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A predator in the park: mixed methods analysis of user preference for coyotes in urban parks


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This mixed methods study explores the relative preference people in the United States have for sharing leisure space in their local urban parks with coyotes. Two rounds of survey data (n= 482) and a series of interviews (n= 28) were conducted. In both survey samples, people preferred to share park space with coyotes less than all other species options (e.g., people experiencing homelessness, off-leashdogs). Interview data suggest that the primary reason for this lack of desire to share park space with coyotes is a perception that coyotes are dangerous for people and pets. This strong level of preference against coyotes has implications for current efforts to promote human-wildlife coexistence strategies in many urban and peri-urban locations.
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Leisure Studies
ISSN: 0261-4367 (Print) 1466-4496 (Online) Journal homepage:
A predator in the park: mixed methods analysis of
user preference for coyotes in urban parks
Jackson Wilson & Jeff Rose
To cite this article: Jackson Wilson & Jeff Rose (2019) A predator in the park: mixed methods
analysis of user preference for coyotes in urban parks, Leisure Studies, 38:3, 435-451, DOI:
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Published online: 07 Mar 2019.
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A predator in the park: mixed methods analysis of user
preference for coyotes in urban parks
Jackson Wilson
and JeRose
Department of Recreation, Parks & Tourism, San Francisco State University, San Francisco, CA, USA;
of Health, Kinesiology, and Recreation, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, UT, USA
This mixed methods study explores the relative preference people in the
United States have for sharing leisure space in their local urban parks with
coyotes. Two rounds of survey data (n= 482) and a series of interviews (n= 28)
were conducted. In both survey samples, people preferred to share park
space with coyotes less than all other species options (e.g., people experien-
cing homelessness, o-leashdogs). Interview data suggest that the primary
reason for this lack of desire to share park space with coyotes is a perception
that coyotes are dangerous for people and pets. This strong level of prefer-
ence against coyotes has implications for current eorts to promote human-
wildlife coexistence strategies in many urban and peri-urban locations.
Received 17 September 2018
Accepted 14 February 2019
Coyotes; parks; leisure space;
fear; marginalized park users
Parks are not only physical, material spaces of leisure; they are also social constructs (Proctor, 1998).
Social norms dictate appropriate behaviours in parks and subsequently constrain which humans and
other species are welcome or spurned from these natural urban and peri-urban spaces (Taylor, 1999;
Webster, 2007). These norms are often contentious and create public debates about whether dierent
visitors, including o-leash domestic dogs (Wilson, Yoshino, & Latkova, 2018) or people experiencing
homelessness (Rose, 2017), should have the same access to public parks as housed people that will
abide by middle-class standards of behavior (e.g., relatively clean clothes, innocuous smell, visiting the
park for supposedly appropriate recreational purposes; Taylor, 1999).
The coyote (Canis latrans) has trotted into the middle of this debate (Figure 1). Coyotes are a North
American canid that are 11.5 m in length and 9.116.0 kg in weight (Beko&Gese,2003). Aided by
anthropogenic changes to the environment, such as the elimination from wolves from much of their
traditional range, coyotes have expanded their range from Northern Alaska to Costa Rica (Beko&
Gese, 2003;Rutherford,2018). That increase in range includes urban and peri-urban areas that have
traditionally been socially constructed as spaces dedicated for people (Rutherford, 2018;Wolch,2002).
The presence of coyotes in urban environments has led to a range of responses. Although rare,
coyotes occasionally attack humans (Baker & Timm, 2017). In contrast, they regularly prey upon
domesticated cats and small dogs (Alexander & Quinn, 2011). Fear of coyotes has classically resulted
in attempts to exterminate them (Timm & Baker, 2007). More recently, agencies have adopted less lethal
management stances (Alexander & Quinn, 2011;White&Gehrt,2009). Rather than trapping and killing
coyotes, the goal has been to educate the public on how to minimize negative interactions. However,
there are some that believe this education-based management strategy is not appropriate for parks and
other urban green spaces and coyotes should be removed from all urban and peri-urban locations
(Webster, 2007).
CONTACT Jackson Wilson Department of Recreation, Parks & Tourism, San Francisco State
University, 1600 Holloway Avenue, HSS335, San Francisco, CA 94132, USA
2019, VOL. 38, NO. 3, 435451
© 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
There is conicting evidence about current North American attitudes towards coyotes in local
parks. In a US-based nation-wide survey, Kellert (1985) found that dogs were the most liked and
coyotes were one of the less liked animals, but he also commented that the traditional European
antipathy toward the predator(p. 168) was waning, and Americans were moving towards a far
greater diversity and conict of viewpoints, paralleling Americas divisions on wildlife, or the
necessity of wildlife damage control(p. 168). Baker and Timm (1998) described this shift as, ...
attitudes of many people in todays society toward wild animals have changed from respect and
fear to a certain reverence(p. 309). Timm (2006) characterized this shift as the public developing
(a) Disney mentalitytoward wildlife(p. 144). Although these statements suggest a growing
tolerance of coyotes, an increasing number of attacks (Baker & Timm, 2017) and negative
evaluations of coyotes in the media (Alexander & Quinn, 2012) may reverse this trend. As
Gehrt (2004) equivocally stated, Although the sight or sound of a coyote elicits fear in some
residents, it often produces more favorable responses in others(p. 84).
Given the lack of clarity about the publics perception of coyotes in their local parks, this study
examined the relative preference for sharing parks and other urban green spaces with coyotes using data
from a survey that compared the preference for sharing park space with other entities and interviews to
further explore those rankings. These analyses inform contemporary perspectives of wildlife in urban
space and provide data to inform park management practices. This research also helps characterize
human-animal relations in settings that are most typically characterized as leisure spaces.
Figure 1. Galante (2018) urban coyote.
A sequential mixed method design was used, grounded in pragmatism (Creswell & Creswell,
2018), a paradigm that focuses on consequences. Operating from this perspective often leads
researchers to use multiple methods to investigate the research question. This study used surveys
to understand preferences, and conducted interviews to help explore those rankings. Survey
samples (n= 482) were collected online and in-person using an instrument developed for this
study to understand the relative preference of people to share park space with dierent entities.
A series of interviews (n= 28) further explored participant preferences for sharing public park
spaces with coyotes.
The instrument was developed to understand the relative preference of people for sharing public
park space with eight dierent entities; person, person perceived as experiencing homelessness,
person with on-leash dog, person with o-leash dog, homeless person with on-leash dog, home-
less person with o-leash dog, o-leash dog with no person, and a coyote. The eight entities were
chosen based on current controversies focused on the presence of dogs (Wilson et al., 2018),
homelessness (Rose, 2017), and coyotes (Webster, 2007) in urban and peri-urban parks.
The instrument had ve sections. After the informed consent, respondents were asked, What
is the name of the park that you most frequently visit for 15 minutes or more?and then asked to
identify the location of that park. The name of each respondents primary park was inserted into
subsequent questions about the park to provide respondents with a concrete, known context to
ground their responses. Second, respondents were presented with two attention-checking dichot-
omous survey items. These two items described one of two pictures and requested the respondent
to click on the described picture. The third section started with an introduction informing the
respondent that there would be a series of 28 unique items asking which entity they would prefer
to see in their primary park they had previously identied. The 28 dichotomous items forced
respondents to choose the most preferred of each of the eight entities (e.g., dog, homeless person,
coyote) in comparison to every other entity. Each of the 28 dichotomous choice items were
presented independently, and the survey automatically progressed after the respondent made their
choice. Each of the dichotomous choice items had the same directions, Click on the one you
would prefer to see in this park(e.g., Figure 2, below).
The fourth section included a single item requesting participants to rank the eight entities by
preference to see in the park. Including both a series of dichotomous choice items and a single
ranking item provided a measure of reliability of preferences. The order of the dichotomous
choice items and the choices within the ranking item were randomized to eliminate ordering
eects. The nal section collected information about respondentsbehaviour and demographics.
This section included the level of park devotion and demographics.
In order to maximize the validity of survey responses, a series of 28 cognitive interviews were
conducted in two waves before survey data collection (Willis, 2005). The results of these interviews led
to modications to reduce the cognitive burden associated with number of required clicks,clarica-
tion of the described purpose of the survey, alteration of two icons to make them more neutral, and
expansion of the gender item to include a non-binary response option. There were no additional
consistent issues identied during the rst round of in-person survey data collection.
Data collection
The rst convenience sample of survey respondents was collected using an intercept method at
four Northern California universities and one airport. Although the authors considered collecting
data at parks, the concern was that this method would oversample more frequent park users. In
contrast, the goal of the study was to generalize across type of park and park user, so the choice
was made to avoid collecting data at parks. Furthermore, the data was collected in California
because that state has had the greatest number of reported coyote incidents (Baker & Timm,
2017). At the intercept points, research assistants asked respondents to take a 10-min survey
concerning parks. There was no incentive for participation.
The goal of the second sample was to compare the attitudes of the Californian sample to a more
geographically dispersed sample of people living in the US The second sample used the Amazon Turk
service to collect responses from people in the US (operationalized as people responding using
American IP addresses). The survey was described to potential respondents as a 10-min academic
survey focused on parks. Participants were given an incentive of $0.70 USD to participate. The sample
of American respondents was scheduled on a Saturday morning, in order to collect a sample that was
older and more likely to be employed full-time (Arechar, Kraft-Todd, & Rand, 2017) to complement
the rst sample which was largely collected on university campuses.
Interviewees were purposely selected to maximize participant diversity. In particular, parti-
cipants were selected to include a balance of male and female participants, dog guardians
and non-guardians, and participants of varying ages, immigrant status, and experience with
homelessness. During the rst round of interviews, the primary author recruited six people
to participate in interviews. Those people were known to the author and were chosen to
maximize demographic diversity. A team of trained interview assistants recruited and
interviewed an additional 22 people in the second round of interviewing. Interviews either
conducted through Zoom, a video calling service that created video and audio recordings
and initial transcriptions, or in-person using a hand-held audio recording device. Most
interviewees participated in the interview in their residence; however, some participated in
a public place (e.g., café or place of work). The interviews included the think-aloud method,
where participants explicated their reasoning and thought process as they responded to the
electronic survey (Presser et al., 2004; Willis, 2005). Although interviewees responded to the
survey, none of their responses to the survey were included in the analysis of the survey
data. Moreover, interviewers used verbal probes, both extant probes inquiring why partici-
pants responded to an item in the way that they did as well as emergent probes further
clarifying or gaining additional information about their initial responses.
Figure 2. Example of dichotomous choice survey item approximately here.
Data analysis
Survey data were downloaded from Qualtrics into Excel. Data were cleaned, coded, and explora-
tory analyses were conducted in Excel. Subsequently, data were uploaded into IBM SPSS v.24.
where t-Tests, ANOVAs, Friedman tests, and Wilcox signed rank tests were performed.
Data from the interviews were used to both modify the survey instrument and qualitatively
contextualize the results of the study. Interview transcriptions were coded according to rst in relation
to the eight entities (e.g., coyote, o-leash dog, person experiencing homelessness) then subsequently
using emergent codes (Brinkmann, 2014). The quotes with their extant entity and emergent codes
were compared against each other to gain additional insights about the data and facilitate further
development of emergent codes. Transcripts were then re-read in comparison to the emergent codes
in order to continue the hermeneutic circle and further rene the codes (Kvale, 1983).
Results are provided for both survey and interview data. Survey responses (n= 482) indicate that
coyotes were consistently ranked as the least preferred option for sharing park space with people.
Data from 28 interviews were coded into four themes; safety, (out of) place, anity for wildlife,
and conspecic loyalty.
A total of 510 responses were initially collected (rst round n=287,secondroundn= 223). Eight
responses were deleted because the respondent failed to correctly respond to the two attention testing
items (rst round:5, second round:3). An additional 20 responses were deleted because the respon-
dents failed to complete two or more dichotomous choice items or did not complete the single ranking
item (rst round:13, second round:7). A third attention check involved the 28 dichotomous choice
survey items. No respondents clicked only the images that appeared on the left, or only on the images
that appeared on the right, so this attention check led to no further removal of responses. This resulted
in 482 useable responses (rst round n=269,secondroundn=213).
As intended, the second sample was more geographically diverse and older than the rst
sample (Table 1). Nearly all (95%) of the primary parks (park they most frequently spent time in
for 15 min or more) in the rst sample were in California. In contrast, the online sample included
primary parks in 43 dierent states and only 8% of the primary parks in the second sample were
in California. Moreover, online respondents communicated a higher rate of experiencing home-
lessness, dog guardianship, and walking their dog in a park. In contrast, there were no statistically
signicant dierences between respondentsgender, level of education, or household income.
Table 1. Comparison of demographics of survey respondents.
Demographic variables Sample 1 (n= 269) Sample 2 (n= 213) p-value
Gender (Female) 52% 47% .227
Age (35 years or older) 23% 48% <.001***
Education (Bachelors or higher) 52% 54% .621
Household Income ($50k or more) 47% 46% .878
Homelessness (past or current) 9% 18% .004**
Dog guardian 45% 54% .038*
Regularly walks dog in park 57% 74% .006**
*p< .05
**p< .01
***p< .001
Twenty-eight interviews were conducted. Interview recording durations ranged from 14 min 37
sto 53 min 26 s (
x= 30 min 41 s), resulting in more than 14 h of recordings. Gender was nearly
evenly balanced between women (n=15) and men (n= 13). The sample was relatively young. Over
half (n= 15, 54%) of the participants were in their twenties. Over two-thirds (n= 20, 71%) of the
sample was White. One-fth (n= 5, 18%) of the sample were immigrants to the US (e.g., Europe,
Asia, or Latin America). Three (11%) of the interview participants had previously experienced
homelessness. Eleven participants (39%) currently owned a dog. An additional participants dog
had recently died, but she still considered herself a dog guardian. The number of dogs owned by
any participant varied between one to three dogs.
Ranking for preference to share park space with the eight entities; person, person visibly
experiencing homelessness, person with on-leash dog, person with o-leash dog, homeless person
with on-leash dog, homeless person with o-leash dog, dog, and coyote; ranged from 1 most
preferred to 8 least preferred. The median rank for coyotes in both samples was 8 least preferred
(Table 2,Figure 3).
Analysis of the single ranking item indicated that the coyote option was the least preferred
option for both the rst (Friedman mean rank = 6.58, X
(7) = 895.529, p< .001) and second
sample (Friedman mean rank = 7.05, X
(7) = 734.700, p< .001). The analysis of the dichotomous
items similarly identied that coyotewas the lowest ranked entity in the rst (Friedman mean
rank = 6.45, X
(7) = 895.529, p< .001) and the second sample (Friedman mean rank = 6.78, X
= 734.700, p< .001). This provides reliability evidence that the rankings of preference for sharing
public park spaces with coyotes were consistent across samples and question form (dichotomous
choice items or ranking item).
Table 2. Coyote ranking descriptive statistics.
Sample 1 Sample 2
N 269 213
Mean 6.58 7.05
Median 8.00 8.00
Std. Deviation 2.392 1.914
Skewness 1.482 2.023
2610 19 11 12
10 255
18 93
Sample 1
Sample 2
Figure 3. Distribution of coyote rankings.
The mean rank of coyotes was higher (i.e., less preferred) for each demographic, behavioural,
or attitudinal subgroup with some exceptions. Sample 1 respondents that were 35 years or older
(n= 60) ranked both the o-leash dog (
x= 6.43) and person experiencing homelessness with an
o-leash dog (
x= 6.13) as less preferred than a coyote (
x= 5.95). Moreover, sample 1 respondents
that had experienced homelessness (n= 23) ranked the o-leash dog (
x= 6.35) as less preferred
than the coyote (
x= 6.13).
The ranking of coyotes did not signicantly dier by most demographic, behavioural, or
attitudinal subgroups (Table 3). Males and respondents that visited parks and other green spaces
at least once per week signicantly (p< .05) preferred coyotes (closer to 1) compared to female
respondents, and respondents that visited other parks and green spaces less frequently.
Description of preferences
To better understand some of the nuances and contextual factors that contribute to understanding
preferences for coyotes in urban parks, interviews with survey respondents elicited narratives of
meaning and understanding. Data from the interviews were coded into four emergent themes:
safety, (out of) place, anity for wildlife, and conspecic loyalty (Table 4).
The most common issue associated with participantsdescriptions of their coyote ranking in the
survey was safety. Participants discussed their fear that coyotes might harm their pets, other
people, or themselves. The number of coyotes and the participants experience with coyotes were
associated with dierent levels of fear.
Table 3. Coyote ranking by subgroup.
Sample 1
Sample 2
Male 6.25(2.574) .018*(.021) 6.82(2.152) .032*(.022)
Female 6.94(2.131) 7.37(1.447)
Household income
Less than $50k 6.48(2.453) .509 7.24(1.867) .113
$50k or more 6.68(2.388) 6.83(1.953)
Less than a bachelors degree 6.92(2.192) .041*(.016) 7.05(1.992) .997
A bachelors degree or greater 6.32(2.515) 7.05(1.854)
Less than 35 years 6.79(2.245) .016*(.022) 7.12(1.788) .604
35 years or more 5.95(2.746) 6.98(2.049)
Homeless experience
No 6.64(2.338) .325 7.28(1.610) .000***(.066)
Yes 6.13(2.881) 6.00(2.721)
Frequency visiting primary park
Fewer than 1 visit per week 6.64(2.375) .690 7.20(1.928) .313
1 or more visits per week 6.52(2.424) 6.93(1.914)
Attachment to primary park
Neither, Somewhat, or Extremely Unattached 6.77(2.181) .389 6.65(2.203) .110
Extremely or Somewhat Attached 6.50(2.503) 7.16(1.818)
Frequency visiting other parks and green spaces
Fewer than 1 visit per week 6.82(2.208) .034*(.017) 7.20(1.770) .009**(.032)
1 or more visits per week 6.17(2.657) 6.29(2.408)
Dog guardian
No 6.88(2.077) .036*(.017) 7.09(1.932) .775
Yes 6.26(2.692) 7.02(1.906)
Regularly walks dog in park
No 6.37(2.690) .696 7.48(1.455) .175
Yes 6.18(2.710) 6.95(1.906)
Fear & danger
Although one participant admitted he did not know enough to evaluate whether coyotes were
dangerous, Idont know how dangerous coyotes actually are(Tyler), most participants expressed
some level of concern about coyotes. At one end of the spectrum, John declared, The coyote
presents a danger in this community and I would want to see Animal Control help take the coyote
to a safer location.In contrast, Robert, an experienced outdoors person stated, I have an
extremely tiny amount of fear associated with coyotes. Ive never experienced a problem, so
why should I?
The most common reasoning for not fearing coyotes was that they are more scared of humans
than we should be of them. This is an interesting question because coyotes dont freak me out,
because theyre usually scared of you(Mike).
Experience with coyotes
Robert, Mike, and Santiago directly or indirectly referenced their rural experiences as the basis for
their lack of fear. Maybe just because Im a country guy and I like, kind of, I like seeing the
coyotes, they dont scare me or anything(Mike). Santiago stated, I grew up in the mountains of
Mexico and later moved out in the country of the States. I have heard and seen a lot of coyotes.
They didnt bother me. I didnt bother them.Ellie contrasted her own fear and inexperience with
coyotes with other peoples experience, If theyve seen coyotes, theyre comfortable with coyotes.
Theyd probably be like, Screw people, Im comfortable with coyotes.”’ Terry also expressed her
perception that coyotes were scared of humans, though she was adamant that she did not want
a coyote in her park.
Other userssafety
Even though multiple participants claimed not to be concerned about their safety relative to
coyotes, they addressed the issue of safety without being prompted by interviewers. This prior-
itization suggests they were aware that other park users may be concerned about their own safety
around coyotes. For example, even though she thought that she would not be bothered by
a coyote, Soa said she would take steps to minimize the chance it would hurt other park visitors.
I would inform the people that work at the park if there was a coyote. People need to be aware of the coyote.
You dont want it to harm anyone and keep it to yourself. You worry about the rest of the people at the park.
Participants often perceived that children were the most vulnerable population to coyotes.
Coyotes in a park seems a little dangerous. . . especially at . . . theres a lot of kids(Corey).
Shiva similarly communicated his concern about children, I am worried about the safety of the
kids who come out to play. I dont want my kid to come in contact with a homeless (person) or
Table 4. Interview themes & subthemes.
Theme Subthemes
Safety Fear & danger
Experience with coyotes
Other userssafety
Single versus multiple coyotes
(Out of) Place Wild creature in a domesticated space
Wandering coyote
Home in the park
Novelty & excitement
Anity for wildlife Love of nature
Ecological balance
Conspecic loyalty Unsheltered homelessness vis-à-vis coyotes
his dog or coyote.Tyler stated, Id be kind of worried about my kids going to a park that has
a bunch of coyotes, but I think itdbene seeing a coyote.Corey graphically described this
concern, A coyote might try to bite me, I dunno. . . eat some babies, I dunno!
Beyond human children, multiple people shared their concern that coyotes might hurt their or
other peoples pets. Terry shared, I grew up next to a canyon with coyotes and they killed many
dogs in the neighborhood over the years.Katrina, the guardian of two small dogs, explained her
desire to not see coyotes by atly declaring, Coyotes eat dogs.
Comparisons of coyotes with dogs claried the relative perceived danger of coyotes versus o-
leash dogs with no humans. Many of the interview participants compared the coyote with the o-
leash dog with no people and concluded that, as expressed by Elena, the dog was less risk than
a coyote.Alanis claimed that, Dogs are usually more friendly than coyotes.She subsequently
further described her concern with coyotes, I get dogs oa leash are scary, but they arent trying
to hunt you.Nathan stated, I dont want to come across a coyote in the park and I can still
manage with an o-leash dog since I am a dog owner myself and know the dog psychology
a little.Shiva had a similar claim that he was more prepared to deal with an o-leash dog, I know
(a) little dog language and probably can do away with a dog on (the) loose. . . But a coyote? I still
want to live!Petra originally claimed that, Im not bothered by them. My dog doesnt react to
them in a negative way,but she also thought that a coyote was more dangerous than an o-leash
dog with no associated human.
The perception of the o-leash dog with no humans was sometimes associated with a back-
story participants created for the dog. Petra expressed that she thought the dog might be lost and
need help. Similarly, Soa thought that the dog was just separated from its guardian and it likely
needed food. I know that the dog is probably hungry and he is with his guardian. The dog is less
likely to harm me than a coyote.
Single versus multiple coyotes
One dimension of danger mentioned by three participants was the number of coyotes seen at one
time. For example, Santiago expressed, I am actually okay with seeing a coyote. I would not feel
threatened unless its a pack.In contrast, Robert was eager to seem multiple coyotes, Id prefer to
see a pack of coyotes over a single coyote.
(Out of) place
There were substantial comments about the juxtaposition of wild coyotes in domesticated spaces
and whether a coyote belonged in that space. Although the previously discussed issues around fear
were present for some respondents, others discussed the novelty and excitement of seeing coyotes
in their urban or peri-urban parks.
Wild creature in a domesticated space
One of the dichotomies that participants alluded to when making the argument that coyotes
should be excluded from urban parks was the concept of wildness. It was reasoned that wild
coyotes should be excluded from domesticated park spaces. (A coyote) is a wild animal, and if it
was just walking around by itself in a park, it would seem very out of place(Anna). Nathan
referenced the same concept of wildness, I would never want to see a coyote in the park. It is like
getting a wild animal into an urban city park.Similarly, Shiva exclaimed, I want to see a coyote
on a safari. . . not in my park where I am on a walk.
Wandering coyote
There were multiple expressions of disbelief that a coyote would ever be in an urban park, Tell
me something. . . whats up with the coyotes? Is someone really trying to get coyotes in the park?
(Nathan). Jeremy thought that a coyote could only be at his suburban park if it was lost. Seeing
a coyote in this area would be out of the norm. . . I would also be worried about the coyote it most
likely wandered into this area by accident and is lost.John similarly claimed that seeing a coyote
in a metropolitan area would be abnormal. I live in a suburban area that is right outside of
a metropolitan area. Seeing a coyote out here is by no means normal.
Home in the park
Multiple participants expressed the idea that they felt comfortable with seeing coyotes in the park
because that was a normative space for coyotes. There were two general concepts that these
participants referenced, what is normaland home. Ginny expressed that in her experience, I
feel like that would be a normal thing to see in a park.Santiago explained, I think its pretty okay
to see a coyote out on the trail. Its their home, we are in their territory. Wildlife was there rst.
Linnea referenced this concept succinctly by stating, Because they belong there and we dont.
Ginny explained that coyotes were appropriate in natural places because they had relatively fewer
options than dogs and people, You can walk your on-leash dog in a lot of dierent places. But
a coyote can only be in so many.
Novelty & excitement
While many participants did not want to see a coyote in their primary park (e.g., Coyotes give me
the creeps. Why would anyone want to see a coyote in the park?), multiple participants wanted to
see a coyote because it would be a rare or exciting experience to see a coyote in their urban or
peri-urban park (e.g., I would like to see the coyotes, just because I love seeing the coyotes. . . You
gotta love the coyotes!<Geraldine>). Charlie described why seeing a coyote in the downtown
park he frequented would be the most desirable option:
Thats the only one of these options that would be like, Whoa, check it out, theres a coyote here!Because
youre like in the middle of the heart of the city. Youre not like in the or anything. . . Thats the only one that
would be a story to tell. Like, Dudes, I saw a coyote, next to <place of work>!
These responses point to the juxtaposition of seeing a wildanimal in a built, urban setting,
interconnecting with other subthemes. I just think that thats cool. I always love to see coyotes. It
is a special treat(Walter). Carmen struck a more tentative tone than the participants quoted
above. Most people would be scared of them, but I think Id be more fascinated to see one in
person. Id still take caution though.
Anity for wildlife
Beyond debating whether the coyote should or should not be in their primary park, some
participants wanted to see a coyote because it met their interest to experience nature.
Love of nature
Sometimes this was simple, because the participant expressed both a desire to see coyotes and
alove of wildlife. I think it would be pretty cool to see a coyote there actually, just because I like
wildlife(Mike). Robert explained, (A coyote) is part of what I am hoping for is a natural
experience which is part of why I leave the comforts of town and home.Similarly, Tyler stated,
Thatd be rad (to see a coyote). When Im going to the park Im not there to see people, Im there
for nature anyway.
Ecological balance
However, there was also conicts between ideals about wildlife and a desire to see a coyote in their
primary park. Nargisfear of coyotes and lack of desire to see them conicted with her ideals
about wildlife. If you feel you have these kind of creatures around in the park, its kind of healthy
balance, right? You still have wild around you.Similar to Nargis, Javier expressed safety concerns,
but he also valued coyotes as free wild animals, 'Cause coyotes should live in nature and they
should not be in some type of cage or something. I believe that coyotes should also be free.
Moreover, he thought that coyotes needed access to the natural space more than dogs, The dogs
have been domesticated, so the dogs could be happy just outside your house. And the coyote is
something dierent.
The nal emergent theme was that other humans should be preferred over other species,
including coyotes. Terry expressed, Who would choose encountering a coyote over a person
experiencing homelessness? I mean Im sure somebody would. . .that makes me sad that someone
would choose a coyote over someone who is down on their luck.Similarly, Ginny thought that
people should come before animals, I guess coyotes have only a limited place to be in a park, but
I feel like I think homelessness takes precedence.Geraldine shared an opposing view, I feel that is
(coyotes) natural habitat and the homeless people have other choices as to where they can stay.
Survey respondents ranked coyotes as the least preferred entity with which to share public park
space. Although the current study is cross-sectional and therefore cannot measure changes in
attitudes across time, concern that coyotes are being embraced by modern Americans (e.g.,
Kellert, 1985; Timm, 2006) is not supported by the current study.
The lack of preference to share park space with coyotes suggests that even among the some-
times marginalized groups focused on in this study (people experiencing homelessness, dogs, and
coyotes) coyotes are the least preferred. The qualitative analysis of the interviews suggests that fear
for their own and other peoples safety, a perception that coyotes do not belong in the city, and
a relative preference for other humans all may have contributed to coyotesrelatively poor
ranking. Alternatively, the interviews also suggest that a perceived lack of danger, a belief that
coyotes have a right to park space, and an anity for wildlife suggest ways that park managers
could support a greater tolerance or appreciation for coyotes in urban and peri-urban parks.
Dangerous creature
Although some participants were eager to share space with a coyote, the survey responses indicate
that the majority of respondents preferred to not share public park space with a coyote. The
interview data strongly suggest that fear was based on a perception of coyotes as dangerous
creatures that would harm themselves or others. Participants feared the supposedly wild nature of
these animals (Rose & Wilson, in press).
Alexander and Quinn (2012) analysis of the portrayal of coyotes in Canadian media found that,
regardless of the actual hazard posed by coyotes, they were often labelled negatively based on the
actions of a few individuals and that coyotes were often described as bold, brazen, and wily
criminals with malicious intent. But how dangerous are they to humans and pets?
Attacks on humans
From 1997 to 2015, Baker and Timm (2017)identied 367 coyote attacks on humans. Nearly half
of the known attacks occurred in California; however, the geographic range of attacks has
increased over time (Baker & Timm, 2017; White & Gehrt, 2009). There are only two known
people that have been killed by coyotes, one in California in 1981 and one in Nova Scotia in 2009.
Specic to the focus of the current study, White and Gehrt (2009) media analysis found that one-
quarter (25%) of the victims were in parks and half (47%) were recreating when they were
attacked. Similarly, Alexander and Quinn (2011) media analysis found that 42% of humans
were playing or walking in greenspace when they had an interaction with a coyote.
Although coyotes have attacked humans, it remains a rare occurrence. White and Gehrt (2009)
calculated that there were 3.46 annual incidents of coyotes biting humans in their North
American study, and Alexander and Quinn (2011) identied an average of 2.67 annual bites in
their Canadian study. Baker and Timm (2017) more liberal denition of an attack results in an
annual average of less than 20 (19.32) attacks annually. To put this in perspective, there are
approximately 4.7 million incidents of dogs biting humans each year in the US (Gilchrist, Gotsch,
Annest, & Ryan, 2003).
Multiple interview participants shared their concern that coyotes pose an acute danger to
youth. This concern is often echoed in media reports and some early studies of coyote attacks
(e.g., Carbyn, 1989; Fimrite, 2015). One of the two known incidents of a human being killed by
a single or multiple coyotes was a three-year-old girl in Southern California (Howell, 1982).
However, an analysis of all attacks indicates that children are no more likely to be attack victims
than adults (White & Gehrt, 2009). In contrast, children are more likely to be the victims of dog
bites in the US (Gilchrist et al., 2003).
In the current study, men preferred sharing space with coyotes more than women. More than
30 years ago, Kellert (1985) similarly identied that women preferred predators, including
coyotes, less than men. However, there is no evidence that women are more likely to be
a victim of a coyote attack compared to men (White & Gehrt, 2009).
Attacks on pets
In contrast to the relatively small threat coyotes pose to humans, coyotes can be dangerous
neighbours for domestic dogs and cats. Baker and Timm (2017) speculated that the coyote attacks
on pets in some suburban areas are now so common that they are no longer considered news(p.
124). The authors reasoned that the number of coyote attacks on pets may be increasing because
of a growing number of coyotes and pets, a greater habituation of coyotes, or an increased rate
that people report the loss of their pets to authorities (Baker & Timm, 2017). This warning about
the increase in number of coyote attacks on pets was matched by the warning that increases in pet
predation foretell an increased risk to human safety (Baker & Timm, 1998).
Coyotes eat cats. While some studies have found evidence of consumption of relatively low
levels of cats in urban coyote diets (<1%-6.7%; Morey, Gese, & Gehrt, 2007), others studies suggest
cat consumption is a more prominent part of urban coyotesdiet (Quinn, 1997; Shargo, 1988).
Alexander and Quinn (2011) reported that all of the coyote-cat incidents in their Canadian media
analysis resulted in the death of the cat; however, such a media analysis may suer from
a selection bias where only the more extreme cases of domestic animal death were recorded. In
their observational study, Grubbs and Krausman (2009a) observed 36 coyotecat interactions. The
cats were killed in 19 of those interactions. The authors concluded that any cat outside is
vulnerable to coyote attack(Grubbs & Krausman, 2009a, p. 684).
Dogs are also potential coyote prey. Animal Care and Control assures us that coyotes dont
really want anything to do with humans, and its just your dogs, especially small ones, that you
should worry about if theyre running around o-leash(Barmann, 2016). In a review of Canadian
media from 1995 to 2010, Alexander and Quinn (2011) identied 108 coyotedog interactions.
Nearly two-thirds (63.7%) of the interactions were with small dogs where most (59%) were killed.
In contrast, only 1 of the 25 large dogs reported interacting with coyotes died.
Such predation may support the population of songbirds and other potential cat and dog prey
species (Crooks & Soulé, 1999; Gehrt, Wilson, Brown, & Anchor, 2013; Gompper, 2002), but ignores
the emotional loss of pet guardians. Webster (2007) claimed that, in contrast to wild animals which are
valued at population levels, pets are valued as individuals. One such grieving dog guardian referenced
this distinction with a statement that demarcated the in-group pets from the out-group wild coyotes,
Something has got to be done. Our animals are in danger(Batey, 2016).
Therefore, the concern expressed by some interview participants that coyotes were dangerous
for their small four-legged family members appears to be a correct assertion. Katrinas assertion
that Coyotes eat dogs,should be expanded to Coyotes may eat any small mammal they can
catch, including small o-leash dogs and free-roaming cats.
A coyotesplace is. . .
In the interview data, there is a clash between the view that coyotes have a claim on the limited
urban green space and those that strongly deny that claim. The natural range expansion of coyotes
into all parts of North America and their ability to live in limited natural areas in urban areas
means that, in contrast to the perception expressed by many interview participants, the partici-
pantsprimary parks are already likely part of coyoteshome range (Bounds & Shaw, 1994;
Gompper, 2002). The abundance of food in urban areas allows coyotes to maintain smaller
home ranges than coyotes in rural areas (Gehrt, Anchor, & White, 2009; Grinder & Krausman,
2001). Therefore, the density of coyotes in urban areas is often greater than in rural areas
(Atwood, Weeks, Gehring, & White, 2004; Fedriani, Fuller, & Sauvajot, 2001; Kenaga, Krebs, &
Clapham Jr, 2013). In the conned urbanity of San Francisco, it has been estimated that there are
over 100 individual resident coyotes (Stienstra, 2014).
Not everyone is receptive to this current reality. These conicts with the idea that cities are the
exclusive domain of humans(Wolch, 2002, p. 726). In her essay against coexistence with coyotes,
Webster (2007) stated, Cities are not for the Third Worldness of the Wild Kingdom(p. 107).
This perspective sees coyotes as an aront to attempts at eliminating the pollution of animals from
anthropocentrically-focused sanitized urban environment (Jerolmack, 2008; Wolch, 2002).
Coyotes seem doomed to be considered morally transgressive as they transgress the spaces we
have dened as for humans only”’ (Jerolmack, 2008, p. 88). They possess a level of agency, which
may conict with some human sensibilities. When animal and human trajectories collide in the
built environment, to the extent that animals cannot be tamed or controlled, there is an under-
lying existential human experience of social disorder(Jerolmack, 2008, p. 89).
Even though coyotes live in urban and peri-urban areas, and make use of parks in these spaces,
they generally avoid humans. In contrast to coyotes living in more rural locations who are
primarily crepuscular (Beko& Gese, 2003), coyotes living in urban and peri-urban areas are
nocturnal (Atwood et al., 2004; Gehrt et al., 2009; Grinder & Krausman, 2001; Grubbs &
Krausman, 2009b; Moll et al., 2018). This temporal shift is thought to be one way coyotes avoid
humans. Moreover, coyotes avoid areas with high levels of human activity (Atwood et al., 2004;
Gehrt et al., 2009; George & Crooks, 2006; Mueller, Drake, & Allen, 2018; Reed & Merenlender,
2011). Furthermore, neither resident nor transient coyotes are attracted to areas associated with
human activity (Gehrt et al., 2009).
Management implications
Although mass killings of coyotes have been a common practice in North America (Alexander &
Quinn, 2011;Howell, 1982; Timm & Baker, 2007), killing coyotes in urban areas has become an
increasingly unpopular management action over the last 30 years (Kellert, 1985; Loring, 2015; Vaske
& Needham, 2007). Moreover, relocating coyotes is often not an option. In California, where the
largest portion of coyote attacks have occurred, it is illegal to relocate coyotes, and lethal measures
are used only as the last resort (Batey, 2014). The most common contemporary management
strategy appears to be some version of coexisting with coyotes that focuses on educating people to
minimize negative interactions (Fimrite, 2015; Timm & Baker, 2007; Webster, 2007).
Although some individuals may desire to see coyotes and may believe that coyotes have a right to
public space, survey data suggest that most individuals would rather not have to deal with these
creatures in their public parks. The data communicate that there is still a strong sentiment that parks,
especially urban parks, are the domain of people and their domestic pets. The pervasiveness of this
perspective suggests that authorities either need to engage in some targeted educational campaigns to
change peoples perceptions of coyotes, modify their management strategy, or risk a backlash of
public opinion. The qualitative data from this study suggest that if a strategy of coexistence with
coyotes is going to be successful, then management attempts need to directly address humansfear,
perception of coyotes as intruders, and support humansanity for coyotes and other non-humans.
Education campaigns may start by increasing peoples knowledge. Coyotes are not very
dangerous to humans. Furthermore, attempts should be made to reduce habituation by eliminat-
ing opportunities for coyotes to acquire anthropogenic sources of food (e.g., keep cats indoors,
leash dogs, remove fruit and nuts from trees; Alexander & Quinn, 2011). Furthermore, people
need education concerning what to do when they encounter a coyote. Residents are often advised
to haze coyotes with loud noises, ashing lights, and other aggressive actions (Kessler, 2016);
however, any management actions need to be monitored for long-term eectiveness (Baker &
Timm, 2017; Bounds & Shaw, 1994). Second, education campaigns may only lead to behaviour
change if they rst convince people that coyotes are permanent residents in urban and peri-urban
areas and extermination or relocation are not viable options. Increasing awareness of the number
of coyotes in the area may be one way to support this outcome.
Third, general anity for wildlife should be supported. This support for a local environmental
ethic may be helpful for urban wildlife, and may also promote a more general positive environmental
ethic. An important aspect of this goal is that any attempts to support an anity for wildlife in an
urban environment in an urban setting must work with the current perception of some human urban
residents that access to public space may be a zero-sum game where support for a non-human
animal, such as a coyote, may equate to a loss for the most marginalized human individuals.
The sequential mixed method study oers many methodological advantages; however, there are
limitations to the study. Although the sampling strategy benets from samples at the regional
(Northern California) and national level, neither are simple random samples, limiting the general-
izability of the ndings. Although there may be concern that using an online survey service that
uses a small incentive for participation such as Amazon Turk could lead to a distinct sample, the
major demographic dierences were the intended ones, the online sample was older and more
geographically dispersed, and the ranking responses of the two samples showed similarities.
Furthermore, the survey results did not control for dierences in rural versus urban background,
nor was the degree of urbanity of the respondentsprimary park measured.
Future studies can build on the ndings in this study by measuring how respondents
perspectives dier based on the location of the park and the respondents experience with coyotes
and nature more generally. Furthermore, additional research should seek to measure how
management strategies can impact peoples fear of coyotes, perception of coyotes right to
urban space, the publicsanity for nature and how those changes impact the humansrelative
preference for sharing park space with coyotes and other wildlife.
Parks are materially constructed spaces that are often socially constructed as spaces of leisure for
humans and their canine companions at the same time as they are habitat which other species use
to sustain themselves. Evaluations of preference for interactions between dierent species of park
visitors and residents require a reconsideration of which aspects of parks should be considered
timeless, and which aspects which should be modied based on contemporary perspectives. This
study provides evidence that most people prefer not to share their urban and peri-urban parks
with coyotes. If that option is no longer available and coexistence is to be the status quo into the
future, then authorities need to engage in educational campaigns to change the perception of
predators in urban and peri-urban public spaces.
Disclosure statement
No potential conict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes on contributor
Dr. JeRose is an assistant professor-lecturer in Parks, Recreation, and Tourism at the University of Utah. His
research examines systemic inequities expressed through class, race, political economy, and relationships to nature.
He uses this justice-focused lens on homelessness in parks, socioecological systems, outdoor education, and place
attachment in protected areas.
Jackson Wilson
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Co-existence is an emergent emphasis within animal geographies and urban wildlife policy that recognizes urban animals as both co-habitants and co-creators in the production of shared urban space and seeks to balance the well-being of humans and animals in the complexity of more-than-human relations. This paper considers how a municipal strategy that seeks to foster co-existence between humans and coyotes in Toronto, and the actions and practices that policy encourages, can be understood as acts of commoning. The policy focuses on public education as a way to shift perceptions and increase knowledge of coyotes and to modify human behavior (regarding waste-disposal and property maintenance) to dissuade coyotes from habituating to human-provided food sources. We engage with urban commons literature to propose that these practices can be understood as acts of commoning and as part of the processual work of negotiating more-than-human community benefits and needs that seek to build towards a more socially and ecologically just city.
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Humans can profoundly shape animal community dynamics, but such effects have rarely been evaluated for terrestrial carnivores. Humans affect carnivores in both spatial and temporal dimensions via the chance of human encounter and alteration of the landscape through urban development. We investigated three hypotheses regarding how humans mediate the sympatry of larger, dominant carnivores with their smaller, subordinate counterparts. We tested these hypotheses by examining the spatio-temporal dynamics of a dominant carnivore (coyote Canis latrans) and its subordinate competitor (red fox Vulpes vulpes) across an extensive urban park system. We found that dominant and subordinate carnivores exhibited strong and often opposing spatio-temporal responses to the probability of human encounter and urban development. Spatially, coyotes visited more highly developed sites less frequently while red foxes exhibited an opposing response. Temporally, both species avoided humans via nocturnal activity. Spatio-temporally, red foxes avoided coyotes at all sites and avoided humans at highly developed sites, whereas coyotes showed a positive association with humans at such sites. Our analysis indicates that areas with higher urban development might act as spatial refugia for some subordinate carnivores against interference from larger, dominant carnivores (a “human shield” effect). Our findings also reveal that broad-scale spatial avoidance is likely a crucial component of coexistence between larger, dominant carnivores and humans, whereas finer-scale spatio-temporal avoidance is likely a key feature of coexistence between humans and smaller, subordinate carnivores. Overall, our study underscores the complex and pervasive nature of human influence over the sympatry of competing carnivores inhabiting urban systems.
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This article considers the irreducible indeterminacy of the coywolf and how this shapes human perceptions of the animal, as well as attempts to manage it. The hybridity of the coywolf matters very much to its interactions with humans, as well as the panic that has ensued over its evolutionary success. They are genetic and morphological intermediaries, an admixture of western coyote, eastern wolf, and dog. They hunt in packs like wolves but demonstrate a fearlessness to humans more common of coyotes. They thrive in urban or semiurban environs, moving along our highway, transit, and green space systems in search of food and shelter. I suggest it is the putative ferality of the coywolf—its margin—dwelling between urban and wild, between wolf and coyote—that disrupts our prevailing narratives about how, and on whose terms, animals can occupy the world. But it is also an animal that offers an opening to think about mutual flourishing. I contend this is a fruitful place to start tackling the questions raised by the Anthropocene, and reimagining all creatures as cotravelers.
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Urban environments are increasing worldwide and are inherently different than their rural counterparts, with a variety of effects on wildlife due to human presence, increased habitat fragmentation, movement barriers, and access to anthropogenic food sources. Effective management of urban wildlife requires an understanding of how urbanization affects their behavior and ecology. The spatial activity and interactions of urban wildlife, however, have not been as rigorously researched as in rural areas. From January 2015 to December 2016, we captured, radio-collared, and tracked 11 coyotes and 12 red foxes in Madison, WI. Within our study area, coyotes strongly selected home ranges with high proportions of natural areas; conversely, red foxes selected home ranges with open space and moderately developed areas. Use of highly developed areas best explained variation among individual home range sizes and inversely affected home range size for coyotes and red foxes. Coyote and red fox home ranges showed some degree of spatial and temporal overlap, but generally appeared partitioned by habitat type within our study area. Coyotes and red foxes were both active at similar times of the day, but their movement patterns differed based on species-specific habitat use. This spatial partitioning may promote positive co-existence between these sympatric canids in urban areas, and our findings of spatial activity and interactions will better inform wildlife managers working in urban areas.
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Beginning with the emerging pattern of urban and suburban coyotes (Canis latrans) attacking humans in southern California in the late 1970s, we analyzed information from reported attacks to better understand the factors contributing to changes in coyote behavior. We subsequently used updated data collected largely in urban and suburban environments in the United States and Canada during the past 30 years to develop strategies to reduce the risk of attacks. In the 1990s, increased incidents of coyote attacks were reported in states beyond California and in Canadian provinces. We documented 367 attacks on humans by coyotes from 1977 through 2015, of which 165 occurred in California. Of 348 total victims of coyote attack, 209 (60%) were adults, and 139 (40%) were children (age ≤ 10 years). Children (especially toddlers) are at greater risk of serious injury. The attacks exhibited seasonal patterns, with more occurring during the coyote breeding and pup-rearing season (March through August) than September through February. We reiterate management recommendations that, when enacted, have been demonstrated to eff ectively reduce risk of coyote attack in urban and suburban environments, and we note limitations of non-injurious hazing programs. We observed an apparent growing incidence of coyote attack on pets, an issue that we believe will drive coyote management policy at the local and state levels.
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This article engages directly with a group of individuals who reside in and among the margins of an urban municipal park, through a 16-month critical ethnography. Facing abject poverty, threats from law enforcement, and trials of living outdoors, these 'Hillside residents' cite the local health department as a primary source of potential displacement from the place they call home. 'Health', in this context, references three interconnected features of contemporary urban homelessness: the material interactions associated with living outdoors, the litter that occasionally accumulates in the area, and human solid waste. Health also has specific discursive constructions on the Hillside, where the individuals living there are presented as unclean, particularly vis-a-vis the 'natural' unbuilt world in which they live. A logic of sanitizing the unclean means that 'cleaning' moves beyond the material imposition of humans on nature, or nature on humans. Instead, cleaning speaks to a societal problem: a need to cleanse society of unwanted social detritus, to create a healthy society. 'Cleanliness' creates an optimum, healthy urban experience to facilitate the transactions of contemporary consumer and financial capitalism, providing a new and central facet of global neoliberal restructuring, having particularly devastating effects for the lowest classes. Political ecology is leveraged to consider the roles of material and discursive cleanliness as an agent of health in the social reproduction of capitalism, creating natures and subjects that further support it.
Online experiments allow researchers to collect datasets at times not typical of laboratory studies. We recruit 2336 participants from Amazon Mechanical Turk to examine if participant characteristics and behaviors differ depending on whether the experiment is conducted during the day versus night, and on weekdays versus weekends. Participants make incentivized decisions involving prosociality, punishment, and discounting, and complete a demographic and personality survey. We find no time or day differences in behavior, but do find that participants at nights and on weekends are less experienced with online studies; on weekends are less reflective; and at night are less conscientious and more neurotic. These results are largely robust to finer-grained measures of time and day. We also find that those who participated earlier in the course of the study are more experienced, reflective, and agreeable, but less charitable than later participants.