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Closed due to ‘flooding’? UK media representations of refugees and migrants in 2015–2016 – creating a crisis of borders
Abstract
This article reports on a discourse analysis of high circulation news media sources in the United Kingdom, around six key events relating to migration in 2015–2016. This article argues that the dominant discourse in UK media constructed the increase in movements of people and applications for asylum as a ‘crisis of borders’. In this context, Europe’s borders were deemed problematically porous in enabling large numbers of people to enter. This porosity was painted as leading to an ongoing crisis for people in Europe, with the assumption being that allowing more people to enter would threaten European borders, security forces, people, and identity. These discursive constructions serve to marginalise considerations of insecurity and dangers that asylum seekers and refugees face in conflicts, and instead paint them not as experiencing violence, but rather as perpetrators of crisis themselves.
... Devletler, uluslararası yardım ve kalkınma organizasyonları, medya gibi aktörler; mültecileri "savaş kurbanları", "tekne insanları" (Pugh, 2004), "suya batan yabancılar" (Hoeg & Tulloch 2019), ya da "tehlikeli yabancılar" ( Bleiker, 2013;Pruitt 2019;Szczepanik, 2016) nitelendirmeleriyle mülteciliği klişe söylem ve imgelerin içine sıkıştırmaktadır (Bauman, 2002;Malkki, 1996;Rajaram, 2002). ...
... Araştırmalar gösteriyor ki mültecilerin medyada sergilenme biçimleri, onların sorunlarına somut çözümler üretilmesine katkı sağlamak yerine deneyimledikleri sosyal eşitsizlikleri daha da derinleştirmektedir (Goktuna, & Carpar 2019). Medyanın tehlike aracılığıyla kurduğu söylemsel inşalar; sığınmacıların ve mültecilerin terk ettikleri yerlerde karşılaştıkları güvensizlik ve tehlikelere ilişkin düşünceleri marjinalleştirmeye, onları şiddete maruz kalmış kişiler gibi değil, bizzat krizin failleri olarak resmetmeye hizmet etmektedir (Pruitt 2019). Bu anlamlandırma pratikleri, politik bir deneyim olan mülteciliği depolitize etmekte; mültecileri politik öznelerden çok insani yardımın birer nesnesi hâline getirmektedir. ...
Egemen temsil rejimi, mülteciyi “evrensel bir özne”; mülteciliği ise yoksulluk, mağduriyet ve muhtaçlığın karakterize ettiği bir deneyim olarak sunagelmiştir. Ancak çalışmalar, zorunlu göçün kitlesel medya ve uluslararası göç rejiminin sunmaya çalıştığı gibi homojen bir deneyim olmadığını; aksine sosyal, politik, ekonomik ve kültürel koşullara göre değişiklik gösterdiğini ortaya koymuştur. Benzer biçimde medya, mültecileri her zaman şiddet ve zulümden kaçan pasif kurbanlar olarak değil; örneğin İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasında olduğu gibi politik özneler olarak temsil etmiştir. Bu araştırma, internet ortamının marjinalleştirilen gruplar için kendi deneyimlerine dair anlatıları yeniden çerçeveleme imkânı sunduğu argümanına dayanarak Instagram’da zorunlu göç deneyimi olan kişilerce üretilen ve paylaşılan mülteci imgelerini analiz etmektedir. Aynı zamanda bu araştırma, yaşanmış deneyime dayalı bu görsel anlatıların klişe imgeleri tersine çevirmekte sunduğu olanaklara odaklanmaktadır. Analiz, Instagram’da mülteciler tarafından üretilen alternatif mülteci imgelerinin, hâlen sayıca sınırlı olsa da, paylaşımların mültecilik deneyiminin farklı yönlerini görünür kılarak uzun vadede pozitif bir değişim için iyimser bir çerçeve sunduğunu göstermektedir.
... The UK media commonly presents an image of the country as a container, bursting with the pressure of housing asylum-seeking families (Pruitt, 2019), which is reflected here. These are clear examples of how attitudes can be shaped by emotive media discourse and policy. ...
... This encourages the reader to perceive asylum seekers as objects of force, rather than people. Depersonalisation discourages the reader from experiencing empathy and compassion towards the objectified (Pruitt, 2019). ...
Background/Aims
Asylum-seeking women face higher rates of maternal and neonatal mortality as a result of multiple barriers to accessing maternity care. Midwives are currently experiencing short staffing and high rates of burnout. Complex cases can add additional workload and stress. There is an evidence gap concerning midwives’ experiences of caring for asylum-seeking women in the UK. This study's aim was to examine the existing literature on this topic and consider the findings against the current realities of working within the NHS maternity system.
Methods
Literature was screened using the Critical Appraisal Skills Programme qualitative article checklist and the preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses flow diagram. Eight studies were included and analysed for thematic similarities.
Results
The results of the systematic review were categorised into three themes: racism and resentment, structural difficulties and systematic problems.
Conclusions
Midwives lacked the time to appropriately care for asylum-seeking women. A lack of time and resources may negatively impact midwives’ attitudes towards asylum-seeking women.
... Otros estudios utilizaron una combinación de métodos para responder a sus preguntas de investigación, como entrevistas semiestructuradas, grupos focales, análisis de redes sociales y encuestas panel (Balabanova, 2019;Froio & Ganesh, 2019;Hamlin, 2016;Scalvini, 2016;Wirz et al., 2018). Se realizaron análisis de discurso en el 15% de los artículos (Bates, 2017;Gibson & Booth, 2017;Lams, 2018;Pruitt, 2019). Una minoría de artículos utilizó otros métodos, como un enfoque experimental de los efectos de los medios, el modelado de temas, el análisis de sentimientos, el análisis temático, los estudios de caso y las encuestas de opinión pública (Evans & Mellon, 2019;Harper & Hogue, 2019;Heidenreich et al., 2019;Risam, 2018;Ryan & Reicher, 2019;Schumann et al., 2020;Vautier, 2009). ...
... En algunos casos, los conceptos se usan indistintamente, con «inmigrantes» y «refugiados» como sinónimos, o las categorías se superponen, generando y reforzando estereotipos (Mizga & Trovão, 2018). Tanto los inmigrantes como los refugiados se representan como amenazas para la cultura, el estado de bienestar y la salud pública (Hamlin, 2016;Pruitt, 2019;Sacramento & Machado, 2015). Las metáforas que describen a los refugiados e inmigrantes como una «invasión» que está «inundando» un país promueven en la imaginación pública la sensación de que estos grupos son peligrosos o amenazantes, lo que aumenta el miedo hacia ellos. ...
En las últimas décadas, se ha prestado una mayor atención académica a las interacciones entre la inmigración, la cobertura de los medios de comunicación, los tipos de encuadres y el aumento del populismo. Este trabajo revisa sistemáticamente un grupo de artículos revisados por pares cuya temática son las representaciones mediáticas de los inmigrantes y los refugiados en Brasil y el Reino Unido con el fin de identificar el tono de dichas representaciones y los métodos de investigación utilizados. Esta es la primera revisión bibliográfica sistemática que compara estudios sobre los medios de comunicación y la inmigración que incluye una muestra de países del sur y del norte global. Este trabajo utiliza las directrices de PRISMA para recopilar, mapear y sistematizar 47 artículos revisados por pares y publicados en las últimas dos décadas. Encontramos tres tipos de tonos en los medios de comunicación analizados en los estudios de ambos países, ordenados aquí de mayor a menor frecuencia: negativo, neutro y positivo. Los medios de comunicación infrarrepresentan a los principales actores y utilizan estereotipos y discursos que trazan una frontera entre nosotros/as y los/as otros/as. Este trabajo contribuye a nuestra comprensión de las diferencias entre los estudios realizados en el Reino Unido y Brasil, y reclama más estudios comparativos que incluyan países del sur y del norte global. También demuestra la existencia de patrones de representación similares en ambos países.
... Other studies used a combination of methods to answer their research questions, such as semi-structured interviews, focus groups, social network analysis, and panel surveys (Balabanova, 2019;Froio & Ganesh, 2019;Hamlin, 2016;Scalvini, 2016;Wirz et al., 2018). Discourse analyses were carried out in 15% of the articles (Bates, 2017;Gibson & Booth, 2017;Lams, 2018;Pruitt, 2019). A minority of papers used other methods, such as an experimental approach to media effects, topic modeling, sentiment analysis, thematic analysis, case studies, and public opinion polls (Evans & Mellon, 2019;Harper & Hogue, 2019;Heidenreich et al., 2019;Risam, 2018;Ryan & Reicher, 2019;Schumann et al., 2020;Vautier, 2009). ...
... In some cases, concepts are used interchangeably, with "immigrants" and "refugees" being used synonymously, or the categories overlap, generating and reinforcing stereotypes (Mizga & Trovão, 2018). Both immigrants and refugees are represented as threats to culture, the welfare state, and public health (Hamlin, 2016;Pruitt, 2019;Sacramento & Machado, 2015). Metaphors describing refugees and immigrants as an "invasion" that is "flooding" a country promote in the public imagination a sense that these groups are dangerous or threatening, increasing fear toward them. ...
In recent decades, increased scholarly attention has been paid to the interactions between immigration, media coverage, framing, and the rise of populism. This paper draws on these interactions to systematically review peer-reviewed articles related to media representations of immigrants and refugees in Brazil and the United Kingdom (UK). The objective was to identify the tone used in such representations and the research methods applied in the articles. This is the first systematic literature review that compares studies on media and immigration including both Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, and Democratic (WEIRD) and non-WEIRD countries. This paper uses Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analysis (PRISMA) to collect, map, and systematize 47 peer-reviewed articles published in the past two decades. The findings show that, in the studies we analyzed, the tone of representation of refugees in the media in both countries is negative. Mass media underrepresent the main actors and use stereotypes and discourses of otherization. This paper contributes to our understanding of the differences between studies, including those conducted in the UK and Brazil, and calls for more comparative studies that include countries from the global south and global north. It also demonstrates the standardization of frames and tone of representation on immigration in both countries, suggesting similar patterns across different countries. Resumen En las últimas décadas, se ha prestado una mayor atención académica a las interacciones entre la inmigración, la cobertura de los medios de comunicación, los tipos de encuadres y el aumento del populismo. Este trabajo revisa sistemáticamente un grupo de artículos revisados por pares cuya temática son las representaciones mediáticas de los inmigrantes y los refugiados en Brasil y el Reino Unido con el fin de identificar el tono de dichas representaciones y los métodos de investigación utilizados. Esta es la primera revisión bibliográfica sistemática que compara estudios sobre los medios de comunicación y la inmigración que incluye una muestra de países del sur y del norte global. Este trabajo utiliza las directrices de PRISMA para recopilar, mapear y sistematizar 47 artículos revisados por pares y publicados en las últimas dos décadas. Encontramos tres tipos de tonos en los medios de comunicación analizados en los estudios de ambos países, ordenados aquí de mayor a menor frecuencia: negativo, neutro y positivo. Los medios de comunicación infrarrepresentan a los principales actores y utilizan estereotipos y discursos que trazan una frontera entre nosotros/as y los/as otros/as. Este trabajo contribuye a nuestra comprensión de las diferencias entre los estudios realizados en el Reino Unido y Brasil, y reclama más estudios comparativos que incluyan países del sur y del norte global. También demuestra la existencia de patrones de representación similares en ambos países.
... News media, as a main information source, are often accused of begin skewed to the negative side when it comes to reporting about the conducts and traits of ethnic "others". News coverage about immigrants seems to be replete with distressing images of illegality, crime, terrorism and the allegation of unfair labor market competition (Bennett et al. 2013;Greussing and Boomgaarden 2017;Pruitt 2019). Herewith a disturbing portrayal is constructed of refugees and immigrants as a threat to the economic, physical, and cultural well-being of host-countries. ...
... Media reports often linked "Arabs" or "North Africans" to incidents and assaults that occurred in the aftermath of the refugee crisis (Czymara and Schmidt-Catran 2017;Pruitt 2019). It might be that such news stories link sexual assaults to Arabic or North African individuals without explicitly referring to ethnicities. ...
The perceived sexual threat of ethnic outgroups has been argued to contribute to anti-immigrant attitudes within societies. The current study investigates to what extent news media might contribute to such negative outgroup perceptions by analyzing implicit sexual threat associations in Dutch news. The study draws on a sample of more than two million news articles published between 2008 and 2018 in five major Dutch newspapers. To identify implicit bias in this corpus, we use word embeddings—an advanced language modeling technique in Natural Language Processing (NLP). The results show that ethnic outgroups (i.e., nationalities that were most prominently represented among asylum applications in the Netherlands during the refugee crisis) are associated more strongly with sexual threat than ethnic ingroups. These findings proved robust across a diverse set of outgroups and ingroup nationalities and names, and point to the existence of considerable implicit bias in the coverage of ethnic minorities. Moreover, the sexual threat associated with Arabic names has grown stronger since the “refugee crisis”. Such implicit biases reflect and potentially reinforces individuals’ implicit associations between ethnic minorities and sexual threat, potentially explaining growing anti-immigration attitudes, especially since the refugee crisis.
... The potential for psychological impact from such exposure is demonstrated in various studies evidencing the relationship between news coverage of terrorist attacks and anxiety (Ben-Zur et al. 2012;Shoshani and Slone 2008;Slone 2000), distress (Silver et al. 2002), threat perception (Rubaltelli and Pittarello 2018), reduced trust (Giordano and Lindström 2016), support for military intervention (Soroka et al. 2016;Gadarian 2010), increased respect for authority (Tamborini et al. 2017) and outgroup prejudice (Das et al. 2009). Furthermore, news coverage of the ensuing European 'refugee/immigration crisis' channelled the same fears, contextualising the crisis in terms of socioeconomic impact, cultural dilution, loss of border control and chaos (Balch and Balabanova 2016;Lawlor 2015;Pruitt 2019). Images of overcrowded boats crossing the Mediterranean prompted analogies of water-related disquieting wording such as 'flood', 'wave', 'tide', 'stream' and 'deluge' (Pruitt 2019). ...
... Furthermore, news coverage of the ensuing European 'refugee/immigration crisis' channelled the same fears, contextualising the crisis in terms of socioeconomic impact, cultural dilution, loss of border control and chaos (Balch and Balabanova 2016;Lawlor 2015;Pruitt 2019). Images of overcrowded boats crossing the Mediterranean prompted analogies of water-related disquieting wording such as 'flood', 'wave', 'tide', 'stream' and 'deluge' (Pruitt 2019). Insect infestation and disease related metaphors (e.g. ...
The year 2016 witnessed historic political change with the ascension to power of Donald Trump and the UK’s vote to leave the European Union (i.e. Brexit). Research has sought to explain these once-deemed unlikely events, yet an evolutionary theoretical account remains unexplored. From a life history perspective, a rise in existential threat, potentially caused by increased media coverage of the War in Syria and immigration issues, may have prompted a shift to a faster life history strategy (LHS)/pace of life syndrome (POLS). Immediate answers were sought despite long-term consequences. In this multiple study paper, we shed light on this thesis. Firstly, in establishing a perceived increase in existential threats between 2014 and 2016. Secondly, by examining if LHS/POLS and associated proxies, as well as fear of terrorism and immigration predicted voting for Brexit or Trump. Trump voters feared terrorism, and Brexit voters feared immigration, but LHS/POLS was not directly, nor ultimately influential in their vote choice; however, for those that did not vote, it was. Nevertheless, other life history proxies were important factors in voting. Thus, the link between LHS/POLS and voting is complex but affords new insight into voter psychology during the EU referendum and US presidential election.
... Visual and textual narratives often represent migrants as silent and strange 'others', fundamentally different to national subjects. [15,16] These same narratives also produced a discursive category of Ukrainian newcomers as exceptional refugees: referred to in the media as 'people like us', 'civilised' and 'blue-eyed' [17], even if the neighbouring nations share a complicated history [18]. ...
... Initially, German media propagated the so-called Willkomenskultur (Vollmer and Karakayali 2017) and Italian news media humanized asylum seekers by emphasizing the en route difficulties and dangers of human trafficking (Brändle, Eisele, and Trenz 2019). Later, German and Italian news produced increasingly negative representations and, like the UK and Polish news, represented asylum seekers as threats and religious Others, and dehumanized them as 'floods' and 'flows' (Bruno 2016;Krzyżanowski 2020;Piela 2020;Pruitt 2019;Vollmer and Karakayali 2017). Comparative analyses found that news media produced contradictory discourses of humanitarian securitization vacillating between seeing them as victims or threats, and tending towards the latter as the time went on (Chouliaraki and Zaborowski 2017;Vollmer 2017). ...
We examine how the EU integration is narrated in news about asylum seekers. While extant research has examined representations of refugees in media, little attention has been paid to how the EU integration is imagined in such representations. Narration is of key importance to the ongoing EU integration and its contestation. The area of migration and asylum-seeking, in particular, generates terse conflicts between integration measures and individual member states over authority and power. As the EU attempted to coordinate a response to asylum seeking in 2015, ’media became the locus for institutional and intergovernmental clashes’ (Maricut-Akbik, 2020, p.1). We demonstrate the differences and entanglements between ideological ideas in the representation of governments’ and the EU’s debate about the refugee distribution schema by newspapers in Germany, Italy, Poland and the UK, each differently positioned in respect to the EU and the asylum seekers. Further, we demonstrate the utility of Greimas’ (1983) actantial schema to explicating ideological motivators in news narratives shaped by different state interests. We compare and tease out finer ideational points in representation of relations between governments and the EU as well as among the governments themselves and the ideological views informing these representations.
... By drawing on the Act refugees needs would be no longer considered to require unique support which reinforces the idea that refugees are a 'burden' on society and serves to other them (Sales, 2002). It challenges the idea that integration is a 'problem' and that refugee influxes are a 'crisis', as the recent migration of refugees into Europe from Syria has been described (Pruitt, 2019). Instead, refugees are recognised as requiring support in the same way many other groups are. ...
Integration is widely considered to be difficult to define and even harder to facilitate. Whist the integration of migrants to the United Kingdom (UK) remains a ‘hot topic’ in policy, politics and public opinion it is also the subject of numerous attempts to conceptualise and measure it. In this article we draw on empirical research undertaken with a wide range of organisations working between refugees and powerful national organisations which perform everyday ‘integration work’. We present a possible framework for operationalising and enriching the day-to-day work of the integration of refugees. We explore this work through the lens of the Equality Act 2010. In so doing, we aim to demonstrate that more closely aligning ‘integration work’ within the framework of the Equality Act provides both greater conceptual and operational clarity about how to enhance the integration of refugees in the UK.
... However, the extensive use and creative elaboration of WATER metaphors seemed to dramatically increase in the press when dealing with this topic, to the point that phrases like "flow of refugees" or "flow of immigrants" turned into the default ones to refer to the arrival of Syrian immigrants at Europe (Fotopoulos & Kaimaklioti 2016, Abid et al. 2017, Pruitt 2019 Several factors can be mentioned for this proliferation. In the first place, the high numbers of displaced people during the crisis. ...
In 2015 and 2016, European newspapers covered the Syrian migration into Europe in great detail, describing the path followed by millions of refugees as European authorities put up both physical and metaphorical obstacles to stop their advance. Water metaphors, a common resource in immigration discourse, were extensively used in the media during this period. Apparently neutral, expressions like the flow of refugees or a new wave of immigrants seemed to be devoid of ideological bias, and so an objective, factual way to present the news about it. This paper presents an in-depth analysis of the contexts in which water metaphors were used in two ideologically opposed Spanish newspapers in this period. Results show that their descriptive function was surpassed by the evaluative one, as revealed by the high frequency of force dynamic schemas underlying the flow metaphor, the most frequent one in the sample. Negatively charged, the frequent use of flow to refer to Syrian refugees could have affected public opinion on the event. Also, a contrastive analysis suggests that there are subtle differences between the right and the left wing when using these metaphors, but they are not as significant as expected, since both newspapers tend to avoid overt negativity in their discourse on Syrian migration. Considering the relatively small size of the sample, further work needs to be done to confirm these results in the Spanish press and also to extend the analysis to other European media.
... As a result, the EU's failure is complete (Anderson 2017). An extremely wealthy political and economic union comprising 510 million people and steeped in human rights rhetoric proved unable and unwilling to craft a new home to a small number of 2.6 million newcomers (Pruitt 2019). Nobody in his right mind can attribute the failure to lack of resources (Khiabany 2016). ...
A Cultural History of Memory in the Twentieth Century cannot be written without taking into account the massive impact of the nation state on collective memory formation. This volume explores the power of the nation as a framework for the operation of collective memory but, in line with recent memory theory, the contributions also warn against the pitfalls of ‘methodological nationalism’ which risks subsuming society under the rubric of the nation-state. Likewise, it would be hard to imagine a cultural history of twentieth century memory which did not accord the Holocaust a central place in that history. As such, several chapters in this volume address this genocide. One key concern which emerges in this book is the question of periodization: how should we conceive of patterns in memory over the course of the twentieth century? Many developments in memory across the globe are connected by the fact that political, social and cultural forces in the twentieth century have been and remain global in reach. As such, this volume underlines the importance of progressing the agenda of ‘transnational memory’ studies. In doing so, A Cultural History of Memory in the Twentieth Century emphasizes the need to move beyond a focus on memory of war and genocide and seeks to offer a rich and diverse study of memory in the modern world.
... This is perhaps not surprising, since over the past two decades questions about migration and refuge have been a key political issue in various parts of the globe. In 2015, the so-called "refugee crisis" had impacted on many European countries both in a political and societal sense (Lucassen 2017;Pruitt 2019). In the United States, the issue of migration became one of the central preoccupations of the 2016 Election, leading to the election of Donald Trump (Durand and Massey 2019;Waldinger 2018). ...
Social scientists working on race and ethnicity are facing up to the challenge of how the Covid-19 pandemic is impacting on their research agendas. In this introduction, we discuss the emerging evidence about the impact of Covid-19 in terms of race and ethnicity, on migrants and refugees, and on research agendas. By focusing on the discussion that has developed about these issues during 2020 we aim to provide some of the broader background to the specific concerns to be found in the rest of this themed issue. We move on from this overview of key developments to a discussion of the key themes that are explored by the fourteen papers that follow.
This research offers a critical perspective on the news coverage by the European Parliament’s virtual press room (VPR) of the refugee issue during the European migrant crisis, from 2015 to 2017. Recent social media research has focused on systematizing a theoretical approach to VPRs, but there is a remarkable lack of critical approaches that link news production to the institutional ideologies operating in the news industry. A content analysis is conducted on the characteristics and tone of news articles published by the VPR, followed by a comparison with the European Union’s regulatory framework and actual response to the issue. The research reveals a positive treatment in news coverage of the refugee issue, which suggests an imbalance between the European Union’s institutional news policy on refugees and the weak and fractured response of European organizations when taking action on the issue.
This paper presents a critical discourse analysis of high circulation news media sources in the United Kingdom, during the period of Brexit (2016 – 2020). A recent study has found that the type of newspaper read corresponded with a person’s vote in the 2016, Brexit election (Pruitt, 2019). Considering the close link between the media, public opinion and legislation, it is necessary to analyse media discourses to understand the underlying power relations of today’s society and how they influence the average person’s values (Fox et al., 2012; Gabrielatos & Baker, 2008). The dominant discourse found, describes the type of immigrant desired in Britain. The post-Brexit ‘good’ immigrant is described as a hard-working, educated individual willing to adopt British culture and identity, while discussions centre around the need to place a cap on student and work visas to manage immigration. In contrast, low wage workers are seen as ‘bad’ immigrants who are often associated with crime and living off of the welfare system. This article argues that the content of the British Press reflects the current socio-political, neoliberal context where neoliberal values outweigh humanitarian values. This research points out significant contradictions in media discourse regarding immigration. Such contradictions confuse the public whilst also reflecting Britain’s Western supremacist desire of a pick and choose immigration system which only benefits the British economy.
This article demonstrates the importance of paying attention to the roles children and childhood play in policy making relating to migration, especially since the outcomes of these debates have serious implications for children and for migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers of all ages. The article considers a case study examining political representations of migrant, asylum seeker, and refugee children from 2015 to 2016 in the United Kingdom Parliament. Applying discourse analysis to Hansard records, the article demonstrates how across significant political differences, policy makers come together in painting children as victims in need of urgent protection while situating themselves and the UK as best placed to determine how to provide this security to the children in question – historically, currently, and in the future. In doing so, policy makers contribute to inaccurate essentialisations of children, and simultaneously situate the UK as a global protector of children, even when limited agreement on policy approaches exists. While emotion‐laden, simplified images drawing on common stereotypes of children as victims may seem a quick, effective way to bolster support for a given policy, policy makers seeking to enhance children’s security should recognise that such representations may simultaneously exclude important considerations of children’s views, participation, and needs.
The European refugee crisis has been communicated visually through images such as those of Alan Kurdi lying dead on the beach, by body bags on the harbor front of Lampedusa, by people walking through Europe and by border guards and fences. This article examines the broader visual environment within which EU policy-making took place from October 2013 to October 2015. It identifies ‘tragedy’ as the key term used by the EU to explain its actions and decisions and points out that discourses of humanitarianism and border control were both in place. The article provides a theoretical account of how humanitarianism and border control might be visualized by news photography. Adopting a multi-method design and analyzing a dataset of more than 1000 photos, the article presents a visual discourse analysis of five generic iconic motifs and a quantitative visual content analysis of shifts and continuity across four moments in time. The article connects these visual analyses to the policies and discourses of the EU holding that the ambiguity of the EU’s discourse was mirrored by the wider visual environment.
Millaista on suomalainen maahanmuuttokeskustelu? Julkisuudessa puhutaan ”pakolaisaalloista” ja ”tulvista” ja näytetään karttoja Eurooppaan ”hyökyvistä siirtolaisvirroista”. Todellisuudessa valtaosa pakolaisista on lähellä kriisialueita, muualla kuin Euroopassa.
Miten puhetavat ruokkivat ennakkoluuloja ja ääriliikkeitä? Miten poliittinen ilmapiiri on muototutunut uudenlaisen mediaympäristön aikana? Entä miten Suomessa on historian saatossa keskusteltu esimerkiksi romaneista?
Muuttoliike murroksessa selvittää, miten muuttoliikkeeseen ja turvapaikanhakijoihin liittyviä mielikuvia luodaan. Kirja purkaa vakiintuneita puhetapoja, retorisia ja metaforisia kehystyksiä ja yhteiskunnallista polarisaatiota ja ennakkoluuloja ruokkivia merkityksenannon tapoja.
Metaphor, a significant linguistic resource for representing
events, people and their actions in conflict situations, is capable of
revealing ideological positioning and inclinations of news reporters. This paper therefore examines strategic deployment of metaphors by selected Nigerian newspapers in representing refugees and their actions in the Bakassi Peninsula border conflict with a view to uncovering underlying ideologies in the representations. Using insights from Charteris-Black‟s (2004) Critical Metaphor Theory and Lakoff and Johnson‟s (1980) Conceptual Theory of Metaphor, the study analyses instances of conceptual metaphors in the news reports on the border conflict from two Nigerian national newspapers, namely The Punch and The Guardian, published between August 2008 and August 2009. The findings reveal that metaphors of disease, dangerous water, natural disasters and confusion are deployed to conceptualise refugees as threats, impending danger and agents of chaos and social disorder at their resettlement camps. The underlying ideologies are altruism, social justice and humanitarianism. The
paper concludes that tact is essential in the choice of metaphors, especially in conflict news reporting, as metaphoric representations are capable of escalating or reducing conflict situations.
This book seeks out the origins of contemporary English nationalism. Whilst much academic and political attention has been given to England’s place within the United Kingdom since devolution, the author argues that recent English nationalism actually derives from Britain’s troubled relationship with European integration. Drawing on political evidence from the former Empire, the debates surrounding EEC accession and the United Kingdom’s ongoing membership in the European Union, the author identifies the foundations of contemporary English nationalism. In doing so, he adds an important corrective to the debate about nationalism in England, pulling our gaze out from the United Kingdom itself and onto a wider field. Far from being ‘absent’, English nationalism as we know it today has been driven by resistance to European integration since the end of Empire in the 1960s.
In 2014, more than 200,000 refugees and migrants fled for safety across the Mediterranean Sea. Crammed into overcrowded, unsafe boats, thousands drowned, prompting the Pope to warn that the sea was becoming a mass graveyard. The early months of 2015 saw no respite. In April alone more than 1,300 people drowned. This led to a large public outcry to increase rescue operations.
Throughout this period, UNHCR and other humanitarian organisations, engaged in a series of largescale media advocacy exercises, aiming at convincing European countries to do more to help. It was crucial work, setting the tone for the dramatic rise in attention to the refugee crisis that followed in the second half of 2015.
But the media was far from united in its response. While some outlets joined the call for more assistance, others were unsympathetic, arguing against increasing rescue operations. To learn why, UNHCR commissioned a report by the Cardiff School of Journalism to explore what was driving media coverage in five different European countries: Spain, Italy, Germany, the UK and Sweden.
Researchers combed through thousands of articles written in 2014 and early 2015, revealing a number of important findings for future media advocacy campaigns.
Most importantly, they found major differences between countries, in terms of the sources journalists used (domestic politicians, foreign politicians, citizens, or NGOs), the language they employed, the reasons they gave for the rise in refugee flows, and the solutions they suggested. Germany and Sweden, for example, overwhelmingly used the terms ‘refugee’ or ‘asylum seeker’, while Italy and the UK press preferred the word ‘migrant’. In Spain, the dominant term was ‘immigrant’. These terms had an important impact on the tenor of each country’s debate.
Media also differed widely in terms of the predominant themes to their coverage. For instance, humanitarian themes were more common in Italian coverage than in British, German or Spanish press. Threat themes (such as to the welfare system, or cultural threats) were the most prevalent in Italy, Spain and Britain.
Overall, the Swedish press was the most positive towards refugees and migrants, while coverage in the United Kingdom was the most negative, and the most polarised. Amongst those countries surveyed, Britain’s right-wing media was uniquely aggressively in its campaigns against refugees and migrants.
This report provides important insights into each country’s press culture during a crucial period of agenda-setting for today’s refugee and migrant crisis. It also offers invaluable insights into historical trends. What emerges is a clear message that for media work on refugees, one size does not fit all. Effective media advocacy in different European nations requires targeted, tailored campaigns, which takes into account their unique cultures and political context.
During a non-binding referendum on the UK’s membership in the European Union in June 2016, 51.9% of UK voters voted in favour of leaving the European Union, also known as Brexit. However, the Local Authorities in the UK showed a wide variation in the referendum outcome. For 380 Local Authorities, the European Union referendum outcome was linked to data derived from the 2011 Census, creating a database to investigate associations between local factors and the referendum outcome. This ecological study formulated and tested hypotheses related to migration and economic issues as those two topics dominated the European Union referendum campaign. The results of multivariable generalised linear model analyses showed that the percentage of migrants who arrived between 2004 and 2011 in local areas was positively associated with the proportion of Leave-votes. This indicates that the relative number of recently arrived migrants might have been a key factor in voters’ decisions. Further research might focus on the origin of those migrants. Furthermore, in England, the percentage of lower educated was positively associated with the proportion of Leave-votes. This indicates that England was divided along educational lines. Moreover, this study also found a positive association between the proportion of elderly with self-reported poorer general health and the proportion of Leave-votes. Although investigating local health outcomes was beyond the study’s aim, this result indicates that health issues might be of importance in understanding local differences in European Union referendum outcomes. These findings provide us with a better understanding of the underlying factors of the Brexit-vote and directions for future research.
This article develops a conceptual framework that prompts new lines of enquiry and questions for security researchers. We advance the notion of ‘everyday security’ which encompasses both the lived experiences of security processes and the related practices that people engage in to govern their own safety. Our analysis proceeds from a critical appraisal of several dominant themes within current security research, and how ‘everyday security’ addresses key limitations therein. Everyday experiences and quotidian practices of security are then explored along three key dimensions; temporality, spatial scale and affect/emotion. We conclude by arguing that the study of everyday security provides an invaluable critical vantage-point from which to reinvigorate security studies and expose the differential impacts of both insecurity and
securitisation.
The 'power' of media Mass media are believed to cause violence, sexual promiscuity and contribute to discrimination against women. Media advertising is used to sell products and services. News in leading media has been shown to significantly affect stock prices; lead to corporate collapses; cause falls in sales of products; result in the resignation of senior office-holders – even bring down Presidents. Further information on the effects of mass media is provided in Macnamara (2003), Mass Media Effects: A Review of 50 Years of Media Effects Research. Sociologists have been interested in mass media content since the early 20 th century, starting with Max Weber who saw media content as a means of monitoring the 'cultural temperature' of society (Hansen, Cottle, Negrine & Newbold, 1998, p. 92). Media content analysis – an overview Media content analysis is a specialized sub-set of content analysis, a well-established research methodology. Neuendorf (2002) describes content analysis as "the primary message-centred methodology" (p. 9) and cites studies such as Riffe and Freitag (1997) and Yale and Gilly (1988) which "reported that in the field of mass communication research, content analysis has been the fastest-growing technique over the past 20 years or so" (Neuendorf, 2002, p.1). Riffe and Freitag (1997) found that the number of content analyses published in Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly increased from 6.3% of all articles in 1971 to 34.8% in 1995 – nearly a six-fold increase. Fowler (as cited in Neuendorf (2002) reported that by the mid-1980s over 84% of masters level research methods courses in journalism in the US included content analysis (p. 27) Content analysis is used to study a broad range of 'texts' from transcripts of interviews and discussions in clinical and social research to the narrative and form of films, TV programs and the editorial and advertising content of newspapers and magazines.
Dealing with refugees is one of the most contested political issues in Australia. We examine how media images of asylum seekers have framed ensuing debates during two crucial periods over the past decade. By conducting a content analysis of newspaper front pages we demonstrate that asylum seekers have primarily been represented as medium or large groups and through a focus on boats. We argue that this visual framing, and in particular the relative absence of images that depict individual asylum seekers with recognisable facial features, associates refugees not with a humanitarian challenge, but with threats to sovereignty and security. These dehumanising visual patterns reinforce a politics of fear that explains why refugees are publicly framed as people whose plight, dire as it is, nevertheless does not generate a compassionate political response.
This article shows how press selection and presentation of knowledge and expertise relate to processes of sense-making over contemporary political dilemmas. It develops an approach that combines framing analysis with theoretical insights from the literature on narrative and complexity. It demonstrates the value of this approach through quantitative and qualitative analysis of media coverage of the UK government’s decision-making over access to the labour market for new European Union (EU) citizens in 2006. The findings illuminate the relationship between expertise and complexity, the partisan way in which the media utilize expertise, and how official and non-official sources relate to certainty and uncertainty over policy. The article also contributes to our understanding of how intense media scrutiny can shape public debates on immigration, where ‘moral panics’ are often accompanied by calls for government intervention, and the supposedly rational world of facts and figures is distorted into a ‘numbers game’.
This article explores how metaphors contribute to the formation of legitimacy in right-wing political communication on immigration policy in the 2005 British election campaign. It investigates the role played by metaphors in the formation of right-wing political legitimacy and the differences in how metaphor is used by the far and centre-right. The two main types identified are ‘natural disaster’ metaphors - predominantly relating to fluids - and ‘container’ metaphors concerning a build up of pressure within or outside a container. These two types are related through the notion of a bounded area protecting what is within from external danger. The container metaphor is persuasive in political communication because it merges a fourth dimension of time with spatially based concepts of two or three dimensions. It implies that controlling immigration through maintaining the security of borders (a spatially-based concept) will ensure control over the rate of social change in Britain (a time-based concept). It also heightens emotional fears associated with the penetration of a container.
This article analyses recent media discourses surrounding asylum seekers and refugees in the Australian Press. Two ‘quality’ broadsheets are investigated over a three year period—the Brisbane Courier Mail and the Sydney Morning Herald . The paper argues that refugees and asylum seekers have been routinely constructed not only as a ‘problem’ population but as a ‘deviant’ population in relation to the integrity of the nation state, race and disease. In problematizing this construction the social functions of representations of deviance are considered in relation to the construction of the ‘normality’ of prevailing social orders and the reproduction of hegemony.
This article analyses how the British political elite has securitised migration and asylum since 9/11 by looking at when and how parliamentary debates linked counter-terrorism to immigration and/or asylum. The findings suggest that there is considerable reluctance within the political elite to introduce or especially sustain the connection between migration and terrorism too intensely in public debate. The parliamentary debates also show that for understanding the securitising of migration and asylum one cannot focus exclusively on the main security framing that is found in counter-terrorism debates, which we name ‘the politics of exception’. There is at least one other format, which we call ‘the politics of unease’, that is central to how the British political elite securitises migration and asylum, and contests it, in the public realm.
In October 2001, it was alleged that asylum seekers had thrown their children overboard in order to manipulate the Australian Navy to pick them up and take them to Australian territory. In response to this incident, Prime Minister John Howard announced on radio 3LO: ‘I certainly don't want people like that here.’ (Mares, 2002: 135) A discursive approach is adopted in this paper to examine how asylum seekers have been constructed to be ‘people like that’ in the print media. The analysis demonstrates that asylum seekers have been represented as illegal, non-genuine and threatening in these texts. These representations were employed within nationalist discourse to legitimate the government's actions and public opinion concerning asylum seekers and to manage the delicate issue of national identity. The discursive management of the collective identity of asylum seekers by the dominant culture to construct a specific social reality is discussed and illustrated.
What kind of a world is one in which border security is understood as necessary? How is this transforming the shores of politics? And why does this seem to preclude a horizon of political justice for those affected? Border Security responds to these questions through an interdisciplinary exploration of border security, politics and justice. Drawing empirically on the now notorious case of Australia, the book pursues a range of theoretical perspectives - including Foucault's work on power, the systems theory of Niklas Luhmann and the cybernetic ethics of Heinz Von Foerster - in order to formulate an account of the thoroughly constructed and political nature of border security. Through this detailed and critical engagement, the book's analysis elicits a political alternative to border security from within its own logic: thus signaling at least the beginnings of a way out of the cost, cruelty and devaluation of life that characterises the enforced reality of the world of border security.
Displacement is clearly gendered; age also has a strong influence on outcomes and experiences for the displaced, including a significant impact on how they are understood by the public and policy makers. It is important to keep this in mind when considering how children and youth are understood within contexts of conflict and insecurity, how they are affected by these forces, and how they navigate their lives in these contexts, especially in seeking peaceful outcomes. Here we engage with the current so-called European migration crisis as a potential watershed moment in understandings of children and youth as refugees. In particular, we suggest that the public representations of young people in this context can be deeply influenced by stereotypes and assumptions around gender and age that may-intentionally or inadvertently-lead to greater insecurity for people of diverse genders and ages. Likewise, we argue that when considering scholarship, policy, and practice in relation to migration, it is critical to develop and apply a lens that accounts for both gender and age.
This paper reconsiders Stephen Castle’s classic paper Why Migration Policies Fail. Beginning with the so-called migration crisis of 2015 it considers the role of numbers is assessing success or failure. It argues that in the UK public debates about immigration changed with European Union (EU) Enlargement in 2004, when the emphasis shifted from concerns about asylum to concerns about EU mobility. Concerns were exacerbated by the government’s failure to meet its promise to reduce net migration. This policy is hampered by the general problem of definition of “migrant” and the gap between statistical measures and popular usage in which “migration” signifies problematic mobility. In fact, concern about migration has become a placeholder for concerns about globalization and democratic accountability. A new politics of migration must make connections between migrants and citizens, but also between migration and other global processes, particularly outsourcing and the exploitation of labour and resources in the global south.
The 2016 referendum marked a watershed moment in the history of the United Kingdom. The public vote to leave the EU –for a Brexit’- brought an end to the country’s membership of the European Union (EU) and set it on a fundamentally different course. Recent academic research on the vote for Brexit points to the importance of immigration as a key driver, although how immigration influenced the vote remains unclear. In this article, we draw on aggregate level data and individual-level survey data from the British Election Study (BES) to explore how immigration shaped public support for Brexit. Our findings suggest that, specifically, increases in the rate of immigration at the local level and sentiments regarding control over immigration were key predictors of the vote for Brexit, even after accounting for factors stressed by established theories of Eurosceptic voting. Our findings suggest that a large reservoir of support for leaving the EU, and perhaps anti-immigration populism more widely, will remain in Britain, so long as immigration remains a salient issue.
Intrigued about a political puzzle of militarisation, the argument presented here is built on three anchoring concepts that, combined, demonstrate what a feminist security studies take on ‘the political’ can offer: it involves a focus on the everyday as the site where the political puzzle is found; ‘dance’ is used as a methodological metaphor to explain what the political puzzle of militarisation is; and ‘family’ is the gendered analytical concept used to show how Remembrance events are normalising militarisation as the character of society. More specifically, the first section disentangles ‘the political’ theoretically by negotiating ontological tensions between ‘emancipation’ and poststructuralist epistemology. It ends with a poststructuralist feminist analytical focus on ‘the political’ as bodies in the everyday. The second section explores ‘the political’ methodologically through the idea of militarisation as a choreographed security practice in the mediatised every day. A nuanced way to explore the normalising process of militarisation is presented, conceptualised as dance due to the centrality of subtle movements, bodies and emotions. The third section illustrates the dance of militarisation empirically with an analysis of a choreographed political performance of a 2013 Remembrance event in the United Kingdom. Here, the notion of ‘family’ is used to unmake common sense and to make feminist sense of the hidden politics of militarisation. The article argues that feminist security studies ‘enter’ the political differently and, thus, performs critical security studies in a way that opens up a space to move beyond the dominant narrative of our discipline. It concludes with a call for letting our political puzzles, rather than the academic field, guide our research design as a way to ensure a more creative engagement with our disciplinary future.
This article focuses on women's involvement in peacekeeping operations and the introduction in 2007 of an all-female formed police unit (FFPU). Possible benefits and challenges of deploying all-female contingents in peace operations are considered and feminist theories of international relations are drawn upon to evaluate arguments for including women in peace and security missions. Media discourses on the Indian FFPU deployed to Liberia in 2007 are analysed, revealing a potential to reshape attitudes about the role of women in peace and security, and emphasizing that femininity need not be incompatible with strength and capacity for protection.
We examine the British newspapers' coverage of the death of Princess Diana and its immediate aftermath. Our main focus is on how the press dealt with the issue of their own potential culpability, as a feature of news reporting itself. The press deployed a series of descriptive categories and rhetorical oppositions, including regular press vs paparazzi; tabloid vs broadsheet; British vs (various categories of) foreign; supply vs demand (for its content); and a number of general purpose devices such as a contrast between emotional reactions and considered judgments. The study has two major aims: (1) to analyse the textual workings of the press, as a medium of factual reportage operating within a range of normative requirements for factual objectivity, public concern, responsible journalism, meeting readers' demands, etc.; and (2) to contribute to a generally applicable discourse analytic approach to how factual reports are assembled, used, and undermined, in an interplay of description and accountability.
This article investigates the role of visual representation through images in the international refugee regime, with a particular focus on the female refugee. I argue that visual representation illustrated by the photo archives of the unhcr in particular, but also in other institutional sources, plays a crucial role in shaping our imaginations and knowledges, and that its dynamics are important in understanding the politics of asylum. As the international refugee regime institutionalised by the unhcr has developed, the imagination of the refugee has undergone three concurrent shifts: racialisation, victimisation and feminisation. Each of these shifts has contributed to changing policies and practices in the regime, particularly the change in ‘preferred solution’ from integration to repatriation or, where possible, prevention. More importantly, these shifts have all operated within a discourse of depoliticisation of the refugee, denying the figure of the refugee the capacity for political agency. This depoliticisation works through the construction of the ‘female’ refugee, indicating important lessons for our understandings of the political agency of both women and non-citizens.
In this article we argue that since 1945 Japanese foreign policy has evolved through five phases, which will culminate in
Japan's re-emergence as a global ordinary power. We then discuss three potential models of ordinary power that are ideal-typical
in nature, but which share some qualities with the respective political circumstances of France, Germany, and Britain. We
also consider the legitimacy and capacity deficits that Japan possesses, and the way in which recent electoral developments
may contribute to the addressing of these deficits. We argue that Japan is using the British model as a foundation for the
acquisition of ordinary power status. In doing so it is increasingly binding itself to the United States. But such a move
can also provide a platform from which to develop the possibilities that lie beyond bilateralism (plus), in the realm of the
German model, and wider regional cooperation.
This paper discusses some principles of critical discourse analysis, such as the explicit sociopolitical stance of discourse analysts, and a focus on dominance relations by elite groups and institutions as they are being enacted, legitimated or otherwise reproduced by text and talk. One of the crucial elements of this analysis of the relations between power and discourse is the patterns of access to (public) discourse for different social groups. Theoretically it is shown that in order to be able to relate power and discourse in an explicit way, we need the `cognitive interface' of models, knowledge, attitudes and ideologies and other social representations of the social mind, which also relate the individual and the social, and the micro- and the macro-levels of social structure. Finally, the argument is illustrated with an analysis of parliamentary debates about ethnic affairs.
This paper investigates the causes of the recent rise in extreme right and racist violence in Western Europe. In the first part, the available data on extreme right and racist violence in eight Western European countries - Germany, France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Switzerland, Sweden, Denmark and Norway - are discussed. Contrary to the image presented in the media, Germany is no 'Sonderfall’ as regards the level of violence. Germany belongs to the countries with the highest levels of violence, but Switzerland and Great Britain are roughly comparable in this regard. The second part of the paper attempts to explain cross-national differences by applying two theoretical perspectives from the social movement literature. The grievance model, which sees the causes of violence in grievances related to the main target groups of the extreme right (foreigners and asylum seekers) and more general feelings of anomie among the socially marginal, finds little support in the data. The opportunity model, which emphasizes the role of political elites in shaping mobilization opportunities for social movements, finds support in an analysis of the relation between the development of extreme right and racist violence and the political debate around asylum legislation in Germany. Moreover, cross-national comparison shows that the amount of violence also depends on the prior strength of extreme right and racist parties. Contrary to common wisdom, but in line with the expectations derived from the opportunity model, the level of violence tends to be low where extreme right and racist parties are strong and vice versa.
Recent studies on foreigners and mass media in germany asked if and how media contributed to the spread of xenophobic assaults in the early nineties. Most studies dealt with coverage on immigration and asylum matters as well as on racial attacks. Other — more descriptive — research analyzed media images of foreigeners in different contexts, such as crimes committed by immigrants. This article integrates both research traditions and deals with media effects beyond the „immigration discourse“ (Niehr/Böke 2000): Does coverage on violence committed by „strangers“ have an impact on real violence against „strangers“? We applied time series methods on data from content analyses and on crime statistics from the Federal Bureau of Criminal Investigation (BKA). Our study establishes a strong correlation between negative media coverage on Kurds and the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) on the one and attacks against foreigners on the other hand, concerning the time period from 1993 to 1996.
The European Union is often seen as a laboratory for a post-national polity. Leaving aside important discussions regarding exclusionary citizenship practices at the European level, this article draws attention to the on-going importance of member states' citizenship traditions, which constrain the development of post-national citizenship in the EU. Considering the cases of Germany and the UK, the article shows how longer-standing citizenship traditions continue to play an important role in mediating relations between citizens and migrants. This, we suggest, remains the case despite changes to citizenship law over the past decades that have brought the two traditions closer to one another. Specifically, the article examines the on-going influence of each citizenship tradition with reference to political debates surrounding migration since 11 September 2001. It argues that divergent processes of 'securitising' migration reflect the respective citizenship traditions of the two member states.
No Boat people, whether refugees or migrants, are protected by special provisions in custom and law relating to safety and rescue at sea. At the same time, the governments of coastal states have expressed concern about the arrival of boat people and have been robust in depicting and treating them as a threat. The questions addressed in this article are: how and why have boat people been regarded as a threat, and what challenges does this treatment present for the humanitarian regime at sea? The article connects two dimensions of the issue. First it deconstructs the prevailing images and discourse surrounding boat people that contribute to securitizing them as a threat. Securitization is defined as the process by which issues are identified, labelled and reified as threats to a community, often by politicians for electoral gain. Second, the article argues that this securitization challenges the maritime regime, which is infused with humanitarian values based on solidarity among seafarers. Both short and long-term remedies might be considered. The immediate requirement is to ensure not only that asylum seekers at sea continue to be rescued and protected but also that the maritime regime is strengthened to facilitate their arrival at a place of safety. Over the longer term, de-securitizing the issue of asylum seekers and boat people requires action to address perceptions in destination states.
Tariq Al-Euroba: Displacement Trends of Syrian Asylum Seekers to the EU. Florence: Migration Policy Centre
- L Achilli
Migrant crisis: Migration to Europe explained in seven charts
- Bbc News
The catastrophe that will really tear Europe apart: Saturday essay–forget the Greek crisis and Britain’s referendum. The tidal wave of migrants–and the anarchy it’s provoking–could be the biggest threat our continent has faced since the war
- M Burleigh
‘French border deal won’t be affected by Brexit, says Paris
- A Chrisafis
‘Absurd’ court ruling slammed as ‘adult migrant claiming to be child’ is awarded damages
- P Christys
Farage claims Cologne sex attacks ‘covered-up’ as he warns gangs could come to Britain
- G Heffer
Blaming the victim: An analysis of press representations of refugees and asylum seekers
- R Kaye
Cologne and the immigration sex-ratio dilemma
- R Khalaf
Europe faces 10 MILLION MORE refugees from Middle East as crisis spirals, politician warns
- T Parfitt
Refugee crisis: Austria welcomes thousands of migrants arriving at its border on busses from Hungary
- A Sehmer
The turmoil of today’s world: Leading writers respond to the refugee crisis
- The Guardian
Migrant crisis means Sweden now has higher ratio of teenage boys-to-girls than CHINA
- F Araujo
Tension high over refugees despite city’s history as a sanctuary: Migration
- T Barber
What is the REAL solution to migrant crisis? We put the BIG question to panel of experts
- N Gutteridge
Poles protest against influx of refugees…but millions of THEM have made new lives in UK
- N Gutteridge