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Organized Crime and the State in Venezuela under Chavismo

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Abstract

Venezuela's economic and social crises and poor policymaking have strengthened illegal economies and contributed to a rise in organized crime throughout the country. These range from the drug trafficking network of corrupt military officials and civilian political leaders informally known as the "Cartel of the Suns" (Cartel de los Soles) to the armed, pro-government radical political collectives (colectivos) that control a number of urban slums and the organized super-gangs known as megabandas. Armed paramilitaries and dissident guerrilla groups from Colombia also operate in some of Venezuela's border states. Unfortunately, under President Nicolás Maduro the country has been unable to effectively use state security forces to combat these threats to security and is unwilling to seek help in doing so from international organizations such as the OAS or UN. Instead, the relationship between organized crime and the state is one that is beginning to move from what Lupsha calls the "parasitic" stage to the "symbiotic", in which the criminal organizations work in concert with the state.
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Meksika-ABD sınırında gerçekleşen uyuşturucu ticaretinin her iki ülkede de bu ticaretin ötesine geçen yansımaları vardır. Özellikle 1970’li yıllarda yükselişe geçen uyuşturucu ticareti, Ronald Reagan yönetiminin işbaşına gelmesi ile birlikte ABD hükümetinin uyuşturucu karşıtı sert politikalar yürürlüğe koyması ile yeni bir safhaya girdi. Sertleşen hükümet politikaları bir şiddet dalgası doğurdu. Uyuşturucu üretimi, ticareti ve kullanımının öteden beri yasadışı olması hasebiyle doğası gereği sert bir pazar olan ve şiddet içeren uyuşturucu ticareti, 1980’lerde özellikle Meksika’da bir iç savaş haline dönüşen kronik bir sorun oluverdi. Bu anlamsız, yer yer keyfi ve başıbozuk şiddetin içerisinde yönünü bulmaya çalışan halk, uyuşturucu baronları ve çeteler ile bir arada yaşamanın getirdiği stresi halk sanatına yansıtmaya başladı. Uyuşturucu üzerine söylenen halk şarkılarında yeni bir tür doğdu: Narko-korrido. Bu makale İspanyolcada uyuşturucu anlamına gelen “narco” ile halk şarkısı anlamına gelen “corrido” kelimelerinden gelen ve basitçe “uyuşturucu baladları” olarak tercüme edilebilecek “narko-korrido” türü müziğin izinden giderek sosyolojik bir perspektif sunmayı amaçlamaktadır.
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How do corrupt practices evolve into the almost complete criminalization of the state, and what are the conditions necessary for a mafia state to emerge? In this article, we trace Venezuela’s political trajectory under President Hugo Chávez and its causal connection to the consolidation of a mafia state under President Nicolás Maduro by identifying critical junctures that occurred under the administrations of Presidents Chávez and Maduro. These critical junctures first laid the foundations for the mafia state, albeit unintentionally, and then allowed and encouraged the criminalization of the state. The incremental abolition of governance institutions started by Chávez and continued by Maduro in the context of dramatic decline in oil production created an ideal environment in which criminal activities could thrive. By the end of this process, Venezuela had evolved into a complex kleptocracy in which no rule of law or institutions were capable of or willing to oppose the executive and its loyal military and irregular force allies. Thus, a mafia state is born.
Technical Report
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Puntos claves La cuestión venezolana ha dejado de ser una crisis nacional para convertirse en un problema hemisférico crónico. El colapso político, económico y social de Venezuela no sólo ha hundido a su población en la mayor crisis humanitaria que se experimenta actualmente en Occidente, sino que implica la transformación de su Estado y territorio en un factor de riesgo creciente para la seguridad regional. Un problema semejante requiere una gestión multilateral por parte de las democracias de la región, así como también de Norteamérica y la Unión Europea. Si bien dicha aproximación multilateral se viene ejerciendo con claridad desde mediados de 2017-cuando el autoritarismo venezolano dejó de ser híbrido para convertirse en hegemónico-, los resultados distan de ser satisfactorios, con lo cual se amerita una revisión de la estrategia seguida hasta ahora. Esto pasa por reforzar la multilateralidad, aumentar el compromiso de las democracias occidentales y reevaluar el sistema de incentivos (positivos y negativos) desplegados hasta ahora.
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When organized crime reached the political agenda in the early 1990s, it was framed in terms of “Mafia‐type” organizations and infiltration in (local) governments, geographical areas, and economic sectors (racketeering). This conception contradicted the phenomenon: the primary business of organized crime is more fittingly described as “transit crime,” as opposed to the control of economic sectors or regions. Criminal groups should be viewed as “criminal networks” (instead of as pyramidal structures), as can be seen in several illegal activities: drug trafficking, human trafficking for sexual exploitation, smuggling of illegal immigrants, arms trafficking, and trafficking in stolen vehicles. The misconception of the nature of organized crime put criminal investigation strategies on the wrong track, but the changing view of organized crime is mirrored by a change in criminal investigation strategies. Flexible “prompt intervention” strategies are more common, as an alternative to the large‐scale and lengthy “long‐haul” strategies of the past. Both covert policing and infiltration and uncontrolled deliveries (of drugs) were regulated or forbidden and displaced by increasing reliance on “unobtrusive” methods of gathering evidence such as wiretapping and bugging. These methods may be effective in cases of transit crime. The innovative administrative approach may be more effective against racketeering than against transit crime.
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