Urban growth, territorial and social reorganization in Marrakech (Morocco)

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HELSINGIN YLIOPISTON MAANTIETEEN LAITOKSEN
TUTKIMUSRETKIRAPORTTEJA
49
Encounters
Across
The Atlas
FIELDTRIP IN
MOROCCO 2011
Edited by Paola Minoia
and Inka Kaakinen

Helsingin yliopiston maantieteen laitoksen
tutkimusretkiraportteja 49
E
ncount
E
rs
A
cr
oss
t
h
E
A
tl
A
s
F i e l d t r i p i n
M
o r o c c o
2011
edited by paola Minoia and inka Kaakinen
Layout and cover design: Heidi Kouvo
Cover photograph: Paola Minoia
ISSN 0786-2172
Unigrafia
Helsinki 2012
eXpeDition reports oF Department oF geograpHy,
uniVersity oF Helsinki 49

II
c
ontEnts
Foreword .................................................................................................. iV
Paola Minoia
Part I: Articles and essays
desertification trends and local action in the oases of
t
afilalt,
S
outh-
e
ast
M
or
occo
............................................................. 8
Lahcen Kabiri
p
r
oblem
of
water
management
in
the
watershed
t
ansift
................ 20
El Hassane Boubekraoui
Urban growth, territorial and social reorganization in
Marrakech ................................................................................................
33
Mohamed Ait Hassou
environmental impacts of soil erosion: methods to
contr
ol
er
osion in
t
afilalet
.............................................................. 46
Katri Heiskala & Turo Hjerppe
Water quality pressures and water management in
errachidia and Marrakech, Morocco ............................................. 58
Jaana Kuisma & Helena Haanperä
r
ural-urban
migration
in
the
t
afilalet
r
egion
............................... 72
Belinda Kivivuori, Juha Niemelä &
Matias Andersson
public transport system in the city of errachidia ........................... 83
Maria Viitasaari
Urban planning in Morocco............................................................ 90
Kaisa Kinnunen, Wilma Toljander & Mari Kovasin

III
The socio-economic impacts of heritage tourism in
Morocco ......................................................................................... 101
Ira Lahovuo & Minna Nuutinen
t
ourism
ser
vices
in
e
rrachidia:
supply
and
location
.................... 112
Ossi Ahonen & Petri Hård
Part II: Travel journal
t
rav
el
jour
nal
................................................................................ 124
Travel itinerary
List of participants
Sat 22 Oct 2011: Katri Heiskala .............................................. 127
Sun 23 Oct 2011: Jaana Kuisma .............................................. 128
Mon 24 Oct 2011: Petri Hård ....................................................... 129
Tue 25 Oct 2011: Kaisa Kinnunen ........................................... 130
Wed 26 Oct 2011: Wilma Toljander .............................................. 131
Thu 27 Oct 2011: Juha Niemelä ............................................... 132
Fri 28 Oct 2011: Turo Hjerppe ................................................. 133
Sat 29 Oct 2011: Belinda Kivivuori &
Matias Andersson ...........................................................................
134
Sun 30 Oct 2011: Ira Lahovuori .............................................. 135
Mon 31 Oct 2011: Ossi Ahonen ............................................... 136
Tue 01 Noc 2011: Minna Nuutinen ......................................... 137
Wed 02 Nov 2011: Helena Haanperä ....................................... 138
Thu 03 Nov 2011: Maria Viitasaari ......................................... 139
Fri 04 Nov 2011: Maria Kovasin ............................................. 14

IV

Part I
articles anD essays

6
Mohamed Ait Hassou
Cadi Ayyad University, Faculty of Letters and Human Sciences
Marrakech, Morroco
E-mail: aithassou69@hotmail.com
uR
ban
g
ROW
th,
t
ERR
it
OR
ial
an
D
s
O
cial
REORganizatiOn
in
MaRRakEsh
A
bstr
A
ct
Like any other large city of Morocco, Marrakech has been developing and increasingly
expanding due to its own potentialities and its relations with other cities, both close
and afar. Marrakech is a city in constant change. Nonetheless, the absence of urban
policies and adequate interventions, especially by the state, together with the chronically
unfavourable socio-economic situation has raised a series of problems, which have led to
continuously declining living conditions for a great number of urban inhabitants.
One of the main problems is the housing shortage, a phenomenon that figures
as a structural problem in the urban areas of Morocco in general, and of Marrakech in
particular. ftis housing shortage is characterized primarily by a growing deficit of social
housing and by the proliferation of an unhealthy habitat.
fte
urban territory of this city is also marked by spatial and social diversity,
which reflects the various interventions carried out over time by multiple actors. Among
these, the state figures as the most prominent, whereas the influence of the private sector
and the local communities has been more modest. fterefore, an analysis of the spatial
and social restructuring of Marrakech, a rapidly growing city, necessarily revolves around
the question of the changing role of the state in the production of housing as well as the
state’s contribution to the re-planning of the urban territory.
fte
state has, namely, the
responsibility over the decisions concerning housing and urban planning, and it also has
the last say in these matters, despite the liberal vocation of the Moroccan economy.

7
I
ntroductIon
Since the independence, the urban
areas of Marrakech have been subject
to experiments to plan, control and
manage the process of urbanization.
Interestingly, though, the urban policies
carried out by the Moroccan state in
the early decades of independence
focused primarily on the countryside;
the idea was to develop the rural
areas, and by doing so, to fix the rural
population and slow down the rural-
to-urban exodus.
fte state’s interventions in the
urban areas had more the character
of short-sighted, hastily carried out
emergency-operations, which limited
their effectiveness and at times ended
up favouring the upper social categories
that could afford housing-credit. In
parallel, since the independence, the
state had pursued laissez-faire economic
policies that allowed the elites to
increase their fortunes. Holding the
strongest position among these elites,
the landowners played quite an
important role in town development,
by the means that they facilitated the
creation of a number of illegal estates.
ftese estates have in fact contributed
in some way (even if rather marginally)
to relieving the housing crisis and to
establishing a new type of territorial
structure in Marrakech.
It is in this context, then,
after the independence, that the urban
areas have evolved in Marrakech and
elsewhere in Morocco, which serves to
explain the social and spatial diversity
and heterogeneity that characterizes
them. fte aim of this analysis is to
examine the evolution and the
functioning of the urban territory. In
addition, it aims at unravelling the
mechanisms of social and territorial
reconstitution induced by the public
housing policies for Marrakech.
h
ousIng crIsIs guIdIng
thE ExtEnsIon of thE
c
I
t
y
For over half a century, the housing
crisis has been a structural feature of
the Moroccan urban areas. Political
independence was not a sufficient
condition to overcoming this issue,
which has, in fact, only aggravated in
the last years, making it a major concern
for the Moroccan society today.
H igh population
gr o wth
fte
high rates of population growth
have naturally increased the residential
demand on land and, consequently,
put more pressure on the territory
of Marrakech. As the city planning
authorities have not been able to
control this development, the housing
crisis has exacerbated. Marrakech has
recorded higher rates of population
growth than any other city of the
kingdom as the result of an internal
demographic increase, a positive
migration balance and the integration
of peripheral suburbs in the new urban

8
Table 1. The Evolution of the Population of Marrakech (1960–2004) (Direction des
Statistiques 2004).
Census
Year
1960
1971
1982
1994
2004
Size
222.479
328.730
482.500
676.800
843.575
Figure 1. Population of the boroughs and suburbs of Marrakech, 2004.
area. As the result, the morphology of
the city has changed dramatically.
fte
city of Marrakech is the
fourth largest city of Morocco, with a
fast-growing population nearing one
million people. fte annual population
growth in this city is higher (2.4
percent) than the national average (2.1
percent). A large part of its population
struggle with problems of insecure
incomes and insolvency. Over 60
percent of the households have very
low incomes that do not enable them
to access the housing market.
fte lack of decent homes
is
enormous and rapidly growing.
fte
cumulative deficit in housing is
estimated to be some 30 000 units,
while the annual deficit caused by the
imbalance between housing supply
and demand is around 10 000 units.

9
Figure 2. Average annual growth rates of the population of Marrakech, 1994–2004 (%).
In addition, 50 percent of the
population is concentrated in 5 percent
of the territory of the city, mainly in
Medina and in the neighborhood of
Sidi Youssef Ben Ali. In this respect,
the gap between supply and demand
for housing continues to increase.
Indeed, some 13 000 households
(approximately 65 000 people) live in
unhealthy conditions.
Half of the population of
Marrakech is under 20 years old, and
most are poor – 50 percent of the active
population has an average income
below 1 500 Dhs per month. ftese
citizens are largely excluded from the
formal offer of accommodation, and
this constitutes the main cause of the
housing problem in Marrakech.
H ousing de fi cit is an
urb an crisis
Briefly put, the urban crisis has two
main components: the growing deficit
of new state-sponsored housing and the
proliferation of slums. Currently, the
shortage of social housing is enormous
and it would be impossible to fill the
gap in the short term. Furthermore,
the housing sector is influenced by a
liberal trend in the governmental
economic policies.
fte
government is
in fact withdrawing from any direct

10
responsibility over the social sector
services, especially in financial terms.
fte
housing sector in
Marrakech is currently experiencing
an unprecedented rise in the prices
of houses and building plots. Despite
the prices per square meter (for social
public housing 2 800–3 000 Dhs; for
the middle classes 6 000–7 000 Dhs)
the demand is very strong.
fte prices for land, in turn,
have doubled within a matter of two
years only. fteir price levels vary
according to the location and size of
the plot on sale, but those over 800 m²
for example are sold at prices oscillating
between 10 000 and 12 000 Dhs/m².
All in all, the growth and
future development of Marrakech
seem to be guided by the logics of the
ever-aggravating housing crisis and the
chronic need for land. Other problems
are the deterioration of existing green
areas as well as the proliferation of
small agglomerations of marginal
habitat, and the consequent spatial and
social segregation of the population.
Furthermore, the production of
emergency housing is far from reaching
the real needs of the populations
concerned here.
Figure 3. Green spaces in Marrakech (Urban Agency of Marrakech 2008).

11
f
orms of urbAn
ExPAnsIon And
t
E
rr
I
t
or
IA
l
soc
IA
l
rEstructurIng
Following the different phases of
urbanization of Marrakech since its
creation by the Al-Moravides through
the colonial period to the present day,
we may distinguish four residential
areas representing different forms of
state intervention. ftis distinction is
based mainly on the morphology and
the social composition of the residential
areas in question, namely:
•
the old town (Medina) and the
district of Sidi Youssef Ben Ali
•
the douars
•
the European city (Guéliz and
Wintering)
•
the extension of the city dating
after the independence.
A closer look at the urban,
architectural and social characteristics
of each area helps to assess the impact of
the various endogenous and exogenous
factors that contribute to the reshaping
of the urban social and spatial territory
of Marrakech.
fte
state’s urban policy
tends to favour a specific urban form
over the others, that is, a so-called
“modern Moroccan” morphology.
ftis
tendency is confronted with the
quest for a traditional type of urban
living expressed by a great share of the
population having access to public and
even private housing offer.
A s ph yxi ation of
the medi na and
foundation of the e ur
opean city
fte
Medina consists mostly of a
traditional type of urban habitat that
has its roots in the local building
techniques and materials, local social
organization, social practices, family
life, religion, climate, etc. (Elhajjami
1986).
ftis
building type does not
exceed two floors, which keeps the
skyline uniformly flat.
fte
houses are
simple with plain exterior walls, giving
the Medina a uniform appearance, with
no visible signs of wealth or poverty.
ftese features can be explained by the
strong impact of tradition and religion,
which cement residents’ unwillingness
to expose their private living spaces to
the public.
Overall, the grouping of
homes and services in the Medina is
not limited to the built environment
or the walls, as it includes large open
spaces. Some areas have been occupied
by large gardens (i.e. Jhanat, Arsat);
others constitute places of public
entertainment (e.g. Enzaha) for most
city dwellers.
Ultimately, this is the largest
North African Medina, with 9 km of
walls and a network of roads connecting
it with the outer city zones as well as
with other large cities, passing through

12
one of the large gates within the walls
(i.e. Bab Hmar, Bab Doukhala, Bab
Aghmat).
fte
inner city has a radio-
concentric plan, characterized by the
absence of spatial disparities among the
homogeneous, primarily residential
neighbourhoods.
When the first settlers arrived,
the integration of the capitalist mode
of production in the national economy
speeded up the population growth and
resulted in an over-densification of the
built environment, which in turn led
to a remarkable deterioration of open
spaces within the Medina. Since then,
the social composition of the city has
gone through various changes.
fte
creation of an industrial
zone outside the Medina attracted
large flows of new workers from the
rural areas to the residential city centre.
(Note that the rural exodus was also
partly induced by the deterioration of
living conditions on the countryside,
by family conflicts, and other factors.)
fte
big social changes of this period
were uprooting, on the one hand, and
proletarianization, on the other. ftese
had harmful consequences on the built
environment and on the lifestyle of the
people of the Medina, but any attempt
at regulating the state of overpopulation
resulted ineffective. Also, given the
scarcity or the outright absence of any
sort of social housing, sales prices and
rental fees saw a dramatic increase.
Consequently, rural newcomers
suffered from a double eviction: first,
from rural areas to the Medina and
second, from the latter towards the
peripheral douars surrounding the
walls of the Medina.
In the early 1920s, Marrakech
started to extend beyond its walls
to the west side. ftis process
produced significant differences in
the organization of the new, planned
urban space (still nowadays defined
as European, Western or modern
city) as compared to the old Medina,
and resulted in the social and spatial
division of the city. ftis duality came
into being as the result of the policies
pursued by local authorities, much
the same way that has happened in
many other cities of the Arab world.
In Marrakech, this policy produced
a fundamental break in the spatial
and social organization of the urban
territory and is speeded the process of
spatial and social segregation.
fte
type of habitat in this new
urban space had a very distinct feature
from the one of the Medina. It is more
similar to the Western model with
villas and higher buildings. With time,
the differences have been nonetheless
levelling down, with the creation of
a new hybrid architecture that mixes
the elements from both European and
Arab tradition. ftis hybrid character
has been recognised as a new type of
housing called “modern Moroccan”.
Meanwhile, the majority of
the Moroccan population had been
neglected by the local planning
authorities, and the result was a
continuous densification of the medina
and a population overspill towards the
douars.
fte
gap between supply and
demand for housing began to rise
dramatically.

13
In conclusion, the on-
going process of urbanization that
started in the early colonial times
has not followed the same patterns
of development throughout the city
space of Marrakech. fte housing crisis
that results from these different forms
of urbanization has affected different
social groups unevenly.
S pontane ous
extension of the M
edina and the pr
oliferation of marginal
habitat
fte
district of Sidi Youssef Ben Ali
(SYBA) is a spontaneous extension of
the Medina towards south and beyond
the city walls. It has almost the same
urban and architectural characteristics
as the Medina. During its emergence,
it was a marginal area deprived of any
infrastructural facilities required for
a
normal urban life. Today it is the
largest district of the city of Marrakech
after the Medina.
From 1939 to 1943, this
neighbourhood has undergone a drastic
change, because of the increasing pace
of the rural exodus. Despite its large
extension, this district has not been
able to attract the attention of the
local authorities until 1948, when a
flood caused widespread devastation
(Mandleur 1972). As a means to
avoid future damage by floods, local
government officials laid out plans to
restructure the district. ftey aimed at
reconstructing much of the dwellings
in form of public housing estates,
and acquired land for it through
expropriation.
fte
SYBA sector currently
consists of two urbanistically and
architecturally distinct divisions.
Unplanned or spontaneous, the first
division is dominated by the so-
called traditional habitat. ftese are
the residencies of the impoverished
population.
fte
other division, in
turn, has an urban plan that follows
contemporary urban planning rules.
fte
buildings do not exceed 150 m²
in extension, or three floors in height.
While this part of the neighbourhood
has been planned to offer its inhabitants
normal living conditions, it is worth
mentioning that the unplanned part
of the neighbourhood records, to
date, high levels of inadequate living
conditions and of insecurity. fte same
applies to other peripheral douars that
were later incorporated into the city.
ftere are many reasons that
contributed to the overspill of the
Medina and to the creation of the
small, spontaneous towns (
douars
),
some of which have already been
mentioned earlier: the gradual increase
in demand for housing, the weakness
of the public supply, the high rental
payments and the disengagement of the
public authorities during the colonial
times. Under these circumstances,
expelled from the official housing
market and from the Medina, people
searched for a place to settle down. fte
risks nothwithstanding, they occupied
pieces of neighbouring farmlands
in the hope of building there their

14
Figure 4. Redevelopment areas of the Medina of Marrakech (Urban Agency of
Marrakech 2008).
modest homes and, eventually, being
able to own the land under their
shelters. Subsequently, in order to feel
safe and protected, the occupiers paid
a few family members to settle nearby
and these, in turn, invited others. ftis
triggered a demographic movement,
still mostly unstudied, to the farmlands
that mainly belonged to the elites of
the city.
According to Mandleur (1972),
the appearance of peripheral douars
was the second phase of urbanization in
the precarious Marrakech, from 1926
onwards.
fte
first period between
1930 and 1950 was characterized by
the illegal and provisional installation
of the first inhabitants in both private
and state-owned fields (guiche).
Over the years and with the steady
influx of newcomers, the precarious
constructions grew in size and became
more solid. ftis is when the first
constructions in cob and stone started
to appear.
Small towns were created
before the public authorities would
express their discontent. ftese towns
were soon regarded as unhealthy
environments with an almost total
absence of basic socio-economic
facilities. fte douars were not officially

15
registered or even recognised by the
authorities, which explains their lack
of intervention.
fte
big landowners,
in turn, were active: taking advantage
of their privileged position and oft-
representative functions within the
local authority, they did not hesitate
to turn their farmlands near the city
perimeters into housing areas for
people in desperate need of a place to
live in.
fte
landowners divided plots
of land into small parcels ranging from
40 to 120 m² in size, and quickly
sold them, without providing them
any infrastructure that would make
them suitable for housing. Families
who bought into these developments
accepted these conditions, as they
often considered it to be a transitional
step in the process of adapting to
the urban lifestyle and of acquiring
a decent home in the city once their
savings would allow it.
fte
marginalization of the
douar population and its classification
as non-urban is largely due to the type
of habitat that does not fill the standards
set up by the urban planning services.
fte
households that originated from
the countryside have developed in the
peripheral douars a new type of habitat
that is classified as semi-urban, or semi-
rural. fte households originated from
the Medina, in turn, constructed these
spaces according to the traditional or
Arab-Muslim habitat model.
As said before, the
douars figured as places where the
rates of unsafety, insecurity,
underemployment, unemployment
and crimes were high. In addition,
these neighbourhoods highlighted
the problems of poverty and of social
discrimination. ftose inhabitants
who managed to enter the job market
could increase their fortunes, while
those who did not, could hardly afford
basic goods for living. ftis resulted in
the hierarchization of the population
of the city, with the emergence and
dominance of a materialistic, separatist
and segregationist ideology.
p lanned extension of post-
independence
Since the independence, the urban
landscape of Marrakech has changed,
with the establishment of a more
complex urban structure in which it was
difficult to distinguish the traditional
from the modern, the endogenous from
the exogenous. In its official discourses
and in certain specific interventions,
the state has promoted its willingness
to adapt the city to better respond the
requirements of the contemporary
urban life, all while reconciling the
traditional and the modern. Yet,
this
type of territorial reorganization
constituted in reality a similar trend
of reconstruction that already begun
during the colonial period, inspired
by the French architect and urbanist
Ecochard. It is also continuation of
the model used in the planning of the
“European” extension of Marrakech
characterized by very regular, less
dense built space, with wide lanes,
infrastructure and modern equipment.
Characteristic of this extension is its
mix of urban and architectural styles

16
of modern European and traditional
or Arab-Muslim habitats. It is also
inhabited by people of different social
strata, which is reflected in the type
of housing, where certain social and
functional diversity coexist.
As explained in the previous,
the creation and growth of the planned
extension of the city was accompanied
by the illegal extension (douars)
that has contributed in some way to
alleviating the housing crisis, but that
has become, nowadays, a real challenge
to tackle with.
fte
difference between
the average growth rate of the built
space (approximately 4 percent), and
the population growth rate (around
2.6 percent per year) indicates a land-
extensive pattern of growth. More
importantly, while the extension of the
urban area was 2 100 ha in 1945, today
it exceeds 18 400 ha.
d
EvEloPmEnt ProsPEcts
of
th
E
c
osmo
P
ol
I
t
A
n
c
I
t
y
Marrakech offers an urban landscape
in that has come into being with an
almost total disregard of any planning
documents and guidelines. As a matter
of fact, in 2007 the city had already
consumed the land reserves under
the SDAU to cover its needs until
2010.
fte
plans to reorganize the city
around the Medina have not been
respected, since Marrakech continues
to develop rapidly in the west and
northwest, and selectively in the south
and southwest, in areas reserved for
large foreign investments in tourism,
mainly composed by hotels and luxury
residences. ftese trends accentuate the
city’s social segregation.
Despite the creation of a new
town at the fringes of Marrakech, the
urbanization front continues to move
towards the shores of Tensift, and
borders the palm grove from the north
and the south, thus posing a serious
threat to the survival of this important
ecosystem. Parallel to this enormous
spread, we witness the degradation
of the existing built environment
especially in the historical heritage
zone. In the Medina, the deterioration
of the infrastructure, the problems of
traffic congestion, as well as social issues
systematically undermine both the
centrality and the attractiveness of the
historic core as a place of residence. In
addition, the process of gentrification
is also underway, particularly through
the restauration and reuse of riads.
fte urban area of Marrakech is growing
(according to the opportunities of land
andrealestateproperty, e.g. exemptions)
beyond the city limits, creating diffused
urban-rural boundaries. Several studies
show how the urban sprawl draws
on towards the agricultural space,
endangering the traditional urban and
agricultural habitat in the periphery.
fte
city has a multidirectional growth
clustered on successive roads radiating
from Marrakech, despite the lack
of infrastructure, inadequate social
facilities and the lack of secondary
centres in these areas.
fte
need to

17
expand the city has to follow a new
approach that can ensure a sustainable
growth. ftere is a need to activate
urban planning
with
the people, not
just
for
them, by participatory planning
and participatory management of the
city.
c
onclusIons
Marrakesh is a city that has rapidly
changed its appearance. ftis change
has many urban and architectural as
well as socio-economic and cultural
implications. fte current urbanization
represents a break with the city’s past,
characterized by its density, its social
relations, and its so-called traditional
way of living. It represents the beginning
of a new era in urban planning which
mainly reflects the fight against an
acute housing crisis. In the absence of
an effective intervention by the state,
the crisis worsens the living conditions
for broad masses of the population,
day after day.
fte
state interventions
have been highly insufficient and thus
the housing needs remain far from
satisfied. Interventions from abroad,
“imported” planning models, as well
as their direct application without a
minimum adaptation have all
constituted failures. Highlighting the
myriad of needs and opportunities can
help achieve a better planning structure
and ensure a coherent and sustainable
development in this rapidly changing
urban space.
r
EfErEncEs
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