational culture brings forth voices and perspectives in the PICs about what are (in)security issues in their own context, how these are seen, understood and defined, what kind of challenges are faced and what solutions are proposed for action and policy. ...
Book
This book examines questions about the changing nature of security and insecurity in Pacific Island Countries (PICs). Previous discussions of security in the Pacific region have been largely determined by the geopolitical interests of the Global North. This volume instead attempts to centre PICs’ security interests by focussing on the role of organisational culture, power dynamics and gender in (in)security processes and outcomes. Mapping Security in the Pacific underscores the multidimensional nature of security, its relationship to local, international, organisational and cultural dynamics, the resistances engendered through various forms of insecurities, and innovative efforts to negotiate gender, context and organisational culture in reducing insecurity and enhancing justice. Covering the Pacific region widely, the volume brings forth context-specific analyses at micro-, meso- and macro-levels, allowing us to examine the interconnections between security, crime and justice, and point to the issues raised for crime and justice studies by environmental insecurity. In doing so, it opens up opportunities to rethink scholarly and policy frames related to security/insecurity about the Pacific. Written in a clear and direct style, this book will appeal to students and scholars in criminology, sociology, cultural studies, social theory and those interested in learning about the Pacific region and different aspects of security.
... In fact, the SIDS designation is itself inherently colonial, reflecting the false narrative that islands are peripheral and unsophisticated. It is a label that many Pacific states have rejected, prefering the term "Large Ocean States," which references the authority they exercise over vast ocean territories (EEZs) (e.g., Powers, 2019;Chan, 2018). Colonial conductincluding policies of dispossession, forced relocation, and assimilationhas left many of these states more vulnerable to climate change hazards and with less adaptive capacity; i.e., ability to adjust to climate change (e.g., Siders, 2019;Davis, 2015;IPCC, 2018). ...
Article
In the island states of Oceania, colonial power dynamics profoundly shape climate vulnerability and response. Largely as a result of their colonial history, island nations are dependent on outside funders to adapt to climate change, reproducing colonial subordination by depriving island states of sovereignty over their adaptation strategies. We empirically demonstrate the sovereignty-depriving effects of the current adaptation process through a case study from the Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI). Recent scholarship suggests that, without swift and large-scale adaptation, RMI will be uninhabitable by mid-century, threatening a population-scale forced migration. Our research indicates that Marshallese leaders are committed to adapting in place in order to preserve national identity and sovereignty, but they view reliance on external funding as a major barrier to implementing the measures that could enable RMI to survive in the face of climate change. Marshallese decision-makers in this study perceive that aid institutions discount the existential implications of failing to pursue aggressive adaptation, assuming instead that migration is inevitable, economically rational, and even desirable. Such a proposal is particularly painful given the history of forced migration in RMI caused by U.S. nuclear weapons testing there. These neocolonial dynamics not only deprive island states of sovereignty over their adaptation strategies but also threaten permanent abrogation of national sovereignty and selfdetermination through loss of a habitable territory. To uphold global commitments to decolonization and human rights, our research indicates the need to return sovereignty over climate adaptation decision-making to affected states.
... Whereas the terrestrial borders of nation-states are commonplace and omnipresent, ingrained on our understanding of the world from an early age, maritime borders and boundaries often remain opaque, of interest to a smaller set of actors. Recent efforts to reimagine small island development states in the Indian and Pacific oceans as 'large ocean states' furthermore constitute a deliberate attempt to introduce a new spatial frame, radically reconfiguring established metageographies of land and sea space (Chan, 2018). ...
Article
Marine spatial planning constitutes a performative practice whereby territoriality at sea is not only mapped and codified in policy statements but also reworked and re-imagined. The extension of spatial planning to the sea represents an opportunity to develop integrated spatial perspectives cognisant of the diversity of land–sea interactions and transcending existing divisions between maritime and terrestrial policy. Drawing on interpretative policy analysis and critical cartography perspectives, this study examines the spatial imaginaries underlying a particular case of innovative strategic planning at the Dutch North Sea and their capacity to reconfigure existing metageographical understandings of the land and the sea.
... They note how GGLC linked the concepts of environmental sustainability and resilience with notions of social relationships and indigenous culture in ways that vernacularised discourses that were often used, or defined differently, elsewhere. The burgeoning use of the terms 'green growth' and 'blue-green economy,' linked in turn to notions of Pacific islands as "large ocean states" (Chan, 2018), is seen by some as part of a new assertive Pacific regionalism (Fry & Tarte, 2018, p. 3) that is a significant departure from donor-dominated agendas of the past. ...
Article
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There is a growing recognition of the effectiveness of locally led processes of social change and development. However, most of the case studies that have been discussed in the literature are focused on programs run by international development agencies. This article examines three locally led processes of change in the Pacific. These include the Simbo for Change Initiative in the Solomon Islands, the Voice in Papua New Guinea and a regional process led by the Green Growth Coalition. We explore how local understandings of leadership, preferences for informal ways of working, holistic ways of thinking, the importance placed upon maintaining good relationships and collective deliberation fundamentally shaped each of the cases. We note how these preferences and ways of working are often seen, or felt, to be at odds with western modes of thought and the practice of development agencies. Finally, we conclude by exploring how these initiatives were supported by external agencies, and suggest further research of this type might provide benchmarks by which Pacific citizens can hold their governments and development agencies to account.
... In 2014, the Pacific Leaders synonymously decided to replace the Pacific Plan with the Framework for Pacific Regionalism (Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat, 2014). When the emphasis was shifted from Small Islands Developing States to Large Ocean States in 2015, the ocean states were recognised as a "ocean continent" (Chan, 2018). To this effect, in 2017 the Blue Pacific narrative was endorsed by the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) Leaders (Searight et al., 2019). ...
Article
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Oceans are governed by multiple policies at international, regional and national levels. National level policies have traditionally been sector-based, covering fisheries, tourism, environment etc. Recently more integrated and holistic National Ocean Policies (NOP) have been promulgated. The Pacific Ocean also has well-developed regional ocean-related policies spanning decades. The work presented here uses lexicometric analysis to map the interlinkages between regional and national policies to determine if they are evolving synergistically. Focusing on the Solomon Islands, due to its reliance on the ocean and producing a NOP in 2018, 13,622 expressions were extracted from the corpus of 8 national and 10 regional ocean-related policies. Network analysis displayed limited differentiation between the NOP, national sector-based policies and regional policies. Clustering of policies showed progressive splitting of policies from a single cluster, rather than by formation of a number of separate clusters. This behaviour reflects the thematic interlocking of policies: all share many themes, and the more integrative policies add a few additional sectoral themes. The themes rarely addressed in the corpus include energy, agriculture, pollution and education. The NOP was predominantly built on existing national or regional policies and their main themes rather than setting a new direction in ocean governance. The benefit of the NOP may be less about its content itself, but the creation of allied cross-ministerial architecture. With the intense pressure on the oceans and its resources in present times, there will be a growing need for more substantive policy evolution.
... Over the past decade "Large Ocean States" have been the main driver behind the creation of large scale marine protected areas (MPAs; Chan, 2018). By the end of 2020, all but one of the top 10 largest MPAs by area, whether sorted by highly protected or mixed-use categories, can be found around these large ocean states or autonomous territories (MCI, 2020). ...
Article
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The global COVID-19 pandemic of 2020 has forced small island states to make rapid changes to the way they manage their marine estates following changes in global shipping practices and access which are essential for the supply of food items and island’s infrastructure. Following the closure of the border of neighboring French Polynesia, changes had to be made to the Pitcairn Islands’ sole supply vessel route, which resulted in the vessel requiring to set anchor on arrival at the island to conserve fuel. Considering this change and to ensure the continued protection of vulnerable coral habitats the local government has had to make swift decisions to identify anchoring zones that minimize seabed disturbance. Data collected in January 2020, just prior to the pandemic, were assessed using a rapid assessment method and combined with earth observation data to create the first shallow water (
... During the past decade, an increasing number of SIDS have started referring themselves as Large Ocean States or Great Ocean States, recognizing the vast opportunities that ocean provides for their economic development [141][142][143] . Indeed, the ocean offers unprecedented solutions and opportunities for sustainable and equitable growth 21,144,145 . ...
Technical Report
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Coastal communities SIDS and LDCs are unique in their position of vulnerability towards ocean-derived risks. They have high levels of exposure and sensitivity to these risks, in part owing to the heavy dependency on the sea for fisheries and tourism – core sectors that support their GDP, livelihoods as well as food security. The situation in these countries is changing rapidly, as is their exposure to different types of risks, and their ability to adapt and respond. The high dependence of many developing countries on tourism and imports and concomitant effects of the current pandemic and tropical cyclone Harold, for instance, are examples of how fragile some of the existing means of livelihood and food security are to external forces. Through a synthesis of peer-reviewed and grey literature, empirical data, and case studies from SIDS and LDCs, this report describes the prominent biophysical and anthropogenic stressors and their impacts on SIDS and LDCs, highlights the key social-ecological features of SIDS and LDCs that shape their vulnerabilities to these stressors, and suggests potential ways that can support SIDS and LDCs to mitigate ocean risks and build resilience.
... Island states have already demonstrated their influence on global ocean leadership and governance, through their push for an oceanfocused Sustainable Development Goal, as well as in the UN BBNJ negotiations [26,43]. Moreover, the ability of island nations to lead in science-based ocean governance has been demonstrated numerous times with examples from the creation of the Palau National Marine Sanctuary system, the setting aside of the Phoenix Islands Protected Areas in Kiribati, the implementation of the Micronesia Challenge in the Western Pacific, the development of a Marine Protected Area (MPA) network in Tonga, and others [44]. The leveraging of preexisting empowering Colored outlines represent island territories associated with Australia, France, the United Kingdom, or the United States. ...
Article
The human footprint on the global ocean is ever-increasing, particularly with new ways to grow food in the ocean, new technologies in marine energy production as a way to resolve climate change, and transport and commerce expanding across the ocean. Yet, human activities in the ocean have long been managed using a sectoral approach (e.g., fisheries, biodiversity protection, energy production, shipping) rather than a holistic integration of sector interactions, trade-offs, costs, and benefits. Coordination across sectors is now more critical than ever, not only because of the expanding human footprint but also because of climate change impacts on the ocean. Sustainable global ocean use can support the Blue Economy while also reversing negative climate impacts on the ocean. Advancements in science and technology, along with increasing momentum on global commitments to sound ocean governance, and science diplomacy internationally can support sustainable ocean use with accurate and timely information about the status and trends in the ocean’s ecosystem services (benefits) to society. Near-real time information about ecosystem services’ dynamics is critical to policymaking for a sustainable Blue Economy that works for nature and people in an ever-changing ocean. Here, we propose seven principles for ecosystem service assessments, essentially to international science diplomacy, for consideration by global marine policy communities.
... Over the past decade "Large Ocean States" have been the main driver behind the creation of large scale marine protected areas (MPAs; Chan, 2018). By the end of 2020, all but one of the top 10 largest MPAs by area, whether sorted by highly protected or mixed-use categories, can be found around these large ocean states or autonomous territories (MCI, 2020). ...
Book
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Working Towards a Blue Future: Promoting Sustainability, Environmental Protection and Marine Management: Examples from the UK Government Blue Belt Programme and Current International Initiatives
... Additionally, we consulted the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development high income country lists to identify countries with relevant recreational fishing activities not included in the studies consulted. We excluded large ocean states due to their limited inland water surface area 15 . Finally, we called upon a curated panel of global recreational fisheries experts to review our final country list and confirm that we included all nations where inland recreational harvest could be estimated. ...
Article
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Inland recreational fisheries, found in lakes, rivers, and other landlocked waters, are important to livelihoods, nutrition, leisure, and other societal ecosystem services worldwide. Although recreationally-caught fish are frequently harvested and consumed by fishers, their contribution to food and nutrition has not been adequately quantified due to lack of data, poor monitoring, and under-reporting, especially in developing countries. Beyond limited global harvest estimates, few have explored species-specific harvest patterns, although this variability has implications for fisheries management and food security. Given the continued growth of the recreational fishery sector, understanding inland recreational fish harvest and consumption rates represents a critical knowledge gap. Based on a comprehensive literature search and expert knowledge review, we quantified multiple aspects of global inland recreational fisheries for 81 countries spanning ~192 species. For each country, we assembled recreational fishing participation rate and estimated species-specific harvest and consumption rate. This dataset provides a foundation for future assessments, including understanding nutritional and economic contributions of inland recreational fisheries.
... Furthermore, as argued by Lunstrum (2013), understanding sovereignty by only looking at a state's power in asserting sovereignty within its own territory is not sufficient, as the notion also relies on interactions with foreign actors that provide support for a state's authority in that territory. This is particularly true with regard to state control over oceanic territories, where assertion of sovereign authority and control is sometimes obtained through the creation of global regime (Chan, 2018). ...
Article
This article examines the development of Indonesia’s ocean policy, particularly during the presidency of Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo (2014–present). Re-territorialization is the primary driver of Indonesia’s ocean policy under Widodo, enabling the state to create and commodify property regimes within Indonesian-controlled oceans. As a large archipelagic nation with multiple neighbours, Indonesia’s ocean frontiers face numerous challenges, including illegal fishing, cross-ocean trade and transport, and geopolitical tensions, especially in the South China Sea. As a result, Indonesia has been mobilizing state resources to establish and solidify control in three aspects of its ocean frontiers: jurisdictional frontiers, political frontiers and commodification frontiers. In his first term (2014–19), President Widodo’s ocean policy was driven by the urge to control jurisdictional and political frontiers, while his current second term agenda emphasizes capturing commodification frontiers. These different approaches should not be seen as inconsistent but rather as a continuation of Indonesia’s efforts to strengthen governance of its ocean frontiers.
... Refs. [5,21]), other scholars have cautioned against the occurrence of 'ocean-grabs' (e.g. Refs. ...
Article
US-based philanthropies have long contributed to environmental conservation through non-repayable donations, but some are now beginning to embrace novel investment strategies that are profit-orientated. From the vantage points of political economy and geopolitics, this article investigates the potential ramifications of this shift in funding for large-scale marine protected areas (LMPAs), which have been widely promoted to enhance marine biodiversity and manage sustainable fisheries. Specific attention is given to the Phoenix Islands Protected Area (PIPA) in Kiribati, where finance from US-based philanthropic foundations is intended to support the operation and management of the LMPA and eventually compensate the government for forgone revenues from fishing licences, via the creation of a trust fund. Content analysis of key documents is conducted to empirically trace the political, legal, and financial evolution of PIPA. The findings demonstrate how, in accepting finance from philanthropic foundations, the government of Kiribati gradually relinquishes its decision-making leverage over PIPA's territory and resources. Hence, it is contended that certain legal and financial provisions could act as under-acknowledged and purposive drivers of ‘ocean-control grabbing’. Results further reveal that achieving financial sustainability for the PIPA conservation trust fund has proven difficult, opening up discussions on the extent to which PIPA could be capitalised in other ways. More broadly, the paper engages with recent debates on for-profit conservation, ocean grabbing, and the blue economy.
Article
International development country classifications are important for achieving development goals by directing differential support to a group of countries facing common development constraints. The small island developing States (SIDS) classification is a widely used country classification supporting developing island nations. Some nations are now self-identifying as “large ocean states” (LOS), citing the central role of the ocean for their development. Here we show the need for a new ocean-based LOS country classification by highlighting important limitations of current classifications. We analyze this further by enumerating 15 nations self-identifying as LOS since 2001 in official UN statements, most often citing ocean-based economy, size of ocean territory, and vulnerability to climate change as evidence. An ocean-based LOS classification, which requires further research to fully define, would complement existing classifications by targeting countries that disproportionately rely on the ocean to achieve sustainable development priorities, including the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.
Book
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This Handbook provides an essential guide to the study of resources and their role in socioenvironmental change. With original contributions from more than 60 authors with expertise in a wide range of resource types and world regions, it offers a toolkit of conceptual and methodological approaches for documenting, analyzing, and reimagining resources and the worlds with which they are entangled. The volume has an introduction and four thematic sections. The introductory chapter outlines key trajectories for thinking critically with and about resources. Chapters in Section I, “(Un)Knowing Resources,” offer distinct epistemological entry points and approaches for studying resources. Chapters in Section II, “(Un)Knowing Resource Systems,” examine the components and logics of the capitalist systems through which resources are made, circulated, consumed, and disposed of, while chapters in Section III, “Doing Critical Resource Geography: Methods, Advocacy, and Teaching,” focus on the practices of critical resource scholarship, exploring the opportunities and challenges of carrying out engaged forms of research and pedagogy. Chapters in Section IV, “Resource-Making/World-Making,” use case studies to illustrate how things are made into resources and how these processes of resource-making transform socio-environmental life. This vibrant and diverse critical resource scholarship provides an indispensable reference point for researchers, students, and practitioners interested in understanding how resources matter to the world and to the systems, conflicts, and debates that make and remake it.
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Through a historical lens, this paper illustrates the differing economic, legal, institutional, social and cultural relationships people of varying cultures have with the ocean. Focusing on the institutions that affect access and rights, this paper addresses concerns about the appropriation of marine resources and displacement of indigenous visions for ocean governance by identifying ways in which these culturally distinct institutions are compatible and charting a path toward inclusive ocean governance.
Chapter
A rapid economic growth raises China as a key player of global climate change politics. China has witnessed its sharp increase in greenhouse gases emissions surpassing the US to be the largest emitter at the moment. While the leadership of global climate governance has been widely discussed by international scholars, very few studies pay attention to the sub-national leadership on the climate governance. This research looks at how the leadership has been shared, reconstructed and redistributed in the governing system of China. By using the state transformation approach, the case of China has been scrutinised with employing the elements of decentralisation, fragmentation and internationalisation. This chapter finds that the leadership on climate governance of China has been redistributed vertically, shared functionally and internationalised variously. It is argued that the transformed governance seems to have not weakened but enhanced the climate leadership in China.
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Over the last decades, the establishment of large‐scale marine protected areas (LSMPA) in the Pacific Ocean has profoundly transformed the region's political geography. Pacific LSMPAs have played a striking role in converting Small Island Developing States (SIDS) into Large Ocean Island States (LOIS), generating a significant shift in regional and international politics. This paper is a new exploration of the ongoing political construction of the Ocean, at multiple scales and through different forms. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork, an anthropological approach is used to investigate governance processes involving multiple actors shaping marine environmental policies in New Caledonia and French Polynesia, two French overseas territories. This research interrogates how territorial dynamics and sovereignty issues in the francophone Pacific are being driven and reshaped by the emergence of LSMPAs and offers an overview of current structural changes in Oceania.
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Maritime diplomacy remains a poorly defined concept despite the fact that the maritime domain carries implications for the ways in which states relate to one another both in the past and in the contemporary era. Nonetheless, for many states, the maritime domain has come to hold increasing importance as it intersects with present environmental, economic, and security concerns. This is particularly true in Africa, where many states see the Blue Economy as their next economic frontier, presenting manifold opportunities for growth, but which are in turn threatened by transnational criminal activity, and, the universal challenge of climate change and environmental degradation. This article details the concept of maritime diplomacy and attempts to provide a typology for a deeper understanding of this form of diplomacy. It then considers the practical application of maritime diplomacy by the small island developing states in Africa, providing Mauritius and the Seychelles case studies.
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Since 2006, governments have designated or announced 18 marine protected areas (MPAs) larger than 200 000 km2. Before then there was only one: Australia’s Great Barrier Reef Marine Park, established in 1975. To explain this marked shift in state governance of marine biodiversity, this article points to the importance of a gradual strengthening over the past decade of a global norm that large MPAs, especially no-take reserves, are valuable for meeting conservation objectives and targets. As is true for most global environmental norms, the large MPA norm emerged primarily out of civil society, especially from groups framing large MPAs as an effective way to help stop ocean decline. Importantly, however, the article demonstrates that the adoption of this norm is uneven across states, and implementation of large MPAs varies widely as governmental and non-governmental forces interact – sometimes clashing, sometimes cooperating – with fishing, tourism and resource industries. For evidence, this article draws on fieldwork and 74 interviews across five large MPA cases: Papahānaumokouākea (2006) and the Pacific Remote Islands in the US (2009); the Coral Sea in Australia (2012); the Palau National Marine Sanctuary (2015); and the UK’s Pitcairn reserve (2015). A comparative analysis of these cases reveals the influence of non-governmental groups (especially The Pew Charitable Trusts and the National Geographic Society) on the gradual strengthening of the large MPA norm; the importance of the large MPA norm for the formation of marine policy; and the significance of domestic political economies for shaping variable norm adoption and state implementation.
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Increased interest in oceans is leading to new and renewed global governance efforts directed toward ocean issues in areas of food production, biodiversity conservation, industrialization, global environmental change, and pollution. Global oceans governance efforts face challenges and opportunities related to the nature of oceans and to actors involved in, the scale of, and knowledge informing their governance. We review these topics generally and in relation to nine new and emerging issues: small-scale fisheries (SSFs), aquaculture, biodiversity conservation on the high seas, large marine protected areas (LMPAs), tuna fisheries, deep-sea mining, ocean acidification (OA), blue carbon (BC), and plastics pollution. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Environment and Resources Volume 41 is October 17, 2016. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/catalog/pubdates.aspx for revised estimates.
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In this article we examine how Pacific Island Countries (PICs) successfully championed a stand-alone Ocean Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) goal at the United Nations (UN). We analyse how the UN Post-2015 development process provided PICs with a unique opportunity to use their experience with collective diplomacy and regional oceans governance to propose this international goal. In this article we establish how PICs’ national and regional quest to strengthen their sovereign rights over marine resources motivated their diplomatic efforts for an Ocean SDG. The campaign was a significant political achievement, positioning these Large Ocean Island States (LOIS) as global ocean guardians. We critically evaluate the effectiveness of the PICs’ diplomatic campaign to secure an international commitment for an Ocean SDG. The PICs’ advocacy for Goal 14 under Agenda 2030 has enhanced their political effectiveness in the UN by improving their recognition by other States as leaders in oceans governance. We suggest their Ocean SDG campaign forms part of a distinct and continuing brand of oceans diplomacy from Oceania.
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Despite the considerable expansion in the number and extent of marine protected areas during the past century, coverage remains limited amid concerns that many marine protected areas are failing to meet their objectives. New estimates of global marine protected area, based on the database maintained by Sea Around Us, revealed a degree of progress towards protecting at least 10% of the global ocean by 2020. It is estimated that > 6,000 marine protected areas, covering c. 3.27% (12 million km 2 ) of the oceans, had been designated by the end of 2013. However, protection is generally weak, with c. one-sixth (1.9 million km 2 ) of the combined area designated as no-take areas (i.e. fishing and other extractive activities are prohibited). Additional large tracts of ocean will need to be protected to reach the 10% target, and we investigate hypothetical scenarios for such expansion. Such scenarios offer a one-dimensional measure of progress as they do not address aspects of other global targets, such as Aichi Target 11, which will help to ensure that marine protected areas meet their objectives and achieve conservation outcomes.
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Large marine protected areas (LMPAs) are a high profile trend in global marine conservation. While the social sciences have become well integrated into marine protected area research and practice over the last decade, human dimensions considerations have not been an early priority in the development of many LMPAs. This paper argues that because LMPAs exhibit unique characteristics in form, function and/or conceptualization, they warrant a distinct social science research agenda. We outline an agenda for social science research on and for LMPAs in four related themes: scoping of human dimensions; governance; politics; and social and economic outcomes.The paper is informed by interviews, participant observation at the 2014 World Parks Congress, a literature review, and the authors’ research experiences. LMPAs are at an early stage in what promises to be a globally significant, long-term project of ocean conservation and governance. There is a timely opportunity to translate relevant insights from decades of social science research to LMPAs and generate new knowledge, where necessary, to give them their best chance at biological and social success.This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
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With courage and faith, I believe that we can meet our responsibility to our people, and the future of our planet. President Barack Obama, 2009 2 A hundred years separate the first International Congress for the Protection of Nature in Paris (1909) and the United Nations climate summit in Copenhagen (2009). Both international conferences mark important stages on the long road towards a greener international system. Both witnessed a clash between the idealistic ambitions of environmentalists and the harsh reality of international diplomacy. Both have been described as failures. As world leaders gather in June 2012 at the UN Conference on Sustainable Development (UNCSD) in Rio de Janeiro, held 20 years after the Rio 'Earth Summit', many observers will no doubt conclude that, despite a century of global environmental rhetoric, green norms continue to be flouted by the Great Powers. Species extinction, deforestation and the destruction of ecosystems continue unabated, while the unmitigated global warming trend threatens global climate stability. This article strikes a different chord. It argues that the rise of global environ-mentalism has had a lasting, and potentially transformative, impact on interna-tional relations. Over the last hundred years, international society has slowly but steadily been 'greened', despite the many setbacks in the search for practical solutions to specific environmental problems. Environmental ideas and norms have gradually been woven into the normative fabric of the states system. To be sure, the greening of international society is an ongoing, long-term, process. As the global climate crisis testifies, it may not produce timely responses to the, as well as Barry Buzan and the journal's anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments. The usual disclaimers apply. Funding from the Open Society Institute is gratefully acknowledged. 1 Paul Sarasin, Swiss naturalist and founder of national parks in Switzerland, speaking at the 8th International Zoological Congress, Graz, 1910. 2 Remarks by US President Barack Obama at the UN climate conference, Copenhagen, 18 December 2009.
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In recent years, marine protected areas have been "super-sized". At first glance, this seems a gift to marine conservation. Yet, the new wave of very large marine protected areas ("VLMPAs") have faced criticism from the scientific community. In this article we examine the merits and the criticisms of VLMPAS, and consider whether they provide a much-needed boost to marine conservation, or are simply too good to be true.
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In line with global targets agreed under the Convention on Biological Diversity, the number of marine protected areas (MPAs) is increasing rapidly, yet socio-economic benefits generated by MPAs remain difficult to predict and under debate1, 2. MPAs often fail to reach their full potential as a consequence of factors such as illegal harvesting, regulations that legally allow detrimental harvesting, or emigration of animals outside boundaries because of continuous habitat or inadequate size of reserve3, 4, 5. Here we show that the conservation benefits of 87 MPAs investigated worldwide increase exponentially with the accumulation of five key features: no take, well enforced, old (>10 years), large (>100 km2), and isolated by deep water or sand. Using effective MPAs with four or five key features as an unfished standard, comparisons of underwater survey data from effective MPAs with predictions based on survey data from fished coasts indicate that total fish biomass has declined about two-thirds from historical baselines as a result of fishing. Effective MPAs also had twice as many large (>250 mm total length) fish species per transect, five times more large fish biomass, and fourteen times more shark biomass than fished areas. Most (59%) of the MPAs studied had only one or two key features and were not ecologically distinguishable from fished sites. Our results show that global conservation targets based on area alone will not optimize protection of marine biodiversity. More emphasis is needed on better MPA design, durable management and compliance to ensure that MPAs achieve their desired conservation value.
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Conservation practitioners are increasingly turning to incentive-based approaches to encourage local resource users to change behaviors that impact on biodiversity and natural habitat. Three such approaches are buyouts, conservation agreements and alternative livelihoods. We assess the design and performance of these types of marine conservation interventions through an analysis of 27 case studies from around the world. Here we focus on cases that are particularly relevant to designing incentives for Small Island Developing States. Many more opportunities exist for interventions that combine the strengths of these approaches, such as through performance-based agreements that provide funds for education or alternative livelihood development.
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Marine species conservation died prematurely early in the new millennium before it had a chance to grow and flourish. The revolution happened; the world turned and moved on to managing higher-order ecological processes and services. The revolutionary conservation and research agenda of the new millennium has at least four interrelated themes: super-sized marine protected areas (MPAs; Wood et al., 2008; Pala, 2013), the ecosystem approach to fisheries management (ICES, 2005), ecosystem services and the economic valuation of nature and the poverty alleviation paradigm (Millennium Ecosystem Assessment, 2005; Sachs et al., 2009; Roe, 2013), plus the outlying game-changer of climate change (Hoegh-Guldberg and Bruno, 2010). These themes all involve higher-level aggregate attributes and values of biodiversity. Here, I pick one issue, MPAs, as a synecdoche – the part that may reflect the whole – of how conserving aggregate ecological attributes may dilute effective conservation. Traditionally, marine conservation has followed the terrestrial template of population-and species-specific interventions by local government, in many cases prompted by the efforts of non-governmental organizations. Those species closest to extinction have been painstakingly nursed back to viability one newborn at a time in zoo-based captive breeding programmes, before being reintroduced into the wild, often into newly restored or protected habitats (Redford et al., 2011). Governments also employ species protection legislation to minimize threats through enforced spatial protection of critical habitat, usually by protected areas and parks. On land, conservation has become increasingly strategic, especially with the advent of the mega-environmental non-governmental organizations (eNGOs, such as World Wildlife Fund, The Nature Conservancy, and Conservation International). An increasingly global-scale strategic approach to terrestrial conservation has been facilitated by in-house teams of conservation biologists who designed the most effective conservation outcomes, nationally and internationally. This creative environment led to one of the most iconoclastic papers in conservation biology – 'Biodiversity hotspots for conservation priorities' (Myers et al., 2000) – in which, the authors revealed the 25 terrestrial hotspots of exceptional
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Over the last three decades, the number of international environmental agreements into which states have entered has proliferated enormously. In the 1970s it was commonly assumed that the cumulative impact of such agreements would be to undermine the institution of state sovereignty. Recent evidence, however, suggests that the trend toward international cooperation in the face of “the seamless web of nature” has resulted in something more subtle but perhaps equally profound: a shift in the practices in the norms of sovereignty. This essay looks at the impact of international environmental problem solving on state sovereignty. As a prelude, it reviews recent literature from international relations theory that substantiates a more differentiated view of sovereignty, separating it into three components: authority, control, and legitimacy. With this more complex notion of sovereignty as a backdrop, the review argues that the proliferation of environmental agreements has in fact lead to a complex web of “sovereignty bargains” through which states have increased their sovereignty vis-á-vis certain dimensions even as they have suffered losses of sovereignty vis-á-vis others. Although more research remains to be done, environmental cooperation appears to have indeed altered the nature and practice of sovereignty in the contemporary world.
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Illegal and unreported fishing contributes to overexploitation of fish stocks and is a hindrance to the recovery of fish populations and ecosystems. This study is the first to undertake a world-wide analysis of illegal and unreported fishing. Reviewing the situation in 54 countries and on the high seas, we estimate that lower and upper estimates of the total value of current illegal and unreported fishing losses worldwide are between $10 bn and $23.5 bn annually, representing between 11 and 26 million tonnes. Our data are of sufficient resolution to detect regional differences in the level and trend of illegal fishing over the last 20 years, and we can report a significant correlation between governance and the level of illegal fishing. Developing countries are most at risk from illegal fishing, with total estimated catches in West Africa being 40% higher than reported catches. Such levels of exploitation severely hamper the sustainable management of marine ecosystems. Although there have been some successes in reducing the level of illegal fishing in some areas, these developments are relatively recent and follow growing international focus on the problem. This paper provides the baseline against which successful action to curb illegal fishing can be judged.
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Micro-states illustrate deep changes in the international system obscured by scholars’ traditional focus on great powers. Logically, the nature and systemic effects of international anarchy should be most apparent in relation to the smallest and weakest states, and least apparent in relation to great powers. Focusing on micro-states suggests a permissive contemporary international system facilitating the proliferation and survival of states independent of their military and functional capacities. Micro-states’ lack of great power allies illustrates the irrelevance of military threats under anarchy, while the presence of an international economic safety net attenuates problems of economic viability. The lack of association between smallness and delegating sovereignty questions functional explanations of hierarchy. Instead, varying micro-states strategies of à la carte hierarchy and selling sovereign prerogatives demonstrate that the current international system presents even its smallest and weakest members with choices rather than imperatives.
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Growing debates over the mandate and capacity of regional institutions in the Pacific highlight the complex and cluttered agenda facing island leaders. The Pacific Islands Forum, with a new secretary general and Framework on Pacific Regionalism, is working to forge collective positions among its 16 members. But fundamental policy differences over climate change, trade, and decolonization reinforce the sentiment among islanders that Australia and New Zealand should play a less dominant role within the Forum. The current question of Fiji’s reintegration into the Forum overshadows deeper structural changes across the region: Island nations are increasingly looking to nontraditional development partners and using mechanisms outside the Forum. Meanwhile, looming decisions on climate and self-determination seem destined to alienate powerful friends. Pacific islanders want to set the agenda within their own institutions, and are finding it increasingly difficult to paper over contested visions for the future.
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For nearly a decade, governments have been discussing the need to improve efforts to conserve and sustainably use marine biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction (ABNJ). Support for a new international agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) – an Implementing Agreement – on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biodiversity in ABNJ has been growing. In June 2012, at the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, States agreed to take a decision on the development of an international instrument under UNCLOS before the end of the 69th session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), which runs from September 2014 to August 2015. In follow-up to this commitment, it was agreed to consider the “scope, parameters and feasibility” of this instrument. To inform these international discussions, this article highlights some potential options for the content of a new UNCLOS Implementing Agreement. It first reviews the history of UN discussions, and then elaborates on options to address key elements identified as priorities for States in 2011: marine genetic resources, including the sharing of benefits, area-based management tools, including marine protected areas, environmental impact assessments, capacity-building and the transfer of marine technology. It addresses cross-cutting issues such as the governing principles, institutional structure as well as on other critical points such as High Seas fishing and flag State responsibilities. The article concludes with suggestions on possible next steps in order to succeed in the negotiations for an agreement.
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The role of small states has been largely neglected in research on the process and outcome of multilateral negotiations. Even though these states may be active in the agenda-setting processes or display a specific engagement in certain thematic aspects of negotiations, in the end game the outcome of negotiations has been perceived to be dependent on the bargaining between major powers. However, small states also have strategies at their disposal to compensate for these weaknesses. Two principal ones come to mind, prioritization or niche diplomacy, and coalition-building to join forces with like-minded states in order to draw on their resources, expertise and manpower. In the article, we compare two cases of small state coalitions in multilateral negotiations, namely the Like Minded (LM) group in the negotiations that led to the establishment of the International Criminal Court (ICC), and the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) in United Nations climate negotiations. While the two coalitions resort to similar strategies, they have not been comparably successful. We will show that the ability to translate discursive power into measurable effects on outcomes ultimately depends on the institutional setting of the negotiations and the nature of the issue that coalitions are tackling.
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Have environmental values become part of the normative structure of international society? Has the rise of global environmentalism led to a greening of international society? Most International Relations research on environmental issues fails to address these questions as it typically focuses on the creation of issue-specific regimes or informal governance mechanisms. This article engages English School theory in an effort to examine the impact that global environmentalism has had on the social structure of International Relations. It argues that a primary institution of global environmental responsibility is emerging, and explores the relationship and tensions between environmental responsibility and the established primary institutions of sovereignty, international law and the market.
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The delimitation of the outer edge of the continental margin beyond 200 nautical miles is paving the way for areas where States exercise rights of sovereignty to be extended when their geographical locations with respect to the continental margin allows it. Sixty-one submissions and forty-five preliminary reports, involving a total of ninety-one States (submitted to 31.07.2001), enable some of the geopolitical consequences to be outlined. Amongst those that can be highlighted are sometimes substantial changes in States' territorial bases and economic potential, and the global balance between national and international jurisdictions. This article uses regional and global scale maps based on national reports deposited with the Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS) to present the main geographical and geopolitical findings. The geographical analysis similarly enables a quantitative estimation to be made of the effects of jurisdictional expansion on the “global commons”, of insularity and of the territorial gains made by the States concerned.
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This article supports growing calls to ‘take small states seriously’ in the international political economy but questions prevailing interpretations that ‘smallness’ entails inherent qualities that create unique constraints on, and opportunities for, small states. Instead, we argue that discourses surrounding the ‘inherent vulnerability’ of small states, especially developing and less-developed states, may produce the very outcomes that are attributed to state size itself. By presenting small states as a problem to be solved, vulnerability discourses divert attention away from the existence of unequal power structures that, far from being the natural result of smallness, are in fact contingent and politically contested. The article then explores these themes empirically through discussion of small developing and less-developed states in the Commonwealth and the World Trade Organization (WTO), considering in particular how smallness has variously been articulated in terms of what small states either cannot or will not do.
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The 1982 United Nations Law of the Sea was expected by many to lead to a drastic redistribution of income from the world's fisheries. This article explores the extent to which this happened by examining the case of the Pacific Islands' tuna industry. The analysis shows that even though these developing countries gained legal jurisdiction over some of the largest tuna stocks in the world, they encountered tremendous obstacles when they attempted to convert those tenure rights into concrete economic gains. Notwithstanding their success in organizing and co-operating amongst themselves, the Pacific Island countries (PICs) were unable to compel the distant water fishing nations to pay them more than a nominal access fee. When the PICs tried instead to develop their own tuna industries, they were disadvantaged by being located at the raw material end of the commodity chain. This case study suggests that a change in property rights is only a starting point for achieving increased equity in a global natural resource industry; not only do the new resource owners have to develop expertise in managing their ‘property’; they also need to develop a good understanding of the organization and operation of these natural resource industries.
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While small island developing states (SIDS) are micro-contributors to anthropogenic climate change, they are among the most vulnerable to its impacts, with some islands even facing the possibility of extinction. Recognising their vital stake in an effective climate regime, small island states formed a negotiating group, the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS), to represent their interests in the international climate negotiations. Given their limited power, however, to what extent, and by what means, did AOSIS impact the climate regime? Assuming that both the process and outcome of negotiations depend largely on power, this article argues that low-power parties can nonetheless exert influence in international negotiations by ‘borrowing’ power, that is, by drawing on external power sources. A framework for analysis is thus developed and used to assess AOSIS's negotiating strategies and respective successes in the climate change regime from 1990 to 1997. As the analysis reveals, AOSIS made use of external sources of power over this period, and shaped the negotiations to a remarkable degree, much more so than the a priori power distribution would predict.
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This article describes and explains in accessible terms major findings arising from the work of the long-term international research project on the Institutional Dimensions of Global Environmental Change (IDGEC). In analyzing the roles institutions play in both causing and confronting environmental problems, the project directs attention to three analytic themes – known as the problems of fit, interplay, and scale – and seeks to illuminate these concerns through empirical studies of marine, terrestrial, and atmospheric systems. IDGEC science has highlighted the pervasiveness of institutional misfits and begun to identify the reasons why misfits often prove difficult to eliminate, even when their existence becomes widely known. Research conducted under the auspices of the project demonstrates the growing impact of national and even international institutions on the effectiveness of local resource regimes. Similarly, IDGEC research has identified reasons why policy instruments that work well at the national level (e.g., tradable permits) are frequently difficult or impossible to transfer to the international level. To make the discussion of these findings concrete, the project has explored the problem of fit with particular reference to the performance of Exclusive Economic Zones, the problem of interplay through an analysis of the fate of tropical forests, and the problem of scale through an account of the limits of emissions trading as a policy instrument in the climate change regime.
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In the late twentieth century many international relations scholarsand observers have commented on the declining importance of interstateterritorial boundaries for a variety of national and transnationalactivities.1 Concurrently, something very significant has been happeningin international relations that raises questions concerning judgments ofthe decreasing importance of boundaries: the growing respect for theproscription that force should not be used to alter interstateboundaries what is referred to here as the territorial integritynorm.
For the Marshall Islands, the Climate Goal Is '1.5 to Stay Alive
  • Ari Shapiro
Ari Shapiro, "For the Marshall Islands, the Climate Goal Is '1.5 to Stay Alive,' " WBUR, 9 December 2015, www.wbur.org/npr/459053208/for-the-marshall-islands-the -climate-goal-is-1-5-to-stay-alive, accessed 5 July 2017.
Greening of Sovereignty: An Introduction
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Karen Litfin, " e Greening of Sovereignty: An Introduction," in Karen Litfin, ed., e Greening of Sovereignty (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1998).
Resolution 71/312: Our Ocean, Our Future: A Call for Action
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For more up-to-date assessments, see protectedplanet.net/marine. 10. Convention on Biological Diversity
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Jane Lubchenco and Kirsten Grorud-Colvert, "Making Waves: e Science and Politics of Ocean Protection," Science 350, no. 6259 (2015): 382-383. For more up-to-date assessments, see protectedplanet.net/marine. 10. Convention on Biological Diversity, "Decision X/2: Strategic Plan for Biodiversity 2011-2020 and the Aichi Biodiversity Targets," UN Doc. UNEP/CBD/COP/DEC/X/2 (29 October 2010).
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Small Island Developing States: Origin of the Category and Definition Issues
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Philippe Hein, "Small Island Developing States: Origin of the Category and Definition Issues," in UN Conference on Trade and Development, Is a Special Treatment of Small Island Developing States Possible? UN Doc. UNCTAD/LDC/2004/1 (New York: UN, 2004): 1-22.
A similar calculation based on di erent sources also makes the same observation, that of the twenty largest states by "EEZ per capita," eighteen are SIDS. See Matthias Bruckner
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Bernard H. Oxman, " e Territorial Temptation: A Siren Song at Sea," American Journal of International Law 100, no. 4 (2006): 830-851. 24. A similar calculation based on di erent sources also makes the same observation, that of the twenty largest states by "EEZ per capita," eighteen are SIDS. See Matthias Bruckner, "E ectively Addressing the Vulnerabilities and Development Needs of Small Island Developing States," Committee on Development Policy Background Paper No. 17, UN Doc. ST/ESA/2013/CDP/17 (New York City: CDP, 2013), p. 11.
Small States, Great Power? Gaining Influence erough Intrinsic, Derivative, and Collective Power
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Public-Private Partnerships for the Earth: Politics and Patterns of Hybrid Authority in the Earth System
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Karen T. Litfin, " e Status of the Statistical State: Satellites and the Di usion of Epistemic Sovereignty," Global Society 13, no. 1 (1999): 103. 38. Oxman, " e Territorial Temptation." 39. On private environmental governance, see Liliana B. Andonova, "Public-Private Partnerships for the Earth: Politics and Patterns of Hybrid Authority in the Earth System," Global Environmental Politics 10, no. 2 (2010): 25-53.
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Contracting for Conservation in the Central Pacific: An Overview of the Phoenix Islands Protected Area
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Peter Shelley, "Contracting for Conservation in the Central Pacific: An Overview of the Phoenix Islands Protected Area," Proceedings of the Annual Meeting (American Society of International Law) 106 (2012): 511-516.
Leaders Sound Alarm in General Assembly Debate on Unprecedented Mix of Challenges in Middle East, Taking 'Terror to a New Era and a New Level
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Palau National Marine Sanctuary O ce
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Eric Terrill, Seth Horstmeyer, Keobel Sakuma, Richard Douglass, and Ellen Kappell, " e Republic of Palau Exclusive Economic Zone: Monitoring, Surveillance and Control: e Next Five Years, 2016-2021," Palau National Marine Sanctuary O ce, 2015, http://palaugov.pw/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/palau_mcs_strategic_plan_final .pdf. See also Ian Urbina, "Palau vs. the Poachers," New York Times, 17 February 2016, www.nytimes.com/2016/02/21/magazine/palau-vs-the-poachers.html. 59. Yohei Sasakawa, "Speech: Meeting of Four Governments and Two NGOs for Enhancing Coast Guard Capabilities and Promoting Eco-conscious Tourism in the Republic of Palau," 26 February 2016, www.nippon-foundation.or.jp/en/who/message/speeches /2016/3.html.
President James Michel at the Forefront of Debate Promoting the Sustainability of Oceans on Clinton Global Initiative Panel
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Terrill et al., " e Republic of Palau Exclusive Economic Zone," p. 50. 62. O ce of the President of the Republic of Seychelles, "President James Michel at the Forefront of Debate Promoting the Sustainability of Oceans on Clinton Global Initiative Panel," 20 September 2015, www.statehouse.gov.sc/news.php?news_id=2879, accessed 7 September 2017. 63. "World Oceans Day 2015-'Our OceansAre a Source of Life,'" e Nation, 8 June 2015, www.nation.sc/article.html?id=245660, accessed 7 September 2017; Department of Foreign A airs, "Seychelles' Permanent Representative to the United Nations Presents Credentials to the UN Secretary-General," Department of Foreign A airs of the Republic of the Seychelles, 11 May 2017, www.mfa.gov.sc/static.php?content_id=18&news_id= 1437, accessed 7 September 2017.
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Damian Carrington, "Debt for Dolphins: Seychelles Creates Huge Marine Parks in World-first Finance Scheme," e Guardian, 22 February 2018, www.theguardian.com /environment/2018/feb/22/debt-for-dolphins-seychelles-create-huge-new-marine-parks -in-world-first-finance-scheme. 65. Ministry of Environment, Energy and Climate Change, "Nomination of Aldabra Group as National Park and Amirantes to Fortune Bank as Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty," 8 November 2017, http://seymsp.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/SEYMSP _Phase1_NominationPackage_8Nov2017.pdf. 66. Ministry of Finance, Trade and Economic Planning, "Seychelles Closes Landmark Buyback of Paris Club Debt and Activates Marine Conservation and Climate Change Adaptation Initiative," 4 March 2016, www.finance.gov.sc/press-releases/26/Seychelles -closes-landmark-buyback-of-paris-club-debt-and-activates-marine-conservation-and -climate-change-adaptation-initiative, accessed 7 September 2017. 67. Seychelles Marine Spatial Planning, "Fact Sheet," December 2015, http://seymsp .com/wp-content/uploads/2014/06/SEYMSP_FactSheet_A4_v4_17Mar2016.pdf, accessed 7 September 2017. See also "A New Plan to Protect the Water Around the Seychelles," e Economist, 7 September 2017.
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Natalie C. Ban, Tammy Davies, Stacy E. Aguilera, Cassandra Brooks, Michael Cox, Graham Epstein, Louisa S. Evans, Sara M. Maxwell, and Mateja Nenadovic, "Systemic Conservation Planning:ABetter Recipe for Managing the High Seas for Biodiversity Conservation and Sustainable Use," Conservation Letters 7, no. 1 (2014): 82-91;
Cook Islands Marae Moana Legislation Passed
  • Radio New Zealand
Radio New Zealand, "Cook Islands Marae Moana Legislation Passed," 14 July 2017, www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/335067/cook-islands-marae -moana-legislation-passed.
Climate Change and Small Island States
  • Campbell Barnett
Barnett and Campbell, Climate Change and Small Island States, pp. 165-166.
Small but Smart: Small States in the Global System
  • Tom Long
Tom Long, "Small States, Great Power? Gaining Influence rough Intrinsic, Derivative, and Collective Power," International Studies Review 19, no. 2 (2016): 185. 29. See also Naren Prasad, "Small but Smart: Small States in the Global System," in Andrew Cooper and Timothy Shaw, eds., e Diplomacies of Small States (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2009): 41-64.
Republic of Kiribati
  • Caribbean African
  • Pacific Group
  • States
African, Caribbean and Pacific Group of States, "Statement by the President of the Republic of Kiribati H.E. Mr Anote Tong at the 29th Session of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly, 16 June 2015, Suva, Fiji," www.acp.int/content/statement-president -republic-kiribati-he-mr-anote-tong-29th-session-acp-eu-joint-parliamenta, accessed 7 September 2017. 51. Republic of Kiribati, "Statement by Hon. Minister Mr. Tebao Awerika, Minister of Environment, Lands and Agricultural Development, High-Level Segment, UNEA 2nd Meeting, Nairobi, Kenya, 23rd-27th May 2016," https://wedocs.unep.org/bitstream /handle/20.500.11822/17523/KIRIBATI%20FINAL%20STATEMENT%20-%20HLS .docx.
Phoenix Islands Protected Area Conservation Trust Act
Around 35 percent of government revenue is estimated to come from fishing licensing fees, although this applies to all licensing from Kiribati and not just from the Phoenix Islands. See Shelley, "Contracting for Conservation in the Central Pacific." 54. Conservation International, "Phoenix Islands Protected Area," 2017, www .conservation.org/projects/pages/phoenix-islands-protected-area.aspx, accessed 7 September 2017. 55. Republic of Kiribati, "Phoenix Islands Protected Area Conservation Trust Act 2009," no. 1 of 2009, 8 May 2009. See also Phoenix Islands Protected Area, "Phoenix Islands Protected Area Conservation Trust," 2012, www.phoenixislands.org/trust.php, accessed 7 September 2017. 56. Republic of Kiribati, "Phoenix Islands Protected Area Conservation Trust Act 2009." 57. Pew Charitable Trusts, "Global Ocean Legacy-About," www.pewtrusts.org /en/archived-projects/global-ocean-legacy/about, accessed 24 August 2017. e Global Ocean Legacy was established in 2006 but in 2016 was superseded by a new initiative, the Pew Bertarelli Global Ocean Project.
dolphins-seychelles-create-huge-new-marine-parks -in-world-first-finance-scheme. 65. Ministry of Environment, Energy and Climate Change
  • Damian Carrington
Damian Carrington, "Debt for Dolphins: Seychelles Creates Huge Marine Parks in World-first Finance Scheme," e Guardian, 22 February 2018, www.theguardian.com /environment/2018/feb/22/debt-for-dolphins-seychelles-create-huge-new-marine-parks -in-world-first-finance-scheme. 65. Ministry of Environment, Energy and Climate Change, "Nomination of Aldabra Group as National Park and Amirantes to Fortune Bank as Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty," 8 November 2017, http://seymsp.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/SEYMSP _Phase1_NominationPackage_8Nov2017.pdf. 66. Ministry of Finance, Trade and Economic Planning, "Seychelles Closes Landmark Buyback of Paris Club Debt and Activates Marine Conservation and Climate Change Adaptation Initiative," 4 March 2016, www.finance.gov.sc/press-releases/26/Seychelles -closes-landmark-buyback-of-paris-club-debt-and-activates-marine-conservation-and -climate-change-adaptation-initiative, accessed 7 September 2017.