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Countering Boko Haram Insurgency: Interrogating Cultural
Heritage Destruction Attempts and Conservation Efforts in
North-eastern Nigeria
By
Akeem O. BELLO
Department of Political Science,
School of Arts and Social Sciences,
College of Education, Ikere-Ekiti,
Ekiti State
Abstract
A number of studies have emerged on the Boko Haram insurgency in North-Eastern Nigeria.
However, most of the studies have concentrated on human and other material losses while
neglecting the aspects of cultural heritage. This study is focusing on Boko Haram’s frontal
attacks on tangible and intangible heritages, monuments and artefacts that constitute essential
parts of humanity, and on the brave and concerted rescue efforts by the people. The paper argues
that an inherent part of the war declared by Boko Haram elements on the Nigerian people was
the eradication of history as represented in the cultural heritage of the people. The paper further
asserts that the pursuance of that ignoble objective manifested not only in the forcible conversion
of the people to its strange creed and ways of life but also in the systematic destruction of belief
system, artefacts, and monuments that are reminiscent of the past which constitute the people’s
heritage. However, despite the maximum use of violence by the sect, the culture destruction
and/or replacement objective remains largely unattainable, due to strategic steps and actions
taken by some people and forces in the areas. What are these steps? What are the forces at play?
Who are the people behind these? What methods did they employ to prevent the total eradication
of their culture and history? Using a combination of data derived from both primary and
secondary sources, this paper provides answers to these questions.
Keywords: Boko Haram, Heritage, Conservation, Culture, Terrorism
Introduction
The appearance of Boko Haram on the Nigerian political landscape in 2005 set in motion a chain
of events that continue to adversely affect the Nigerian state and its citizens (Olaniyan, 2015).
One major area of these unpalatable events is the cultural war waged on the people inhabiting the
north-eastern segment of the country. The story of Boko Haram’s violent activities continues to
be told daily by scholars and commentators, locally and globally. Images of Boko Haram
terrorists killing people, sacking villages and engaging in wanton destruction of properties are
rife. Little is told of the brave responses of the people living in the areas affected by Boko Haram
insurgency. One of such instances of bravery is the bold attempt to prevent the total eradication
of history by Boko Haram insurgents in the northeast Nigeria. Boko Haram insurgents built
ideology on the denigration of all other cultures, claiming that they are pagan and must be
replaced by theirs (Chukwuka, Eme & Ogbaje, 2015). This they demonstrated not only by
engaging in forcible conversion of people to their creed but also in the destruction (through
bombings, killings and maximum violence) of relics of culture and history such as artefacts,
monuments and historical sites.
The name Boko Haram (interpreted as western education is forbidden) derives from a deep
aversion to westernization which they regard as against their own interpretation of Islam.
However, this group of terrorists did not christen themselves ‘Boko Haram’ as being referred to
by everyone, rather, they were tagged such by their victims and the people generally (Editor,
2015). They called themselves ‘Jama’at Ahl as-Sunnah lid-Da’wah wa ‘l-jihad’ (Group of the
people of Sunnah for Preaching and Jihad) (Editor, 2015). Findings have also shown clearly that
the contention of Boko Haram is not solely on western ways of life; it also goes against any
aspect of human life they perceive as non-Islamic (Zakarriya, 2012). These include the
management and sustenance of traditional monuments, artefacts, traditional medicine, and
tourism to historical sites; they believe these activities encourage some acts of idolatry, and
social vices like fornication, adultery and corruption (Mathew & Fada, 2014). It is on this basis
that frontal attempts were made by Boko Haram elements to destroy monuments, artefacts
serving as sources of tourists’ attractions in the region as well as other forms of culture different
from their own.
Specifically, attacks were made on places like the Sukur Landscape in Adamawa State, classified
a World Heritage Site by UNESCO and regarded as one of the seven wonders of Nigeria (Lau,
2015). The invasion of Sambisa Forest Reserve in Borno state, and conversion of the place to
Boko Haram operational base, was also an attempt to destroy the huge forest inhabited by rare
birds and wildlife. In addition, there were frantic attempts to discourage tourism in Yankari
Game Reserves through attempted killing, abduction and kidnapping of tourists. However, the
people did not sit idly by. They made several successful attempts to prevent their culture and
history from being erased.
Insurgency, Culture Destruction and Culture Preservation: Exploring the Link
Marry Kaldor’s classification of war into new and old explains the prevalence of terrorism
around the globe. Specifically, Kaldor categorises insurgency as new form of war. What the
world gained in the reduced spate of interstate wars has been lost to the emergence of new war
actors in the horizon (Olaniyan and Bello, 2018). Olaniyan and Bello list actors to include
unskilled violent groups like gangs, pimps, underground mafias, racketeers, insurgents or
terrorist cells, assassins, cultists, kidnappers etc (Olaniyan and Bello, 2018). Insurgency
has become so prevalent globally that even the developed economies are not immune.
Irrespective of their military might, countries like France, United Kingdom and United States,
were brutally attacked by suspected terrorists with tolls of casualties which includes lives and
properties of citizens.
However, what is strange is the prevailing incessant focus of insurgents or terrorists on the
destruction of both tangible and intangible cultural heritages which are considered as essential
part of humanity and the common physical evidence of history of the people (UNESCO, 2015.
This has attracted serious global outcry most especially from The United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). It was stated in one of the reports by UNESCO
that these incessant attacks have led to the question ‘why cultural heritage’ (Johan, Mattias,
Joakim and Akram, 2016). Findings have shown that very little studies have been conducted on
the motivation for attacking cultural heritage by terrorist and the community response by the
people despite the fact that in the past, different forms of attacks have been focused on cultural
heritages during wars, colonisation and civil conflicts, involving governments, rebels or rioters
around the world (Johan, Mattias, Joakim and Akram, 2016). Though, this study is not concern
with accidental destructions; rather, it is focused on deliberate attacks and destructions of cultural
heritages by insurgents.
The semantics of cultural heritage differs from one society of believers to the other. The
differences in beliefs are considered as one of the common excuses for the triggers of the frontal
attacks on cultural heritages by the insurgents (Herschel, 2010). Cultural diversity is a factor
being discussed in different fora as one of the motivations behind the attacks on monuments
artefacts, tourism sites and other cherished heritages of the people (Herschel, 2010).
In support of Herschel, Brosche, et’al, Walter, Zakarriya; it was added that economic motive is
another reason for the looting and destruction of cultural heritage sites around the world
(UNESCO, 2015). Irina, the former Director General of UNESCO specifically averred that
“the invaluable legacy of humanity’s common heritage is under attack by insurgent in Syria, Iraq,
Yemen and Libya and other parts of the world which include Nigeria. Heritage sites are
destroyed and looted to finance terrorism as in the case of sukur in Adamawa State, Nigeria;
individuals are persecuted on religious and cultural grounds, and cultural diversity is targeted”.
She added that the destruction of culture has become an instrument of terror, in a global strategy
to undermine societies, propagate intolerance and erase memories. These issues necessitated
Irina as the then Director-General of UNESCO to call for concerted efforts and strategies to fight
back to protect vanishing human history. She called on all stakeholders including the state, the
communities, civil societies; international communities to ensure these heritages are protected at
all cost (UNESCO, 2015).
Meanwhile, the fears of losing identities have encouraged the people from the affected
communities, as feared by Irina, to device means and also participate in protecting themselves
(Kayode, 2016). The community participation involved youths and the old, men and women
(Kayode, 2016). These are people who have witnessed the massacre of their loved ones,
destruction of their belongings including their heritages which are valuable to their existence
(Kayode, 2016). The population of the volunteers from among the community men and women
defending their community against destructive activities of Boko Haram insurgents is estimated
at about twenty-six thousand (Martin, 2011). The participation of the civilians in the fight against
insurgency is beyond mere protection of human life. Other areas of interest include their heritage
which comprise of farmland, building structures inherited from their forefathers and other
essential belonging which constitute the target of the Boko Haram insurgents.
Boko Haram, Civilian Fighters and the Protection Motivation Theory
The courage and determination of the people in protecting their heritage, complementing the
efforts of the state, could be subsumed under the protection motivation theory of R.W. Rogers.
Protection motivation theory is considered for this study for focusing on the efforts of the people
towards protecting themselves against the fear of having their cultural heritages, which are
essential part of their identity, eradicated by the Boko Haram insurgents. Rogers proposed the
theory in 1975 on the concept of fear. Protection Motivation Theory was originally developed in
1975 for health promotion and disease prevention sector (Westcott et’al, 2017). The theory
describes how individuals are motivated to react protectively towards a perceived threat.
However, despite being a thesis originally targeted at the health sector does not restrict its
application to other aspects of human life. That was why Rogers foresaw a diversified use of the
theory over time, which has manifested within four decades (Westcott et’al, 2017).
The protection motivation theory proposes that people protect themselves for some reasons.
These include a perceived threatening occurrence, the probability of the manifestation of such
threat, the effectiveness of proposed preventive measure; and finally, the perceived self-ability to
deal with a prospective situation when it manifests. It is not in contention that the insurgents took
over some Local Government Areas in the northeast Nigeria (Hamza and Kabiru, 2015). The
debate is still raging among Nigerians on whether the insurgents are still in control of some areas
in the affected communities or not (Akaregha & Abubakar, 2017). This is enough motivation for
the inhabitants in the northeast Nigeria; most especially those directly affected by the insurgency
to resolve in devising a means of protecting themselves because of the fears of being driven
away totally from their heritage. The protection motivation thesis by Rogers clearly explains the
reasons why the people were determined in complementing the efforts of the Nigerian Military
having perceived the inherent danger of being consumed by the insurgency and consequently
losing everything at the end. Some of the preventive measures taken by the people to protect
themselves include forming cluster of vigilante groups that work with the Nigerian Army
(Kayode, 2017). These clusters of vigilante groups are manned by mostly youths. There is also
the group of hunters mainly manned by the elderly (Kayode, 2017).
However, protection motivation theory has shortcomings. For instance, the theory fails to
consider some environmental factor that could hinder its application (Shaw, 2019). In the
case of insurgency, these environmental factors could include but not limited to political factors,
social-religious factors and even economic factors. Non-consideration of these factors could
hinder the determination of the people to protect their cultural heritage. However, these
limitations are not enough to affect the usefulness.
Traditional Hunters and the Counterinsurgency
The first in the series of attempts by the people was the rise of the local traditional hunters against
the Boko Haram insurgents. Indeed, the local hunters emerged at a critical time and helped in the
counterinsurgency against Boko Haram, particularly when the military forces proved inadequate.
A respondent from Sukur community who was an eyewitness stated that.
Maharan sun kwace matanmu, yaranmu da gidaje. Sun saci abincinmu
da sauran abubuwanmu. Sun lalata abubuwan tarihin mu wanda galibi
ba za'a sake dawo dasu ba. An binne tsoffin iyayenmu da yawa a cikin
wadannan al'ummomin kuma da wuya mu bar wurin kawai saboda
tawayen kungiyar Boko Haram. Kun gani, al'adun Sukur a cikin wannan
al'umma babban ha in ha i ne tsakanin mutane da tarihi. Mutanen sunɗ ɗ
yanke shawarar daukar makomarsu lokacin da jihar ta gaza kare mu. Ba
mu da zabi fiye da yin azumin.(Personal Interview, 2016)
Translation
(The insurgents took over our wives, children and houses. They looted our food and other
properties. They destroyed our heritages most of which will never be recovered. Several
generations of our parents were buried in those communities and we found it difficult to leave the
place simply because of Boko Haram insurgency. You see, the Sukur heritage in this community
is a major link between the people and history. The people decided to take up their destiny when
the state was failing to protect us. We have no choice than to act fast).
Another key informant, argues that the hunters confronted the terrorists with none sophisticated
traditional hunting weapons, which include ‘wuka’ (knife), ‘adda’ (cutlass/sword), ‘masi’
(arrow); ‘kwari da baka’ (bow and arrow), ‘gora’ (bamboo stick) and ‘asiri’ (metaphysical
powers) (Personal Interview, 2016). He said they relied seriously on the cultural intelligence of
the area and also the use of ‘asiri’ (juju) for what they referred to as ‘tsari’ (protection). In his
response to why the hunters joined the battle, he corroborated the argument of the respondent
from Sukur that they were protecting their heritage. He also added that they provided intelligence
to the military on the activities of the insurgents. He concluded that some of the salvaged
heritages would have been destroyed without the assistance of the hunters.
The success of the local hunters can be attributed to two factors. The first is that the local hunters
resort to the use of charms or juju to confront the terrorists. The importance of this is that the
traditional African metaphysical knowledge is still potent and relevant. The second factor is the
knowledge of the terrain and the fact that they have been engaging in hunting in the area for a
long time. The hunters were said to be the first people to enter the Sambisa forest for the purpose
of confronting the criminals. At a point in time, when the men of Nigerian Army were retreating,
the local hunters stood up to the insurgents and helped in salvaging the situation.
Civilian JTF’ in the War against Boko Haram
The history of counterinsurgency in north-eastern Nigeria cannot be complete without the
mentioning of Civilian JTF’. These are young men who emerged at a critical time to prevent total
eradication of their people and their cultural heritage. The Civilian JTF became a major
complement to the military in the fight against Boko Haram terrorists. While the local hunters
were the elderly with the knowledge of traditional warfare, the ‘Civilian JTF’ emerged as the
young brave elements of the society who were saddened by the way Boko Haram insurgents were
killing and destroying their people and heritages. Interactions with some of them reveal a set of
people who are seriously saddened by the activities of terrorists and thus set out to confront them,
even though they were without serious weapons and were also without military straining. All they
had was determination and courage. According to one of them:
Yan ta'addar Boko Haram masu kisan kai ne. Suna kashe iyayen mu. Sun
lalata abubuwanmu. Suna lalata wuraren da muke so. Sun lalata uwayen
mu. Sun sace ‘yan matanmu. Suna tilastawa yaran su zama masu tayar da
zaune tsaye. Suna tilastawa ya auri .an matanmu. Sun keta al’adunmu da
al’adunmu. Suna so su share abubuwan tarihin mu. Dole ne mu tashi
zuwa wurinsu. Idan ba mu, za su kashe mu duka kuma ba za a sami wata
alama da muka ta a rayuwa a nan (Personal Interview, 2016).ɓ
Translation
(Boko Haram terrorists are murderers. They kill our parents. They destroy our heritages. They
vandalise our cherished places. They messed up our mothers. They abducted our girls and
forcefully marry some of them. They forcefully convert the boys to insurgents. They violated our
culture and tradition. They want to wipe away traces of our history. We must rise against them. If
we don’t, they will kill all of us and there won’t be any trace that we ever lived here.)
Despite the ‘Civilian JTF’ not possessing the same types of local weapons as the traditional
hunters, they have been vital to diminishing the Boko Haram insurgency in northeast Nigeria.
They know the Boko Haram boys and were able to point them out to the security forces. Most of
the Boko Haram elements are radicalised young boys of the community. Therefore, it was easy
for them to identify them. They know the hideouts of the criminals and were able to lead the
security forces to them. Without the support of the ‘Civilian JTF’, it would have been difficult
for the army to achieve the successes so far.
Reorganisation of the Nigerian Army and the adoption of cultural Intelligence
Immediately after President Buhari assumed office, he reorganised the military by replacing the
heads of the different units (Usman, 2015). The military was also equipped, and the soldiers were
motivated enough to change the tide of the counterinsurgency. This effort contributed immensely
to the protection of leftover cultural heritage in the affected areas. This assisted the military to
take back about fourteen local governments formerly taken by the insurgents. This was
corroborated by a key informant who said the people applauded the efforts of the state towards
rekindling their hopes for the conservation of their history. He also said it encouraged the people
to support the counterinsurgency by providing necessary intelligence to the military. He added
that the people are rich in the cultural intelligence of the affected communities. Cultural
intelligence is a complex combination of analysis, religion, and knowledge of a society’s history
which is understood naturally by the inhabitants of the communities (Welkening, 2013). The
people provided the military with this intelligence for the sole purpose of protecting their
heritages.
Conclusion
This study focused on analysing the Boko Haram insurgency from the perspective of cultural
heritage destruction attempt and protection efforts. It demonstrated how the creed of culture
destruction imposed by Boko Haram has been matched by dogged opposition from people who
are determined to preserve their cultural heritage. The study has demonstrated how the
incorporation of local hunters and ‘Civilian JTF’ into the security architecture of the state played
a strategic role in curtailing the momentum of the Boko Haram insurgents. Specifically, it has
demonstrated how the role of African traditional method of warfare, the use of cultural
intelligence and the resilience of a people could play a major role in heritage protection and
conservation. This opens a new vista in the debate on the protection and conservation of heritage
in Africa and other parts of the world. The basic argument here is that the protection and
sustenance of heritages cannot be solely undertaken by the state without the involvement of
members of the local communities. This paper recommends that the State should design a
security architecture that will consider the regulated involvement of the members of the
communities affected by insurgency in the counterinsurgency. This will in turn afford the
communities the opportunities to protect their cultural heritages where and when necessary. The
State must also provide incentives for the participants as a motivation. This will encourage the
communities to provide the necessary cultural intelligence for the counterinsurgency. By
implication, the researcher will like to conclude that the idea of incorporating local or traditional
security structure into the state security architecture is almost inevitable in the present Nigeria
with the formation of the ‘Amotekun’ security network in the Southwest Nigeria meant to
confront the menace of kidnappers, violent herders and other forms of criminalities.
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