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Defining the hindering factors of the informal settlements in the General Regulatory Plan of Shkoder Municipality - Projecting Shkodër. Operative fragments in-between lake, river and sea. Observatory of Mediterranean Basine.

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This research dates back to the beginning of the first phase of drafting the General Regulatory Plan (GLP) of Shkodër Municipality, January 2016. As stated by the Albanian law ‘On Territorial Planning’, the drafting phase of a GLP follows three processes: deep analysis of the territory, vision and development plan. The most consistent of all three processes is the first. It requires the involvement of different actors in data collection and the ability to merge specific thematic maps. For these reasons, and due to the complexity of the objectives that an actor might have, this research focuses on one specific theme: informal settlements and the role that two actors has during the first process of plan drafting. Many studies have been conducted on the second and third phases, such as critiques of the zoning or political processes that are brought to strategic visions and their applicability. From this perspective, this research is the first attempt to highlight emerging problems that the GLP could solve if it begins with the first process, the deep analysis of territory. The two actors studied are the Regional Agency of the Legalization, Urbanization and Integration of Informal Areas (ALUIZNI) and its agenda and the municipality and its territorial instruments, such as the General Local Plan, (GLP). The hindering process1 to acquire formal housing from informal housing is mostly a hidden and neglected issue. The classic way to deal with these practices is the last process of the GLP, the development plan. This phase does not include the hindering factors in the analytical data, and it treats them as a unique area to be combined later with the structural units of the zoning tool. By doing this, we lose the main principle of the GLP, that of wealth redistribution and social justice, defined by law 107/2014 "On Planning and Territory Development". The research explains why it is important to integrate the information of both the actors in the first phase of plan drafting with what can be generated later if revenues and public investments are made in a different political decision making process. By integrating in consecutive layers the various housing emergencies the research calls in action various professionals and decision makers in a planning instrument based on informal area.
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38 Abstract
This research dates back to the beginning
of the first phase of drafting the General
Regulatory Plan (GLP) of Shkodër
Municipality, January 2016.
As stated by the Albanian law ‘On Territorial
Planning’, the drafting phase of a GLP
follows three processes: deep analysis of
the territory, vision and development plan.
The most consistent of all three processes
is the first. It requires the involvement
of different actors in data collection and
the ability to merge specific thematic
maps. For these reasons, and due to the
complexity of the objectives that an actor
might have, this research focuses on one
specific theme: informal settlements and
the role that two actors has during the
first process of plan drafting.
Many studies have been conducted on the
second and third phases, such as critiques
of the zoning or political processes that
are brought to strategic visions and their
applicability. From this perspective, this
research is the first attempt to highlight
emerging problems that the GLP could
solve if it begins with the first process, the
deep analysis of territory.
The two actors studied are the Regional
Agency of the Legalization, Urbanization
and Integration of Informal Areas (ALUIZNI)
and its agenda and the municipality and
its territorial instruments, such as the
General Local Plan, (GLP).
The hindering process1 to acquire formal
housing from informal housing is mostly
a hidden and neglected issue. The classic
way to deal with these practices is the last
process of the GLP, the development plan.
This phase does not include the hindering
Artan Kacani
PhD and researcher / POLIS University, Tirana
Defining hindering factors of the informal
settlements in the general regulatory plan of
Shkodra municipality
factors in the analytical data, and it treats
them as a unique area to be combined later
with the structural units of the zoning tool.
By doing this, we lose the main principle of
the GLP, that of wealth redistribution and
social justice, defined by law 107/2014
"On Planning and Territory Development".
The research explains why it is important
to integrate the information of both the
actors in the first phase of plan drafting with
what can be generated later if revenues
and public investments are made in a
different political decision making process.
By integrating in consecutive layers the
various housing emergencies the research
calls in action various professionals and
decision makers in a planning instrument
based on informal area.
Introduction
Shkodër Municipality has historically
been the most important demographic,
administrative and economic centre
of the Shkodër region. With the new
administrative division2, Shkodër
Municipality includes within its
administrative jurisdiction the city of
Shkodër and ten other administrative
units.
The urban planning laws in Albania have
undergone several changes in the last 27
years, but the most significant wasa 2009
addition that changed municipalities’
perspectives on their territories, changing
the interpretation from ‘On Urbanism’3 to
‘On Territorial Planning’4.This period also
signifies the expansion of the competences
of the municipalities to manage the rural
area outside the yellow line5, defined since
the communist regime to maintain the
39
Fig1 / Mar' Lulaj Neighborhood, close to the Train Station in the south east of Shkoder city.
source / the author
1 / “Hindering Process” or “Hindering Factors” are all the legal, physical and environmental constraints that persist on the territory.
2 / On August 2014, a new Reform on the Territorial Division was approved in the Albanian Parliament.
3 / ‘On Urbanism’ was the Albanian law regarding urban planning.
4 / ‘On Territorial Planning’ is the actual law with new changes regarding territorial planning beyond the yellow line.
5 / The yellow line was defined by ‘On Urbanism’ in 1998 and before tracing the urban borders and competences of the municipality.
6 / For previous research from the institutional decisional arena, see ‘Opening Future Scenarios for the Urbanization, Integration
of Informal Settlements in Albania’.
7 / Public resources, cognitive, legal, economical.
8 / Cognitive resources are those related to the information that each actor, in this case ALUIZNI and the municipality, has on the
actual condition of housing. This is verifiable on actors’ maps.
9 / Political resources are the political veto that the municipal council has to gather survey on informal settlements.
10 / Economic resources are the revenue that public authorities use to invest in informal areas.
11 / Housing emergencies are activities related to informal practices for housing purposes. In the Albanian context are all the
informal settlements that for one reason or another can't be legalized. They have legal and environmental constraints. Inhabitants
in a such conditions are legally, economically in high risk. In some cases they are in hazardous environments or close the highways,
railways and other physical elements.
centralization of the cities.
This planning instrument, the yellow line,
has also represented the inability and
limits of the municipalities to manage the
urban sprawl that has characterized the
Albanian territory for more than 27 years.
Informal settlements have been raised
outside the yellow lines of the biggest
cities in Albania, such as Shkodër, Durrës,
Tiranë and Elbasan. However, in 2004,the
main government created a new regional
agency to deal with informal settlements,
ALUIZNI. Since then, these two territorial
actors, ALUIZNI and the municipality, have
been challenging the same competences
with different resources and policies. A
previous research6 on the public urban
agenda and the public policy evaluation on
legalization, urbanization and integration
of informal areas shows that public
resources7 has been given to the first
actor, ALUIZNI. The research conducted in
two given timelines, 2006-2016, explains
how the this urban agenda has been
centralized to the higher administrative
levels. The Urban Agenda have shifted
toward a centralized actor's network with
a focus on efficiency (cost-benefit) and
public revenues rather than effectiveness,
by creating a deeper fragmentation of the
network, limiting the cognitive8, political9
and economical10 resources of the lower
administrative levels, such as the new
born municipalities.
This separation and conflicting conditions
between these two actors has importance
not only to the administrative point of
view but also to the implementation and
coordination of the future (GLP) of Shkodër
Municipality.
The main objective of this research is to
integrate in consecutive layers the various
housing emergencies11 related to these
two different actors in order to create one
planning instrument that deals with the
work of both actors.
ALUIZNI deals only with informal
settlements, and the municipality is the
main actor to release building permissions.
The fact that these roles and competences
are separated leads to a situation in which
public revenues are divided between
the two actors: this creates political
instability regarding wealth distribution.
40
40
Fig2 / Looking for the hindering factors in three phases for a legalization.
source / the author
The separation of roles also may influence
social justice and opportunities offered by
the city. This underlines that ALUIZNI is at
the first administrative level12,while the
municipality is at the last.
The main agenda of ALUIZNI has three
objectives: legalization, urbanization and
integration. The first objective results in
public revenue from the legalization fee,
and the last two in public expenditure,
such is infrastructure. Given such
financial measurements we can have the
investment for a single informal area13 as
follows:
Investment = (Legalization Revenues) -
(Urbanization Costs) - (Integration Costs)
Formula A: Measuring the Investment for
Each Informal Area
The last objective is not defined by the
agenda and comprises the competences
and duties of the municipality, depending
on how the General Regulatory Plan
defines it. Therefore, revenues might
appear on the side of ALUIZNI while costs
are charged to the municipality, as it
has the duty to make investments. This
underlines that an investment related to
informal areas is not a local priority agenda,
the more they are legalized more are the
costs of the municipalities. Some of these
case are with the expansion of the urban
area to bring public transport or waste
management facilities. On the other hand,
municipal planning instruments, such is
the GLP, do not permit the development of
informal settlements on unclear territorial
conditions, such as hazardous areas. This
last hindering factor also influences the
public revenues that should come from
the legalization process to ALUIZNI and,
later, the investment for each informal
area14. By defining the hindering factors
in consecutive layers, we can have a more
sensitive and clear formula to calculate
the necessary NET investment for each
informal area, which could lead to a fair
distribution of wealth and social justice.
Methodology
Based on the introduction, the assumption
is that there is an incompatibility in
cognitive resources15 between the two
actors: the map that the municipality
works with is different from the one that
ALUIZNI uses. To understand the diversity
of the two maps, it is important to
underline that ALUIZNI has the political and
economic resources to update and take
surveys on cartography. The cartography
of the municipality is less updated. Only
by the approval of ALUIZNI the process
of legalization can go to the municipality
and then to the Cadastral Office. Picture 1
illustrates this process (Fig.2).
For this reason, in this research, I will follow
a consecutive analysis of the hindering
factors, passing from the first actor
involved in the decision making, ALUIZNI,
to the municipality and the Cadastral
Office. By the decisions that actors make
as gatekeepers, they also define who
receives regular housing conditions and
who remains in informal conditions, for
legal and environmental constraints. For
a better understanding of the hindering
factors, this research focuses on different
41
Fig3 / Land and Settlement in four macro hindering factors.
source / the author
12 / First administrative level actors are all those public actors working based on the agenda of the national government.
13 / Informal areas are homogenous legal statements of settlements and neighborhoods. In 2016, there were reported to be 277
informal settlements on a total of 205 ha spread around the outskirts of big cities such as Tirana, Durrës and Shkodër, including
around 300.000 families. For more details on informal areas and their legal status, see Law 9482 (03.4.2006)Article Nr.13.
14 / In some cases it's possible the municipalities can candidate to the central government for urbanization investments in
informal areas. This cases are ad hoc and do not reflects many local issues.
15 / Cognitive resources in this case are information, such as maps, that different actors have on informal areas.
16 / Macro hindering factors is the methodology used to regroup the hindering factors based on settlement condition.
17 / The National Territory Council comprises five ministries and makes decisions on territorial matters every month.
surveys and studies.
A first analysis of the hindering factors
comes relies on Aliaj’s(2008) The Sixth
Mystery: What Is the Trap That Hinders
Development and the Integration of
the Albanian Economy with the Modern
World?:
The first lesson is that informal
constructions are not simply a legal
problem, even when it is recognized
that this phenomenon has considerable
implications and takes different legal
forms. Constructions may be illegal for a
number of reasons: they are built on land
public or property belonging to someone
else, having problems of marking or
registration, having inheritance, marriage,
property claims or compensation,
disregarding urban norms, or having
obtained construction permits, the
latter may not comply with de facto
implementation: the constructions do not
respect the environmental conditions or
are built in the protected historical area,
they are located in areas of low durability
and pose a danger to the safety of people,
are built on agricultural land etc.(Aliaj,
2008, p. 70)
This statement identifies six different
hindering factors, listed in Table 1 and
regrouped in 4 macro hindering factors16.
The other document that has been used
to illustrate the hindering factors in
consecutive layers relies a survey made
on the laws and decisions of the National
Territory Council17. One of these is the
council’s last decision regarding the criteria
that a settlement needed in 2015 (National
Territory Council Decision Nr. 280, 2015),
and lists a total of sixteen articles. In the
Table shown in Figure 4, these criteria are
listed a factors that the ALUIZNI agenda
takes into consideration; however, for
a better understanding, they are not
translated verbatim from the Albanian
language with all legal articulations.
For the municipality and the GLP, many
of the criteria listed by the ALUIZNI are
included as well, along with the adjunctive
aspects that the plan may prescribe. The
research relies mostly on Law 107, 2014,
‘For Territorial Planning and Development’,
which guides the GLP and how it should
be drafted, and Article 33,‘Development
Suspensions’, which gives more than ten
reasons why a settlement cannot have a
building permission. For a better reading,
many-sub articles are not included (if
they were, there would be between 50
and 60 regulations and various decisions
at the lowest administrative level, the
municipality).Four macro hindering have
42
42
OBSERVATORYOF MEDITERRANEAN BASIN
Applied Research Department Unit / IKZH Institute of Applied Research / POLIS University / Tirana, Albania
Applied Research Department Unit / IKZH Institute of Applied Research / POLIS University / Tirana, Albania
_________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
UNIVERSITETI POLIS - SHKOLLA NDËRKOMBËTARE E ARKITEKTURËS DHE POLITIKAVE TË ZHVILLIMIT
URBAN___________________________________________________________________________________________________________
__
Autostrada Tiranë-Durrës, Km 5 Kashar, Tiranë, Shqipëri, Tel: +355 (4) 2407420 / 2407421, Fax: +355 (4) 2407422, Cel: +355 (0) 694088111
www.universitetipolis.edu.al; info@universitetipolis.edu.al
Macro Hindering
Factor, group1
"Outside the Land"
Macro Hindering
Factor, group2
"On the Land"
Macro Hindering
Factor, group 3
"On the Building"
Hindering Factors
from
The Sixth Mystery
survey: What Is the
Trap That Hinders
Development and the
Integration of the
Albanian Economy
with the Modern
World?
These Settlements
are built on
agricultural land.
These are built on
public land or
property belonging to
someone else.
Having obtained
construction permits,
but may not comply
with de facto
implementation.
Having obtained
construction permits,
but may not comply
with de facto
implementation.
Hindering Factors
from the ALUIZNI
Agenda, Law and
Regulations.
Phase one in
Picture 1.
This group violates
the strict zone of
protection for seas,
rivers, canals and
other natural water
systems; main water
supplies and
networks, airports,
ports and dams;
pipelines, oil wells
and their
infrastructure; and
energy power
stations or
interconnection
zones.
This violates the
category Integrity of
the Monuments of
Culture, I, II and
archaeological areas,
as well as
requirements for
distance from the
main streets.
This violates the
category of the
Monuments of
Culture, I, II and
archaeological areas,
as well as
requirements for
distance from the
main streets.
Hindering Factors
from the General
Regulatory Plan.
Phase two in
Picture 1.
This violates
proposed or existing
protected natural
areas in various
categories.
The Urban Planning
Office of the
municipality can
express public
interest.
This group has no
building permission.
The municipality’s
Urban Planning Office
can express public
interest, or may
change the
development
indicators.
Hindering Factors
Cadastral Office
Phase three in
Picture 1.
n/a
n/a
n/a
been listed in consecutive layers that
regroups the hindering factors of each
actor mentioned above: ‘Outside the Land’,
‘On the Land’, ‘On the Building’ and ‘On
Single Family’. The macro hindering factors
has been regrouped thanks to the two
crucial territorial resources that constitutes
the access or not to legalization process,
the land and settlement. Each hindering
factor lays on one of this two resources
and the combination of the both creates
4 probabilistic situations. As the prisoner's
dilemma18 suggests when one or another
factor fails these probabilities are going to
be four, as follows;
• If Land (L) and Settlement (S) fails, both.
(and vice versa)
If (L) fails and (S) does not fail to
legalization, (and vice versa).
In our case this theoretical law, the
prisoner's dilemma, creates the main
methodology to classify each hindering
factor, for the legalization process, in four
macro hindering factors in planning and
territorial matter.
Results
The four macro hindering factors are
a series of grouped restrictions and
regulations that derive actors, described
in the three phases of the methodology.
The results are the summary of macro
hindering factors, described as follows.
Outside the Land / This group of hindering
factors represents the biggest portion
of prescriptions in all three phases. The
contents of these prescriptions, laws
and regulations are strictly related to the
protection of land status and destination
of use. Usually, these are hazardous areas,
close to river basins, highways or other
unspecified locations, and violated laws.
The hindering factors in such a condition
will persist if nothing is done to re-
establish the natural condition or what is
prescribed by the GLP. To understand the
housing emergency of this condition, we
look to the consequences of land flooding,
unhealthy air and water and un stable
terrain. Investments should focus on large-
scale, natural systems, land expropriation,
health conditions and alternative housing
solutions. The emergency costs for this
group are the highest of all four.
On the Land / This group of hindering
factors represents one of the most
intersected problems that housing faces,
as described by Aliaj (2008):the conflicting
and imprecise cartography used by
different actors. Inhabitants that have
raised settlements in such conditions face
a continuous institutional barrier. The cost
that solves this process transitions may
vary from a technical solving programme
to land price. Unlike the first group, the
needed investment is lower. For the
Albanian context it can be estimated from
30 Euro per square meter of land to 100
Euro19.
On the Building / This group of hindering
factors is less prescribed by the regulations
and may vary based on municipality and
GLP laws. It is related to the physical
and architectonic incompatibility with
the law or the (GLP) where in some they
have surpassed the limiting indicator
for development in the zoning area. This
macro hindering factor relies on the
43
OBSERVATORYOF MEDITERRANEAN BASIN
Applied Research Department Unit / IKZH Institute of Applied Research / POLIS University / Tirana, Albania
Applied Research Department Unit / IKZH Institute of Applied Research / POLIS University / Tirana, Albania
_________________________________________________________________________________________________________________
UNIVERSITETI POLIS - SHKOLLA NDËRKOMBËTARE E ARKITEKTURËS DHE POLITIKAVE TË ZHVILLIMIT
URBAN___________________________________________________________________________________________________________
__
Autostrada Tiranë-Durrës, Km 5 Kashar, Tiranë, Shqipëri, Tel: +355 (4) 2407420 / 2407421, Fax: +355 (4) 2407422, Cel: +355 (0) 694088111
www.universitetipolis.edu.al; info@universitetipolis.edu.al
Macro Hindering
Factor, group1
"Outside the Land"
Macro Hindering
Factor, group2
"On the Land"
Macro Hindering
Factor, group 3
"On the Building"
Macro Hindering
Factor, group 4
"On Single Family"
Hindering Factors
from
The Sixth Mystery
survey: What Is the
Trap That Hinders
Development and the
Integration of the
Albanian Economy
with the Modern
World?
These Settlements
are built on
agricultural land.
These are built on
public land or
property belonging to
someone else.
Having obtained
construction permits,
but may not comply
with de facto
implementation.
Having obtained
construction permits,
but may not comply
with de facto
implementation.
Having inheritance,
marriage, property
claims or
compensation,
this group has no
income for the
legalization fee.
Hindering Factors
from the ALUIZNI
Agenda, Law and
Regulations.
Phase one in
Picture 1.
This group violates
the strict zone of
protection for seas,
rivers, canals and
other natural water
systems; main water
supplies and
networks, airports,
ports and dams;
pipelines, oil wells
and their
infrastructure; and
energy power
stations or
interconnection
zones.
This violates the
category Integrity of
the Monuments of
Culture, I, II and
archaeological areas,
as well as
requirements for
distance from the
main streets.
This violates the
category of the
Monuments of
Culture, I, II and
archaeological areas,
as well as
requirements for
distance from the
main streets. n/a
Hindering Factors
from the General
Regulatory Plan.
Phase two in
Picture 1.
This violates
proposed or existing
protected natural
areas in various
categories.
The Urban Planning
Office of the
municipality can
express public
interest.
This group has no
building permission.
The municipality’s
Urban Planning Office
can express public
interest, or may
change the
development
indicators.
n/a
Hindering Factors
Cadastral Office
Phase three in
Picture 1.
n/a n/a n/a
This group has no
income for
registration fees.
Fig4 / Four Macro Hindering Factors to regroup each single hindering factor, or legal constraints based
on settlement and land conditions.
source / the author
18 / The prisoner's dilemma is a standard example of a game analyzed in game theory to study 'cooperation' and 'failings'
possibilities.
19 / The price per meter square of land is referred to the free market price in Albania.
20 / The price per meter square of building construction is referred to the free market price in Albania.
21 / The price for the cadastral registration of building is referred to the price of public services that the institutions delivers.
single investment for the building and
it may vary from partial reconstruction,
in unsafe conditions to live in, to entire
investment. For the Albanian context it can
be estimated from 200 Euro per square
meter of building to 300 Euro20.
On Single Family / In this group of hindering
factors are all those families who cannot
pay the legalization fees or the registration
to the Cadastral Office. Other taxes may
be included in the hindering factors to the
legalization and formalization processes.
The cost for future investment for this
group is the lowest if confronted with
other macro hindering factors and it may
vary from 250 euro for a single building
to 1000 euro in case of socio-economic
activities21.
44
44
Fig5 / Bounded rationality on decision making for future investments.
source / the author
Summary / While the macro hindering
factors of groups one and two are
maintained, informality will prevail, and the
hindering factors of groups three and four
will consequently increase. The first two
hindering factors risk the creation of an 'oil
stain' of the last hindering factors. A single
example is when a settlement can't get a
building permission for a reconstruction if
lays close to the river basin. This condition
would have consequences in a short or
long timeline to unsafe situations to live in.
For this reason, it is necessary to involve
different technicians from different fields,
such as environmentalists, landscapers,
urban planners and architects, in the
problem solution phase since the first
macro hindering factor. Investment in
these new technicians may be from the
public and private sectors as well.
As technicians, we cannot change and
control the informal practices. However,
technically and politically, there is much to
do, and it is up to the new planners and
architects to understand this relationship
between the social city and the physical
city in order to fill the vacuum that Aliaj,
Shutina and Dhamo (2010)explain in their
book Between Vacuum and Energy.
For Ludovico Quaroni, and Italian
architect, urban planner and essayist, this
interrelation is described as a symbiotic
process that persists through time and
space:
the social city and the physical city lives
together according to a form of symbiosis:
how certain species of the plant world
have a structure resulting from the
coexistence of an alga and a fungus, of
two very different things, therefore, which
nevertheless find possibilities, realities of
life only in an indissoluble union, just as a
social city and a physical city can't exist in
complete autonomy. Each of them claims
its autonomy: but the social city can never
be if not in a space ... the physical, spatial
city can never be anything but for a human
reality ...(Quaroni, 1982)
Importance of the Research
While summary rises the need to involve
public and private actors to action
45
Fig6 / Synoptic planning on decision making for future investments (with blue dark the informal areas
where the investment is negative) / source: the author
for problem solving, and definitions,
it's important to get to the planning
instrument such is the Shkodër GLP.
As mentioned in the beginning of the
research the deep analysis of the territory
is the first step to the GLP draft and it
mainly consists in the data collection and
elaboration.
Even if the two actors, as mentioned
above, have different cognitive resources
on the informal settlements, and areas,
the information that they shares is
unhelpful to a wealth redistribution
and social justice. As we know from the
survey for the methodology there are
macro hindering factors that blocks the
legalization process, and this means less
revenues for ALUIZNI. The inability to show
this public deficits on revenues of this last
actor to the municipality creates unhelpful
cooperation for future investments on
urbanization.
Picture two show the eight informal areas,
in blue colour, around Shkoder municipality,
and with the yellow the old yellow line.
The nature of the decision making that the
municipality follows on this circumstances
can be defined as a bounded rationality.
According to Dente (2014), professor in
public policies at Polytechnic University
of Milan, we know there are four decision
making models. The bounded rationality
belongs to the second model after the
rational and before the incremental model.
"...the rational decision maker looks for
satisfying courses of actions, or actions
that are ‘‘good enough’’ on the basis of the
information he has, avoiding any pretence
of optimization, i.e. of maximisation of
the effectiveness of the solution". Dente
(2014)
Differently from the bounded rationality
the rational model appears to be more
sensitive on data, means and goals.
This would need a different map from
picture two, in order to show the policy
effectiveness. And as we know from
the survey the macro hindering factors
are different for each informal area or
settlement. To change the lens of problem
46
46
Fig7/ Qafe Koder, Ajasem Neighborhood, view from the Shkoder Castle. in the southern part of the city
source / the author
47
22 / Synoptic planning typically looks at problems from a systems viewpoint, using conceptual or mathematical models relating
ends (objectives) to means (resources and constraints) with heavy reliance on numbers and quantitative analysis. Despite its
capacity for great methodological refinement and elaboration, the real power of the synoptic approach is its basic simplicity. The
fundamental issues addressed-ends, means, tradeoffs, action-taking-enter into virtually any planning endeavour. (Hudson, 1979).
detection, a synoptic criteria planning22
would be needed to read the hindering
factors since the drafting of the GLP by
providing evidence for the importance
on housing emergencies, urbanization
and other priorities in informal areas and
settlements. Picture three illustrates an
example if policy efficiency, revenues
and public investments, are taken in
consideration on informal area scale.
Public revenue from ALUIZNI can be
directed for future investments to specific
macro hindering factors by cooperating
with the actors involved in the problem
solving, such is the municipality. The
integration cost, not defined by law, can
be translated as a hindering cost in order
to give territorial evidence for wealth
distribution and social justice. Below
is the integrated formula to take into
consideration the hindering factors on the
final investment of the policy efficiency for
each informal area.
Investment = (Legalization Revenues) -
(Urbanization Costs) - (Integration Costs)
Investment = (Legalization Revenues) -
(Urbanization Costs) - [Hindering Cost
("Outside the Land" + "On the Land" +"On
the Building" + "On the Single Family”)]
Formula B:The Integrated Formula for the
NET Investment in Each Informal Area.
The final investment for each informal
area in this case creates sensitive data to
manage the decision making and picture
three shows its value on the map. In some
cases it may be negative and in others
positive, such means the public interest
to invest on specific area is greater and
to others less. The methodology used for
the survey permits us to have clear values
for each informal area and it is relevant
not only for the wealth redistribution
and social justice, but also for the GLP
drafting, latter translated in costs for the
municipalities.
A horizontal political debate can rise among
municipal administrative units to foster
the future investments by reclaiming the
political interest, or disinterest, on specific
informal areas based on macro hindering
factors.
References
Aliaj, B., Shutina, D., & Dhamo, S. (2010).
Between energy and the vacuum. Tiranë:
CoPlan.
Kacani, A. (2016) Opening future scenarios for
the Urbanization and Integration of informal
settlemenents in Albania in the proceedings
of the First International Scientific Conference,
Durres, Universiteti "Aleksander Moisiu"UAMD.
Aliaj, B. (2008) Misteri i Gjashte. Cili eshte
kurthi qe mban peng zhvillimin dhe integrimin
e ekonomise shqipetare ne boten moderne.
Tiranë: CoPlan.
Deleuze, G., & Guattari, F. (1987). A thousand
plateaus. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota
Press.
Dente, B. (2014). Understanding Policy
Decisions. Springer: Milano.
Hudson, B. M. (1979). Comparison of
Current Planning Theories: Counterparts and
Contradictions . APA JOURNAL, 387-398.
Borja, J., Tarrago, M. and Boix, R. (1977). Por
una politica municipal democratica. Barcelona:
Centro de estudios de urbanismo.
National Territory Council Decision nr.280.
(2015). On the criteria, procedures and
documentation for the Legalization process.
Tiranë: Official Newspaper of Albanian
Government.
Quaroni, L. (1982). La torre di Babele. Roma:
Marsilio.
Simon, H. A. (1947). Administrative Behaviour:
A study of Decision Making processes in
Adminsitrative Organization. Free Press: New
York.
ResearchGate has not been able to resolve any citations for this publication.
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Ky botim përfshin eksperiencën time gjatë periudhës 1990-2007, dhe në një farë mënyre, është thellim i studimeve pasuniversitare “master” dhe “doktoraturë” me të njëjtën fokus. Misteri i gjashtë është ispiruar veç të tjerave nga tre momente kulmore: 1. Eksperienca akademike nga Universiteti Politeknik tek IHS/Erasmus, Roterdam dhe Universiteti Polis, Tiranë. 2. Eksperienca profesionale nga Co-PLAN dhe Cordaid/Novib, Holandë, deri tek ILD-Peru dhe Platforma-IDR, Tiranë. 3. Eksperienca politike dhe burokratike nga qeverisja vendore në rajonin e Myzeqesë dhe Tiranës deri tek KOP dhe administrata qëndrore pranë Këshillit të Ministrave. Tema e trajtuar është përqëndruar tek instrumentat e administrimit të territorit dhe qeverisjes së mirë urbane në Shqipëri. Kjo mënyrë trajtimi është reflektim i konceptit se çështje të “komplikuara” sot në vend, e për më tepër reformat me karakter dhe impakt social, kërkojnë forma krijuese trajtimi, përtej skemave tradicionale. Monografia përpiqet të ilustrojë se zgjidhja e krizës së territorit kërkon që të sigurohen alternativa të ligjshme dhe të përballueshme të cilat do të orientojnë qytetarët drejt zgjidhjeve të ligjshme. Për këtë qëllim, studimi përqëndrohet te strehimi publik social; formalizimi i ekonomisë ekstraligjore; dhe përvojat e kombinuara të administrimit të territorit. Kombinimi i këtyre taktikave mund të sigurojë një ofertë realiste dhe të përballueshme për çdo segment të shoqërisë. Në rast të kundërt, Shqipëria rrezikon të vazhdojë zhvillimin sipas modelit kaotik të tranzicionit të deritanishëm. Për këtë arsye zgjidhja e krizës së territorit kërkon që të jëtë pjesë e një platforme reformuese më të gjerë për qeverisjen e mirë të vendit në tërësi. Në këtë këndvështrim studimi në fjalë përqendrohet në disa kolona: Së pari, bëhet një analizë e situatës ekzistuese duke u fokusuar në dimensionin juridik të problemit, bazuar edhe në eksperiencën e ekonomistit peruan Hernando De Soto. Për këtë qëllim është filluar me një analizë të sfondit historik të Shqipërisë dhe të nivelit global. Kjo është e nevojshme për të kuptuar ndryshimin e Shqipërisë dhe të Europës Lindore nga sistemi i ekonomisë së centralizuar drejt ekonomisë së tregut. Shqipëria tashmë është në rrugë të pakthyeshme drejt shoqërisë së “ekonomisë së tregut”, por çështja është sa të efektshme janë institucionet e kësaj shoqërie. Prandaj, për këtë qëllim studimi i bën një ekspoze modeleve të “kapitalizmit” në botë, shoqëruar kjo me një shpjegim të miteve që shoqërojnë sot kapitalizmin. Më tej analizohet në aspektin filozofik një dukuri globale në rritje: fenomeni i ekonomisë informale, që dëshmon për paefektshmërinë e institucioneve në një sistem të ekonomisë së tregut. Kjo ka krijuar një situatë në botë, ku shuma e asaj që quhet “kapital i vdekur” sot arrin në shifra marramendëse. Edhe Shqipëria vuan nga i njëjti fenomen. Atëherë problemet shtrohen kështu: Përse në vende si Shqipëria ekonomia e tregut nuk ka te njejtin sukses dhe performancë si ajo që dëshmohet në vendet perëndimore? Përse ekonomia e tregut është ende e ndjeshme? Përse ka pabarazi sociale dhe varfëri? Përse njerëzit vuajnë ende sot e kësaj dite për strehim, infrastrukturë, shërbime dhe punësim? Kjo në fakt përbën edhe dilemën kryesore të këtij studimi, edhe pse janë trajtuar më parë në nivel global nga studiues të tjerë. Përgjigjja që vjen nga përvoja botërore është sigurimi i aksesit dhe i të drejtave të pronësisë, si elementi që përcakton arkitekturën e fshehtë të një shoqërie demokratike kapitaliste bazuar në të drejtën e pronës dhe lirinë e tregut. Pikërisht kjo është edhe hipoteza kryesore e studimit. Prandaj studimi vijon me pasqyrimin e përpjekjeve që janë bërë për demistifikimin e pronës dhe të mistereve të saj, përfshi çështjen më tipike të pronësisë në Shqipëri: kthimin dhe kompensimin e pronave. Më tej studimi përqendrohet në dilemën globale të Hernando De Sotos, interpretuar në kushtet e Shqipërisë: Përse nuk ka sukses kapitalizmi në Shqipëri? Përmes shifrave dëshmohet ritmi i lartë i urbanizimit të shoqërisë shqiptare dhe fakti se sot shumë njërëz kanë lëvizur drejt zonave me më shumë shanse për punësim dhe jetë më të mirë. Por jo gjithmonë realiteti është pozitiv. Shpesh njerëzit përballen me barriera, të cilat i orientojnë ata drejt zgjidhjeve ilegale, informale, jashtëligjore. Nga ana tjetër sot ende nuk kuptohet se në këtë situatë këta qytetarë të ashtuquajtur te “dorës së dytë” në fakt posedojnë asete dhe pasuri ekstraligjore që tejkalojnë disa herë ndihmat financiare që u janë dhënë shqiptarëve gjatë 15 vjetëve. Problemi është, siç thotë dhe De Soto, se këto pasuri janë krijuar jashtë skeletit ligjor, dhe nuk kontribuojnë në ekonominë shqiptare. Integrimi i këtyre pasurive kërkon një ndërhyrje mjaft të kujdesshme, një operacion sa delikat, aq edhe kompleks: një reformë që do të shkundte institucionet dhe burokracinë, një reformë që do të rikonceptonte tërësisht skeletin ligjor, duke u bazuar në esencën e funksionimit të sistemeve ekstraligjore me logjikën e integrimit me shtetin ligjor. Kjo ndërhyrje nuk është mjaft e lehtë pasi shkon kundër intersave të turbullta që duan të ruajnë statukuonë. Së dyti, studimi bën një projeksion të situatës lokale dhe globale në dimensionin fizik dhe social të problemit. Për këtë qëllim referenca kryesore është marrë nga Forumi Botëror Urban, në Barcelonë (2004) dhe në Vankuver (2006), si një nga evenimentet më të rëndësishme të politikëbërjes globale të zhvillimit. Në këtë aspekt, konkluzioni është mjaft i qartë: viti 2007 është viti ku popullsia botërore urbane do të kalojë në shumicë. Por ndërkohë që qytetet sot janë lokomotiva zhvillimi, ato bartin në fakt pjesën dërrmuese të problemeve globale të botës, si migrimi, varfëria, krimi, ndotja, korrupsioni, etj. Akoma më problem është se kjo rritje do të përballohet kryesisht nga vendet në zhvillim si Shqipëria. Por pikërisht andej nga vijnë problemet, aty vjen edhe zgjidhja. E ndërsa në botë sot ka mjaft përpjekje në këtë drejtim, në Shqipëri administrimi dhe planifikimi i territorit mbetet ende në stanjacion, për të mos thënë në krizë. Këtu ngrihen një sërë cështjesh. P.sh,: Si do të zgjidhen problemet e trashëguara të pronësisë? A do të decentralizohet funksioni i planifikimit të territorit në nivel lokal? Si mund të rindërtohet besimi tek sistemi i planifikimit të territorit dhe regjistrimit të pronësisë? Si mundet planifikimi të udhëheqë zhvillimin? Si mund të ndihmojë planifikimi dhe administrimi i territorit që të shmangen konfliktualiteti politik dhe social? Në fakt ajo që po ndodh në shoqërinë shqiptare nuk është e gjitha bardhë e zi. Sepse pikërisht tek energjia dhe kaosi i qyteteve shqiptare qëndron edhe paradoksi dhe celesi i normalizimit sepse urbanizimi dramatik ka dhënë edhe efekte të tjera, përvec bumit në rajonin kryeqytetës dhe zbrazjes së zonave të izoluara malore. Një realitet i ri po krijohet në Shqipëri si në mjaft vende të tjera të botës. Kështu, aktualisht pritet një rritje e qyteteve të ashtuquajtur “dytësore”, të cilat shpejt do të konkurojnë me kryeqytetin dhe qytetet mëmë. Eksperienca botërore e ripohon këtë. Së treti, bazuar në sfondin e mësipërm studimi propozon disa teza potenciale mbi ri-ndarjen administrative të Shqipërisë. Tezat përqendrohen te evidentimi i një dallimi të qartë midis koncepteve të decentralizimit dhe dekoncentrimit. Koncepti i dytë ka të bëjë me debate të rëndësishme si rajonalizimi i vëndit dhe lidhet ngushtë me integrimin në BE. Më tej studimi ofron disa variente hipotezash për të mundësuar këtë ndarje administrative ose rajonalizim të ri të vendit. Në fakt kjo cështje duhet t’i nështrohet një debati politik dhe publik, por këto hipoteza mund të ndihmojnë pikërisht për të strukturuar këtë debat. Kjo reformë e ndarjes administrative të vendit, lidhet ngushtë me modernizmin e planifikimit dhe të administrimit të territorit të vendit. Nivelet e qeverisjes duhet të përputhen me nivelet e planifikimit, por në përgjithësi këto kompetenca delegohen poshtë. Reforma e planifikimit territorial, duhet të shoqërohet me reformën institucionale, gjë që angazhon administratën publike, legjislacionin, politikëbërjen dhe vendimmarrjen. Më tej studimi shtjellon hapat e kësaj reforme. Natyrisht, i gjithë ky diskutim bëhet në kuadrin e qëllimit kryesor: zgjidhjes së krizës së territorit. Për këtë arsye studimi analizon marrëveshjet ndërkombëtare mbi strehimin, sidomos ato në kuadër të OKB-së, dhe politikat e ndjekura në të kaluarën dhe sot nga autoritetet për këtë sektor. Kjo pasohet nga një shpjegim i “të drejtës për strehim”, si shprehje e dimensionit social të banesës, duke konkluduar me një propozim për një politikë shqiptare për strehimin. Analiza e ndërmarrë në shqyrtim përfshin edhe sektorë të tjerë, që kanë impakt në zhvillimin e territorit dhe zhvillimin e aseteve, përfshirë strehimin e turizmin. Një tjetër sektor me pikëprerje të fortë për rivendosjen e rregullit në administrimin e territorit është njohja, kthimi dhe kompensimi i pronave pronarëve historikë. Studimi ka ndërmarrë një analizë sintetike të situatës për këtë cështje, duke gjetur pikëprerjet me përmirësimet që duhen ndërmarrë në një sërë institucionesh dhe sektorësh të tjerë. Së katërti, studimi përqendrohet tek zgjidhjet konkrete dhe direkte për strehimin, si skemat e strehimit publik dhe social, të cilat synojnë si fillim të normalizojnë tregun e strehimit, duke ofruar një zgjidhje racionale dhe të përballueshme financiarisht nga të gjitha segmentet e shoqërisë. Më konkretisht, studimi analizon në terren shembuj të situatave në Tiranë, ku sektori privat ka një lloj “bumi”. Në këtë logjikë vijohet me shqyrtimin e rolit që luan Enti Kombëtar i Banesave. Po këtu shikohet me interes roli që mund të luhet nga bankat përmes kreditimit, apo partneritetet publike-private, skemat truall-shërbime, ose skema të tjera të ngjashme. Por, stabilizimi i këtij tregu rihap diskutimin për nevojën e normalizimit të mënyrës se si përdoret dhe zhvillohet toka. Me logjikën e nxitjes së sektorit publik për të qenë më proaktiv dhe konkurrues, studimi hedh piketat për draftimin e një ligji që synon nxitjen e projekteve publikeprivate me qëllim përmirësimin, transformimin dhe zhvillimin urban. Studimi i kushton një vëmendje të vecantë politikave fiskale të pronës në Shqipëri, pasi mungesa ose moszbatimi i tyre nxit kaosin e deritanishëm. Kjo kombinohet me strategji të posacme për bllokimin e ndërtimeve informale më tej. Analiza e kësaj alternative përfundon me rekomandimet për një balancë më të mirë midis procesit të kthimit dhe kompensimit të pronave, dhe procesit të formalizimit të aseteve informale. Kjo analizë rekomandon ngritjen e nje sistemi informacioni të kompjuterizuar të bazuar në fotografimin ajror, ku depozitohen të dhënat në formë “data-base”. Studimi evidenton 4 situatat më tipike duke saktësuar përshtjellimin në këtë drejtim. Së pesti, studimi fokusohet në nivelin më të ulët të zhvillimit të territorit, duke analizuar ekperiencën 10-vjeçare të një organizate joqeveritare shqiptare, sidomos në vendbanimet informale të Tiranës. Vemendja me e madhe i është kushtuar procesit të ndërtimit të urave të padukshme të komunikimit dhe besimit të ndërsjelltë, duke identifikuar dhe motivuar aktorët kyc. Analiza përmban edhe një zbërthim të hapave të ndërtimit pa leje dhe rolit të stimuluesit që mund të luajnë organizmat joqeveritare, përfaqësitë komunitare, dhe aktivitetet private lokale. Eksperienca kulmon me kalimin gradual nga iniciativat spontane përmirësuese me bazë komunitare, te axhendat e zhvillimit të lagjeve, drejt koordinimit dhe planifikimit të zhvillimit në nivel bashkie. Studimi analizon në këtë perspektivë procesin e vështirë të pjesëmarrjes qytetare, përfshirë mjetet, metodat dhe rezultatet e tij, duke nxjerrë kokluzionet si për shoqërinë civile, ashtu edhe për institucionet publike. Së gjashti, pas taktikave te strehimit social dhe formalizimit te ndërtimeve pa leje, studimi trajton formën e tretë, atë të politikave të integruara dhe të koordinuara të përmirësimit urban, përmes dokumentit të “Kartës Urbane të Sarandës”, një memorandum që është hartuar në kushte konkrete të një përqasjeje publike politike dhe profesionale që autori ka ndërmarrë ne vitin 2005. “Dritë mbi Sarandë”, është një apel politik dhe social ndaj komunitetit të Sarandës dhe autoriteteve vendore, për të ndërmarrë një proces sinergjik transformimi. Karta argumenton motivimin dhe niset nga opinionet e vetë qytetarëve për gjendjen aktuale dhe dëshirat e tyre për të ardhmen e qytetit, duke krahasuar procesin e ndryshimit me shtresat e spektrit të dritës. Secila ngjyrë përfaqëson një nga elementet e filozofisë së ndryshimit. Përmes një pyetësori janë përthithur problematikat e çdo zone në qytet dhe pastaj jepen propozimet për ndryshim duke u bazuar ne 7 plane veprimi për ndërhyrjeje. Çdo temë shoqërohet me vizionin, opinionin komunitar dhe rekomandimet për ndryshim. Në përfundim, jepen 20 rekomandime kryesore të studimit, duke u dhënë përgjigje pikëpyetjeve, hipotezave dhe dilemave që janë shtruar gjatë gjithë analizës. Studimi shoqërohet me literaturë dhe ilustrime të nevojshme.
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For some time, Co-PLAN has felt the need to organise the following reflections on our efforts, which began in the context of the significant changes of the 1990s, at which time Albania was struggling to establish order in the face of chaos. Many of the ideas, reflections, and projects written about in the following pages were actualized, while others remained tentative. In writing this book, often we faced the dilemma of being critical professionals and self-chroniclers, all the while being aware of the valuable contributions of various people that have not been directly discussed in this book. This is why our writing approach combines a chronology of events, a guiding theoretical framework as well as artistic indulgences that allow us to introduce color into an otherwise dark reality. Most of all, our challenge lay in presenting the following material not merely as a chronicle of urban and territorial developments in Albania, but rather as a new approach to urban planning, urbanization and life in general. we strove to present a thoughtful approach capable of generating sound alternatives, which we are excited to share with others. …has been an endeavor to create patterns of hope and provide orientation in a social and political context in which the spectrum extends from the austerity of the institutional “vacuum” to the perpetual “energy” of people and society. … is a positive way of thinking …a reading of the transformative energy and power that exist within the Albanian context …. is a hope that Albanian society is arriving on a normal path of development, and is no longer a victim of a limiting past. ... is a shifting mentality that does blame outside circumstances for our contemporary problems ...so that the situation is not the “fault” of others ...so that we and the causes of our problems are one and the same ...so that solutions rely having a relationship with problems rather than avoiding them. ... aims to shift mentalities away from looking at individual components, instead focusing on the whole system... To again treat people as active participants in the building of their own living realities, and not as passive actors. ... is an approach to the challenges of urban development in post-1990 Albania from the perspective of a core pool of experts... chronicles the story of an organization that altered field work at the level of national policy, university education, and academic scientific research. Besnik Aliaj, Sotir Dhamo, Dritan Shutina
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The fall of the old regime, the civil war of 1997, the war in Kosovo, and finally the process of joining the European Union, have generated a strong dynamic of social, cultural and economic change ever seen so far, if we think about the Ottoman occupation or the Communist Regime. This fast political process, both internally and externally, has left little space for an academic reflection on social/territorial impact and has distorted the Political orientation. Beside this fast process problems related to informality has been concentrated in the suburbs of the main Albanian cities-generating territorial and administrative problems. The policy to legalize, urbanize and integrate the informal settlements is a program approved by un large number of laws and articles that has changed in almost 10 years-since 2004. And as we know from various authors, public policies often fail or only partially succeed and this is more evident in territorial planning policies. It is therefore necessary to evaluate public policies in order to understand if and why they did not succeed. This paper will follow a process of policy evaluation through a structured list of questions from the moment that the law on Legalization started, which will be considered (t1), to now-days (t2). Conflictual Policy on 'Specific Goals' among actors. This research is a first attempt to read the policy development for the legalization of informal settlements in Albania after 10 years of open process and to the integration of disadvantaged populations to urban contexts in Albanian cities. From that moment few projects have had the possibility to design and collaborate with regional offices charged with the implementation of this policy.
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This article reviews shortcomings in the synoptic, or rational comprehensive planning tradition, as well as in other, countervailing theories that have attempted to fill specific deficiencies in the synoptic tradition. The chief problem of the synoptic approach appears to be its lopsided application due to the difficulties of simultaneously bringing to bear other counterpart planning traditions. Each tradition resists blending with others; each has its own internally consistent, mutually sustaining web of methods, social philosophies, professional standards, and personal styles. Yet real world problems are not so consistent or self-contained. Effective solutions require diverse perspectives and multiple levels of action, extending beyond the scope of any contemporary American planning theory. A five-part classification of planning traditions is discussed under the heuristic rubric of SITAR, covering the Synoptic, Incremental, Transactive, Advocacy, and Radical schools of planning thought. Compari...
Por una politica municipal democratica. Barcelona: Centro de estudios de urbanismo. National Territory Council Decision nr
  • J Borja
  • M Tarrago
  • R Boix
Borja, J., Tarrago, M. and Boix, R. (1977). Por una politica municipal democratica. Barcelona: Centro de estudios de urbanismo. National Territory Council Decision nr.280. (2015). On the criteria, procedures and documentation for the Legalization process. Tiranë: Official Newspaper of Albanian Government.