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WPS and climate change
Abstract
Climate change can be violent, expressed through immediate weather events, such as floods and storms, and slower, long term violence, such as droughts that impact women’s everyday lives and livelihoods and are exacerbated by other pressures and conflicts. However, climate change has not been explicitly connected to the UN women, peace, and security agenda. The likely reason is that the gender implications of the climate issue have only recently gained salience on the international climate agenda, through the dominant framing of women’s vulnerability. This chapter evokes the ecofeminism argument that climate change is part of a destructive patriarchal politico-economic structure, which implies there can be no separate solution to concerns for peace, equality, or climate issues; all have to be included in a reassessment of humans’ relation to the earth. It suggests that the human security focus provides a more inclusive way to connect the aspirations for peace with climate concerns. To that end, I argue that employing the human security lens as a starting point can help in taking seriously how individual women experience the bottom-up the effects of climate events.
... Therefore, it is important to examine how programming and policy concentrating on gender and security have grown to confront climate change as its effects continue to grow and alter the landscape of peace and security. It's critical to think about how women's and girls' engagement in these initiatives is encouraged in particular (Kronsell, 2019). ...
Climate change, through the lens of climate catastrophes, is a threat multiplier amplifying social, political, and economic pressures in unstable and conflict-affected environments. Gender is not a neutral variable when discussing policies for mitigation, recovery, and resilience. Climate change disproportionately impacts women and girls, intensifying existing gender disparities and increasing risks to health and safety. During climate crises, women and girls are at an increased risk of gender-based violence, human trafficking, child marriage, and sexual assault. Gender empowerment is a critical element in formulating a wholesome climate change response framework. It is essential to incorporate the gender perspective in climate change policy analysis to ensure the most vulnerable populations are catered. This research examines the top five and bottom five countries on women, peace, and security index and how each mitigates and responds to climate change. The research aims to establish and analyze the link between gender empowerment and climate policy. _________________________
... However, its span of influence exists beyond the domains of conflict, warfare and peacekeeping. Advocates have attempted to relate its principles past the issues covered in resolutions, to LGBTQ+ (Hagen, 2016) migration (Holvikivi & Reeves, 2019;Holvikivi, 2020)and climate change (Kronsell, 2019, Smith, 2020. While the WPS Agenda focuses directly on aiming to improve women's participation, representation and involvement in conflict resolution, protection of women's rights and provision of services and support in ways that represent them, it can be considered to have influenced a spectre of discussion beyond this (Wright, 2019). ...
This year marks the 20-year anniversary of the initial United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325.
It has now transcended into a global normative framework, consisting of multiple resolutions, and
multiple commitments worldwide, forming the Women, Peace and Security Agenda. In 2005, the European Union (EU) was the first regional organisation to commit to and adopt the UNSCR 1325. The EU has developed significantly in the last 15 years, and so, concurringly has its applications and commitments to the WPS Agenda. This thesis applies a mixed-methods document analysis to analyse the way in which the EU’s approach has changed, shifted and developed. By further investigating it’s
influence on the Common Security and Defence Policy , it explores the practicalities of policy implementation in one of the most critical domains of EU foreign policy. the way in which EU strategic level gender-specific external policy has developed and the way in which this influences the CSDP. The results indicate, that there has been an consistent emphasis on internal application and institutional capacity to deliver on the WPS Agenda. Furthermore, the results highlight the way the nature of language has changed and the way in which normative developments have shifted, and created more nuanced policy. Over time, the policies have become more strategic and include greater emphasis on understanding and using gender perspectives to drive and determine action.
... First research analyzes on the relationship between gender, climate and security appeared only recently. In 2018, Kronsell (2019) published her influential article on the "Women, Peace and Security" Agenda and Climate Change in the Oxford Handbook of "Women, Peace and Security". Several analytical papers followed: the USAID Analysis of Gender, National Security, and Climate Vulnerability (A.E. ...
Although the issue of gender and climate change on the one hand and the problems of the consequences of climate change and security on the other are well-researched topics, the link between gender, climate change and security has remained an unexplored topic. The link between gender, climate change and security is a very important issue that sheds
new light on addressing the problems of climate change, gender relations and security risks. This means that security studies in the context of climate change and the risks they pose must include a gender perspective in the analysis as an integral part of it. But studies that
study gender relations and climate change must also include a security perspective in their conceptual and methodological apparatus. In what follows, I will try to give an overview and an argument of the conceptual relevance of gender issues, climate change and security, and the importance of their relevance to the research and policy responses.
... This term is inclusive of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender, unless otherwise stated and was a preferred term by participants of the research. 5 See also:Kronsell (2018), McLeman and Gemenne(2018), Ferris (2019), Tanyag and True (2019);Bertana (2020). ...
Environment plays a pivotal place in North American literary landscape. As Paula Gunn Allen has written explicitly, “We are land-is the fundamental idea embedded in Native American life and culture” (Porter, 2012, p. 65). It constitutes their notion of the self. Consequently, there has been a conscious effort by writers to raise concerns on environmental degradation and sustainability. Large corpus of native writing is engaged in ecocriticism and issues on protection/preservation of natural resources. The reservation is one of the key areas deliberated by writers to engage the larger debate on how their space/region is violated by the dominant order. For instance, the American Southwest has been seen as a site of atomic power block in the shape of uranium mining, atomic power development, and atomic testing program. In fact, that area became so devastated for human habitat that it was declared as “National Sacrifice Area” under Nixon administration. Along with this, there have been other regions around reservations areas which have been used as space for industry and other power projects. North American Native literature is relevant to understand the nature and environment of contemporary society and culture in Canada and the United States. The present paper strives to study the perspectives on the Native challenges and dispossession from the praxis of the environment and its nature. Environmental challenges of North American Native culture are a critical literary expression in examining the larger problems of Native people and the natural world around them and subverting the distinctions between the categories of Native and Non-Native people, the protectors of nature, and exploiters of nature. North American Native literature reiterates Native 2 challenges and dispossession to sustain the potential witness to an integrated vision of environmental activism with their own homeland. This paper analyzes the works of Leslie Marmon Silko, Scott Momaday, Louise Erdrich, and Joseph Bruchac from the position of the capitalist development, which denies the needs of Native people and their land. Their works examine cultural and literary representations of the environment, which has been colonized by the mainstream culture. These authors make a skillful narration of the Native oral tradition to express the reality of Native experience by connecting the land to their Native cultural heritage. Perspectives on the Native challenges and dispossession in their works not only comment on dominant spaces but also evolve Native spaces into nature. Many of these writers who belong to their respective tribal positions are engaged in a narrative which not only criticizes colonialism but also incorporates myth, history, and contemporary issues in order to posit the narrative on survival. This also runs parallel to their idea of communal living where the concept of one is for all and all are for one is projected. Incidentally, contemporary writers are making a stronger presence by critiquing various projects of the government and other agencies, which have impacted the native sense of nature and land.
... Of course, all of these threats to human security have specifically gendered dimensions that further undermine the aspiration for women's security embedded in the WPS agenda. Among them, women often bear the brunt of coping with climate-related shocks and stresses because of the roles assigned to them in many areas of the world, including food management, water procurement, and caring for family members (Leach 2015;Kronsell 2019). As alternative sources of food, water, and income need to be found, and the sick need to be cared for, the burden of additional work often falls on women (Habtezion 2012). ...
In this article, we argue that the effort to get the Women, Peace and Security(WPS) agenda implemented in a series of bureaucratic institutions has pulled the agenda quite far from its original motivating intent. Indeed, going down the bureaucratic implementation rabbit hole has made it almost impossible for advocates to stay in touch with the foundational WPS question: how do you get to gender-just sustainable peace? As we approach the twentieth anniversary of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, we argue that WPS advocates need to return to that question, but in doing so, must also acknowledge the changed context. One striking change is that climate breakdown is both more acute and more apparent than in 2000, and any attempt to build gender-just sustainable peace will face serious climate-induced challenges. However, the climate crisis creates not only challenges for the WPS agenda, but also opportunities. The sustainability of peace and of the planet are inextricably linked, and we argue that the realization of theWPS agenda requires transformations to social, political, and, most importantly, economic structures that are precisely the same as the transformations needed to ward off greater climate catastrophe.
... Of course, all of these threats to human security have specifically gendered dimensions that further undermine the aspiration for women's security embedded in the WPS agenda. Among them, women often bear the brunt of coping with climate-related shocks and stresses because of the roles assigned to them in many areas of the world, including food management, water procurement, and caring for family members (Leach 2015;Kronsell 2019). As alternative sources of food, water, and income need to be found, and the sick need to be cared for, the burden of additional work often falls on women (Habtezion 2012). ...
In this article, we argue that the effort to get the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda implemented in a series of bureaucratic institutions has pulled the agenda quite far from its original motivating intent. Indeed, going down the bureaucratic implementation rabbit hole has made it almost impossible for advocates to stay in touch with the foundational WPS question: how do you get to gender-just sustainable peace? As we approach the twentieth anniversary of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, we argue that WPS advocates need to return to that question, but in doing so, must also acknowledge the changed context. One striking change is that climate breakdown is both more acute and more apparent than in 2000, and any attempt to build gender-just sustainable peace will face serious climate-induced challenges. However, the climate crisis creates not only challenges for the WPS agenda, but also opportunities. The sustainability of peace and of the planet are inextricably linked, and we argue that the realization of the WPS agenda requires transformations to social, political, and, most importantly, economic structures that are precisely the same as the transformations needed to ward off greater climate catastrophe.
... can be understood as a political agenda with a life beyond the UNSCRs: advocates have sought to link its principles to issues not covered by the resolutions, such as LGBT+ rights, migration, and climate change (Hagen 2016;Holvikivi and Reeves 2017;Kronsell 2019). The NGOs, activists, and UN staff who advocated for the adoption of UNSCR 1325 in 2000 held varying conceptualizations of WPS and its purpose. ...
Feminist scholars have long explored the relationships between masculinities, femininities, and war, yet men are rarely named in Women, Peace and Security (WPS) policies, and masculinities even less commonly. Some activists in favor of bringing analysis of masculinities into WPS policies propose that a focus on reshaping masculinities and femininities as a strategy for resisting militarism is necessary to return the agenda to what they perceive as its “original” purpose of preventing war. Drawing on my personal experiences as an NGO advocate, and on participant observation and interviews with UK government officials, this article explores what we can learn from efforts to integrate a “masculinities perspective” into WPS policies. I argue that, while some language concerning men and boys and, to a lesser degree, masculinity/ies has been incorporated into these policies, this is usually done in ways that subvert the intentions of civil society actors who have advocated for this shift. As a result, these concepts have been assimilated in ways that do not challenge militarism, and indeed at times serve to normalize it. I argue that this demonstrates the limitations of WPS policies as a vehicle for pursuing feminist anti-militarist goals.
İklim değişikliği, konuyla ilgili ilk ve tek belge olan 2242 sayılı Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi kararının 2015 yılında kabul edilmesine kadar Kadın, Barış ve Güvenlik (KBG) gündeminin bir önceliği olarak görülmemiştir. Oysa iklim değişikliği, hem silahlı çatışmalar ve savaşlar yoluyla devlet güvenliği üzerinde doğrudan etkiler doğuran hem de geçim kaynaklarının kaybına, siyasi istikrarsızlığa, zorla yerinden edilmeye ve yoksulluğa neden olan bir insan güvenliği sorunudur. Bu tehditler eşitsiz toplumsal cinsiyet rolleriyle birleştiğinde, pek çok toplumda kadınlar üzerinde halihazırda var olan sosyoekonomik yük ve toplumsal cinsiyete dayalı şiddet daha da artmaktadır. Bu makale, son yıllarda iklim değişikliği ve KBG gündemi arasında uluslararası literatürde kurulmaya başlayan ilişkiyi Türkçe literatüre kazandırmayı amaçlamaktadır. Makale, metodolojik olarak, mevcut araştırmalar ve uluslararası raporların bulgularından yola çıkarak iklim değişikliğini KBG gündeminin “koruma” ve “katılım” sütunları ile ilişkilendirmektedir. Bu amaçla makalede öncelikle uluslararası ilişkiler disiplininde bir güvenlik tehdidi olarak iklim değişikliğinin yeri sorgulanmaktadır. İkinci bölümde, ilk olarak kadınların iklim değişikliği nedeniyle algıladıkları güvensizlik ele alınmakta, daha sonra iklim barışı ile KBG gündeminin ortak noktası olan barış inşasına değinilmektir. Makale, ister geleneksel güvenliğe ister insan güvenliğine bir tehdit olarak ele alınsın, iklim değişikliğinin etkilerinin üstesinden gelmeyi sağlayacak çözümün KBG gündeminin içinde, kadınların dahil edildiği ve toplumsal cinsiyet eşitsizliğinin etkilerinin hafifletildiği bir barış inşasında olduğunu vurgulamaktadır.
The Canadian government recently oriented its foreign policy in a ‘feminist’ direction, including the launch of Canada’s Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP). At the same time, the Trudeau government has also reoriented Canada’s efforts to address climate change, ratifying the Paris Agreement in 2016. This article reviews Canada’s Paris Agreement commitments, formalized in Canada’s Nationally Determined Contributions and National Communications, through the lens of feminist analysis. While Canada has made significant efforts to mainstream gender into its climate commitments, these commitments emphasize a focus on women in the Global South and the reinforcement of common assumptions about women, climate change and development. In doing so, Canada’s efforts to integrate gender into its global climate commitments overlook the realities of gender and climate change in the Global North, as well as areas in which feminist analysis is needed, specifically in technological development and strategies to mitigate climate change.
Climate change-induced human mobilities are almost always projected as an issue of the future. However, the climate crisis is no longer a futurist threat and has already displaced millions across the globe.
The policy paper addresses the nexus between gender, climate and security. Firstly, it refers to climate change as a threat multiplier, which exacerbates threats to peace and security. Secondly, it examines the gender dimension of climate change, arguing that climate-related security risks have a disproportionate impact on women and girls. Thirdly, the policy paper further explores how gender-responsive adaptation policies can contribute to sustainable peace and security in Africa. It argues that gender-responsive policy action that links climate adaptation, peace-building and sustainable development should be based on: stronger UN system-wide coherence, systematic gender mainstreaming, a human security approach, a human rights-based approach, stronger links with the UN Security Council Agenda on Women, Peace and Security, as well as coordinated, inclusive and research-based action that meets the special needs of Africa.
The literature on the security implications of climate change, and in particular on potential climate-conflict linkages, is burgeoning. Up until now, gender considerations have only played a marginal role in this research area. This is despite growing awareness of intersections between protecting women's rights, building peace and security, and addressing environmental changes. This article advances the claim that adopting a gender perspective is integral for understanding the conflict implications of climate change. We substantiate this claim via three main points. First, gender is an essential, yet insufficiently considered intervening variable between climate change and conflict. Gender roles and identities as well as gendered power structures are important in facilitating or preventing climate-related conflicts. Second, climate change does affect armed conflicts and social unrest, but a gender perspective alters and expands the notion of what conflict can look like, and whose security is at stake. Such a perspective supports research inquiries that are grounded in everyday risks and that document alternative experiences of insecurity. Third, gender-differentiated vulnerabilities to both climate change and conflict stem from inequities within local power structures and socio-cultural norms and practices, including those related to social reproductive labor. Recognition of these power dynamics is key to understanding and promoting resilience to conflict and climate change. The overall lessons drawn for these three arguments is that gender concerns need to move center stage in future research and policy on climate change and conflicts.
To commemorate the twentieth anniversary of Resolution 1325, this introduction discusses the state of the field in the women peace and security (WPS) agenda and outlines the challenges to implementation. It begins by introducing the current gaps we see in WPS practice, many of which are driven by insufficient data and lack of funding. The section that follows provides a brief discussion of the global diffusion of the WPS agenda. We highlight the important contribution the Global South has made in implementing the agenda in the absence of great power leadership and the stultified progress of the Global North. We argue that the WPS agenda remains hampered by poor national implementation, a lack of support for civil society initiatives and a failure to recognize the importance of its application in context. The final section introduces the articles in this issue, showing how they advance an emerging human security agenda: integrating WPS into UN-led security initiatives like R2P, and the challenges of the implementation of the WPS agenda in varied local and national contexts. We conclude by arguing that to meet future challenges, the WPS agenda must be broadened to include areas outside traditional conceptions of security and embrace the full remit of evolving security threats; in particular, structural barriers that prevent the empowerment of women across the board.
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