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Merit-Making Activities and the Latent Ideal of the Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia

August 2014
Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 33(2):27-57

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The divergent experiences surrounding merit-making acts represent the distinct backgrounds of individuals and communities that have emerged in postwar Cambodia. This article examines merit-making activities in two Buddhist temples in southwestern Cambodia and the influence of political patronage on temple–community relationships. This influence elicits images of a latent ideal of the Buddhist monastery that are used by local communities to form a social critique both of such political involvement within temples and of the destabilising effect it has on local people's merit-making activities. This ideal also reflected the political economies and social networks created within the temples that comprised two different models of patronage and means of accessing resources.

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Journal of Current

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O’Lemmon, Matthew (2014), Merit-Making Activities and the Latent Ideal of the

Buddhist

Wat

in Southwestern Cambodia, in:

Journal of Current Southeast Asian

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, 33, 2, 27–57.

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 Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 2/2014: 27–57 

Merit-Making Activities and the Latent

Ideal of the Buddhist Wat in

Southwestern Cambodia

Matthew O’Lemmon

Abstract: The divergent experiences surrounding merit-making acts

represent the distinct backgrounds of individuals and communities that

have emerged in postwar Cambodia. This article examines merit-making

activities in two Buddhist temples in southwestern Cambodia and the

influence of political patronage on temple–community relationships.

This influence elicits images of a latent ideal of the Buddhist monastery

that are used by local communities to form a social critique both of such

political involvement within temples and of the destabilising effect it has

on local people’s merit-making activities. This ideal also reflected the

political economies and social networks created within the temples that

comprised two different models of patronage and means of accessing

resources.



Manuscript received 16 October 2013; accepted 14 July 2014

Keywords: Cambodia, Theravada Buddhism, merit-making, political

economy, social networks

Matthew O’Lemmon, Ph.D., is an anthropologist and associate profes-

sor at the Harbin Institute of Technology Graduate School in Shenzhen,

China. His research interests include religious nationalism, post-conflict

societies, and the modern relationship between China and Southeast Asia.

E-mail: <m.olemmon@hitsz.edu.cn>

 28 Matthew O’Lemmon 

Introduction

This article examines merit-making activities in two Buddhist wats (tem-

ples) based on fieldwork in the southwestern Cambodian provinces of

Kampot and Kep. A materialist perspective in the context of an analysis

of merit-making activities that are driven by a latent ideal of the monas-

tery is used to examine how local Khmer villagers respond to political

influence within temples. “Latent ideal” in this study refers to underlying

notions of monastic propriety with concomitant expectations regarding

monastic roles and behaviour that have carried through since before

1975 and the formation of the Democratic Kampuchea (DK) regime of

the Khmer Rouge, to the destruction of the monastery during its roughly

four-year reign, and further to its reconstruction from the 1980s to the

present. This ideal influenced and was influenced by the political econo-

mies and social networks within the temples and comprised two models

of patronage and means of accessing resources. The article will demon-

strate how expectations based on this ideal also act as a means of re-

sistance against political influence in the monastery on the part of local

villagers through the latters’ social critique of monastic behaviour and

avoidance of certain temples.

Research for this paper was conducted at Wat Chum Kriel in Chum

Kriel Commune, Kampot Province, and Wat Kompong Tralach in Prey

Thom Commune, Kep Province (hereafter, Wat CK and Wat KT, re-

spectively). Data was obtained through participant observation, focus

groups and interviews with local villagers and monks in and around both

temples. Given that activities conducted within the context of merit-

making vary widely, this study takes a broad view of temple economies.

Thus, while the study of merit economics tends to focus specifically on

those activities involving exchange during ceremonies and rituals, my

research includes activities that influenced relations between local villages,

temples and outside groups.

The issue of exchange in anthropology has historically centred on

how wants and demands balanced against goods and services are cultur-

ally defined. These have ranged from Malinowski’s study of Trobriand

Island economics (1922) to Maus’ “gifting” (1990 [1925]), Polanyi’s cri-

tique of modern capitalism and its effect on human values (1944), the

formalist approach of the 1960s (LeClair and Schneider 1968) and Sah-

lins’ evaluation of “stone-age” economics (1972). Although Sahlins not-

ed that in “primitive” societies balanced reciprocity was the most com-

mon form of exchange (Sahlins 1972: 190), Bourdieu suggests that gift-

giving in pre-capitalist societies is a form of domination and was more

personal than it is in modern states (1977: 189–191).

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 29 

The field expanded to include developmental and peasant studies

(Appadurai and Breckenridge 1976) along with a neo-Marxist focus on

change, struggle and dynamism (Friedman 1975; Godelier 1977), as well

as Scott’s (1976) and Popkin’s (1979) respective studies of moral and

political economies, followed later by ecology (Halperin 1989) and femi-

nism (Waller and Jennings 1991). Good (2004) later expanded the field

with his work on ceremonial economies, examining worship and distri-

bution within a royal South Indian temple and public and private redis-

tribution. Kobayashi’s study of the boran and samay traditions (2005) and

village Buddhism (2008) in Cambodia, as well as Nissen’s (2008) exami-

nation of Buddhism and corruption in a Cambodian monastery raised

further issues regarding merit-making activities within Buddhist wats.

More recently, Ledgerwood’s (2012) study of merit-making activities

during rituals such as Pchum Ben has underlined disparities in status and

wealth between urban and rural Khmers.

This article adds to the literature on merit-making activities in Cam-

bodia by focusing on the everyday realities regarding the creation of

merit and its consequences for rural communities. Although a materialist

perspective is employed, it does not utilise the range of cultural divisions

formulated by Harris (1964, 1979), nor does it argue that Boasian con-

cepts of cultural boundaries separate local villagers from outside actors.

Materialism has its critics, and some may argue that temples serve multi-

ple functions outside of strictly materialist ones regarding the acquisition

of merit. These include their role as a socially cohesive institution and an

independent voice on issues such as corruption and human rights abuses.

However, as Bashkow (2004) notes, penetration of local culture through

globalisation and the increased presence of outside groups increases local

awareness of identity and cultural differences. Thus, the latent ideal

forms a key component of Cambodian culture, influencing behaviour

shown towards those in positions of authority (both moral and political),

determining social roles and expected behaviours and validating the

importance of merit and merit-making activities, which have been in-

strumental in the reconstruction of society, postwar. As an integral part

of social, economic and spiritual relations within Cambodia, the latent

ideal’s use demonstrated local solidarity and acted as a vehicle for criticis-

ing the monastery when outside influence precluded the opportunity for

merit-making activities.

A good deal of money is spent annually at wats for ceremonies,

alms-giving and involvement in temple activities (Ledgerwood 2008:

152–158) that express one’s commitment to the dhamma, to ancestral ties

and to merit-making capabilities. In this article, my focus is not on dãna

 30 Matthew O’Lemmon 

or “pure gifts” but instead concerns those acts specifically done with an

expectation of a return in merit leading to a change in events (either in

this life or the next). Merit’s traditional definition as that quality of moral

goodness stemming from good deeds, acts, mental disposition and

speech is often misunderstood, and I am not going to attempt to address

its many manifestations as identified and analysed by practitioners and

academics. This is not to say that dãna are not given. Many Khmers make

frequent trips to their local temple for a variety of reasons and giving a

“pure gift” counts among them. However, my use of the term “merit”

follows that established and conceptualised by Khmers, both laypeople

and monks, and expressed to me over the course of fieldwork. Merit,

therefore, is defined according to the variety of ways it is employed,

including: to gain status in the present or future, to acquire clients (thus

repositioning oneself as a powerful individual), to bring about a change

in circumstances (such as an alleviation of poverty or hunger) and to aid

one’s ancestors.

Motivations such as these are not limited to the context of Cambo-

dia. In Thailand, merit-making activities have been described as an

“economy of gifts” where “the dhamma becomes limited to what will sell

and what will fit into a schedule dictated by the demands of family and

job” (Thanissaro Bhikkhu 2010). Although such motivations may be

questionable from a traditional standpoint, local expressions of merit-

making should be judged according to the contexts in which they are

made and by the individuals who make them. Many people, particularly

those who are poor and surviving on subsistence agriculture, engage in

merit-making for a variety of reasons, some of which involve the acquisi-

tion of money and food and the alleviation of hardship. The value of

merit as it is understood and employed in Cambodia and other Therava-

da Buddhist countries cannot be overlooked, and it is unreasonable to

dismiss local constructions out of some sense of academic purity. Evolv-

ing definitions and practices involving merit and merit-making are just as

valid for practitioners for whom the accumulation of merit is of serious

importance as definitions of merit that run counter to them.

Following the end of the DK regime, the re-establishment of rituals

and merit-making activities took on renewed importance given the mis-

ery that pervaded the country. While merit-making activities drew upon

ideals of the past, an ideal existence was certainly not within reach during

this time given the Vietnamese occupation and ongoing civil war. Zucker

states that the loss of so many elders during the DK regime later led to a

breakdown in moral order representing a “structural void” in a society

organised around kinship, rank and hierarchy (2008: 197). The recon-

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 31 

struction of temples and the relationships created with a revived monas-

tic order acted as both a symbol of national identity and a vehicle for

reconnecting with that disrupted social and cosmological order.

Nissen states that Buddhist institutions have become “idealized in

the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge era” as people feel “nostalgia for the

past that is not matched in attitudes towards present-day state institu-

tions” (2008: 287). I also found in the course of my own research that

nostalgia regarding monastic propriety was pronounced. However, I

would suggest that this ideal was not likely the construction of individu-

als coping with the turmoil that follows social upheaval; rather, it was

one formalised in colonialist examinations of Cambodian Buddhism and

nationalist principles pre- and post-independence and in the experiences

of Khmer expatriates abroad, and it is employed today as a form of so-

cial critique. This critique, most commonly expressed as criticism of

“rich” temples and monks, juxtaposes an idealised Buddhist monastery

against the increasing influence of political groups and individuals within

local wats.

Merit-making activities can reaffirm this ideal but they also allow for

the development of political economies and social networks via ex-

change. Political economy, or how an economy can affect the possibili-

ties for action among individuals or groups through access to resources

(Hughes 2003: 9), relates to the broader economy of a wat in terms of its

ability to draw in influential patrons. These patrons can facilitate the

creation of social networks which in turn support wider communal ac-

tion. However, this is dependent on the participation by the wider com-

munity a wat serves. With little communal support, locals may forgo

accessing the political process, resulting in a narrow circle of individuals

for whom contact with influential groups and resources is reserved.

Thus, while anyone can participate in the temple’s economy, only some

have access to its political economy.

The paper begins with an overview of the two temples, which are

distinct in terms of physical size and patronage. The second and third

sections examine the politicisation of the Theravada Buddhist monastery

and of merit-making activities in Cambodia with reference to political

activities in temple affairs – that is, how the latent ideal of the Buddhist

monastery acts as a social critique of political influence while allowing

for the maintenance of relations between the local villagers and the polit-

ical groups on which villagers depend. The final section examines the

political economies and the broader social networks within each temple

which determined relationships between temple communities and politi-

cally influential patrons.

 32 Matthew O’Lemmon 

Wat Chum Kriel and Wat Kompong Tralach

Wat CK and Wat KT are located in the provinces of Kampot and Kep,

respectively. Each province holds a unique position in Cambodian histo-

ry. Kampot, prior to the dredging of the port of Kompong Som (also

known as Sihanoukville), was the country’s chief port, where a vibrant

pepper industry boomed during colonial times, while Kep served as

Cambodia’s premier resort town and favourite of King Sihanouk. During

the DK regime, the two provinces saw some of the most intense fighting

and were among the regime’s last holdouts. Since the late 1990s, both

have made considerable comebacks and have begun to rebuild their

reputation among tourists and businesses keen on tapping a growing

Cambodian economy.

Being among the last holdouts of the Khmer Rouge, though, also

meant that Buddhist wats experienced some of the more extreme forms

of violence, remnants of the Khmer Rouge having held out until, accord-

ing to locals, as late as 1999. Despite this legacy of violence, both prov-

inces have seen a resurgence of Buddhism and the building of temples.

The larger of the two temples in this study, Wat CK, is located in Chum

Kriel Commune, Teuk Chhu District, approximately six kilometres south

of Kampot Town in Kampot Province. The wat is the seat of monastic

administration and home of the senior monk (mekun khet) for the prov-

ince, and it regularly receives visits from political officials, generally from

the dominant Cambodian People’s Party. It is also home to one of the

official memorials for Khmer Rouge victims that dot the country (no. 36,

site no. 070701). During the French colonial period, the temple main-

tained close relations with authorities and played an important role in the

reform of temple schools. Its close proximity to an urban area allowed

for local inhabitants to engage in labour outside of farming. Having a

greater concentration of people meant that homes were built closer to-

gether and a there was a greater number of small stalls selling various

sundries. There was also a mosque and a Cham village several kilometres

south of the wat; however, Cham households were also scattered inter-

mittently among Khmer homes.

Wat CK is also home to the province’s only Buddhist high school,

built in 1998. During the school year, the wat was said to house up to 200

monks, most attending the high school. Being close to town also allowed

for monks to attend English classes or other technical courses. The wat

was different from most other temples given its large size, its high school

and the high number of monks it housed; it also stood out for being the

recipient of political patronage by local and national figures. This had the

deleterious effect of garnering it the title of “rich”, which served to de-

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 33 

termine both the locals’ way of relating with the temple and their opinion

of its resident monks.

The other temple in this study, Wat KT in Prey Thom Commune,

Kep District, Kep Province, is set off from a highway which meanders

east and southeast towards Vietnam. It is eight kilometres north of the

seaside town of Kep and twenty kilometres southeast of the town of

Kampot. It had anywhere between six and nine monks at any given time,

most of whom came from the surrounding villages. It was first built in

1897 by a man named Chong, who was its first abbot as well as the

“Teacher of Sutra-Slekrut”. During the DK regime, it was used as a pen

for livestock as well as an execution site, only to be destroyed in the late

1970s.

It was rebuilt from 1998 to 2000 with donations from Prime Minis-

ter Hun Sen (whose name adorns the façade) along with donations from

Khmer expatriates living overseas. The abbot was a monk prior to 1975

and initiated the collection of victims’ remains that had been scattered

throughout the area, which he put into a shrine near the vihear (sanctuary).

Although small, it is a popular wat; locals would come and go throughout

the day while older members of the commune attended to various chores

or prepared meals for the resident monks. The methodical rhythm of the

countryside combined with temple goings-on marked the time for

monks and locals. Recently washed robes were regularly draped hurry-

scurry along clotheslines near the monks’ quarters while silent water

buffalos stood guard in nearby fields staring impassively this way or that.

Aside from the disparity in size, the obvious difference between the

two temples was the amount of local activity occurring at each. Wat CK

was often devoid of locals, save young men who had friends serving as

monks or the occasional vendor selling CDs or other items. Wat KT, on

the other hand, always had some activity going on and was the hub of

the commune, whether in terms of children attending the temple’s pri-

mary school, locals preparing for upcoming ceremonies, or labourers

renovating buildings or touching up the murals of the salaa (communal

hall). Although Wat KT did receive funds from political elites, it relied

mostly on donations from locals and Khmer expatriates.

The two temples’ association with influential groups is indicative of

the tension that exists between the political establishment and monastery

that has at times reached boiling point. The government encourages

monks to take on “traditional” roles as moral and religious educators

while labelling personal involvement in politics as “non-traditional”

(khos-tomneam-tumlop) (Heng 2008: 242). Monks gained the right to vote

under the 1993 constitution but later participated in the 1998 demonstra-

 34 Matthew O’Lemmon 

tions against electoral irregularities. The violence which followed moved

Tep Vong and Bour Kry, leaders of the respective Mahanikay and

Thommayut orders, to sign a public announcement preventing monks

from voting. The Ministry of Information and Ministry of Cults and

Religions went a step further in 1999 and again in 2005, issuing and re-

spectively re-iterating a statement that all sermons had to be officially

checked prior to broadcasting (Heng 2008: 243–245).

The government’s limiting of political freedoms has further exacer-

bated criticism of it and has fuelled a divide between traditionalists, who

see the monastery’s role as a social and moral guide, and modernists,

who support a politically engaged Buddhism and the monastery’s in-

volvement in social development (Heng 2008: 243–245). The major

division between traditional (boran) and modern (samay) styles of practice

emerged in the 1910s during the monastery’s reformist movement led by

two monks, Samdech Chuon Nath and Samdech Huot Tath. They insist-

ed on a strict interpretation of Buddhist teaching, chanting the suttas in

both Pali and Khmer, and a rejection of the reliance on spirits (Koba-

yashi 2008: 181). According to Kobayashi (2005), the main difference

between the two styles today is in perceptions of Buddhist practice as

viewed by older and younger generations; the latter include those who

were ordained after Buddhism’s reconstruction and who did not benefit

from seeing traditional practices or learning from older, more experi-

enced monks. Yet, Kobayashi also notes that many temples adopt an

amalgamation of modern and traditional practices and that the terms

encompass more than just a temple’s religious orientation – they also

include views of village life (Kobayashi 2005: 502, 508, 512).

As a traditional temple, Wat KT was seen as an example of good

Buddhist practice and monastic propriety where spirits played an active

role in ceremonies. Its monks were regularly called on for local life-cycle

ceremonies, and the temple itself was a hub of social activity. Within

modern Wat CK, the role of spirits was tangential at best; monks even

told me that the temple had no guardian neak ta spirit (although I later

discovered a dilapidated spirit house that had obviously not been visited

for some time). The educational aspect of Wat CK also distinguished it

in terms of its modern outlook towards the world. Monks attending the

high school studied a variety of subjects – including comparative religion

– and took courses in Pali, Sanskrit, biology and civics.

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 35 

Table 1: High School Subjects and Schedule at Wat Chum Kriel

Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Saturday

Sanskrit (1) Pali (1) Pali (2) Pali (2) Khmer (2) Dhamma (1)

Compara-

tive Religion

(1)

Compara-

tive Religion

(1)

Earth

Science /

Astronomy

(1)

Afternoon Break

Civics /

Govern-

ment (1)

Physics (2) Geography

(1) English (1) Biology (1) English (1)

Chemistry

(2)

Khmer

Literature /

Culture (2)

Mathemat-

ics (2) Biology (1) History (1) Sanskrit (1)

Mathemat-

ics (1)

Note: Number in brackets = hour/s.

Source: Author’s own compilation.

Did the respective traditional and modern orientations of Wat KT and

Wat CK influence merit-making activities? Perhaps for some, but their

differences were pronounced in many other ways: They were not in close

proximity to one another; Wat KT was in a rural area compared to Wat

CK, which was in a urban/semi-rural area and located close to the pro-

vincial capital of Kampot Town; their respective geographic orientations

also led to villages being spread out around Wat KT and more concen-

trated around Wat CK. Further, as Wat CK was the home of Kampot

Province’s monastic administration and Buddhist high school, it housed

significantly more monks. Thus, its administrative atmosphere and the

detached sentiment voiced by monks (who distinguished it from their

“home” wat) did not engender close relationships with locals compared

to Wat KT, which played a significant role in villagers’ lives.

The presence of wealthy and politically connected patrons, however,

was cited repeatedly as the reason locals avoided Wat CK. Further, Wat

CK’s appeal for these patrons originated less likely from its philosophical

outlook and more likely from its large size and equally large number of

monks, its proximity to an urban centre (given that wealthy and political-

ly connected individuals came from Kampot Town and not the rural

countryside), and from the fact that it was the province’s monastic ad-

ministrative seat and the abbot was the most senior monk in the prov-

ince. As shown in the following sections, the quality of patronage and its

influence on temple relations and on merit-making activities were more

significant factors than each temple’s respective religious orientation.

 36 Matthew O’Lemmon 

Politicisation of the Theravada Buddhist

Monastery

Theravada Buddhism has been used throughout history to control the

far-flung regions of a ruler’s domain. These domains, or mandalas – polit-

ical apparatuses fluid in terms of territory and lacking a fixed centre –

appealed to lesser rulers who were attracted to a king’s ability to establish

alliances and defeat enemies (Higham in Assavavirulhakarn 2010: 18–19).

The cosmological position of the wat and the depiction of the world in

terms of space, time, matter and causality (Tambiah 1976: 334) located

the king as the pinnacle of society, bonding the physical and spiritual

destinies of his subjects to the fate of the kingdom. At the village level,

the individual merit created via the wat acted as a “rationalisation for

social prestige” helping to explain inequality and social mobility (Mulder

1973: 6, 29–30). Thus, the dhamma, merit and samsara (the cycle of birth,

death and rebirth) solidified the king’s power and monastic authority

while stressing obedience to one’s status and position.

As a people’s religion, Theravada Buddhism has been both a target

and a tool of political manipulation. For example, in 2003 the communist

leaders of Laos erected a statue of King Fa Ngum, the legendary founder

of the Kingdom of Lan Xang, in an attempt to shore up their declining

popularity. Leaders even went so far as to portray themselves as the

direct descendants of the king (Thayer 2003: 110). Similarly, political

authorities in Myanmar have maintained control over the sangha through

the creation of a national committee and honorary titles, countering the

monastery’s position as an independent voice of moral authority (Hiroko

2009: 230–232).

Within Thailand, codification of the relationship between the mon-

archy and Buddhism can be traced at least as far back as the fourteenth-

century text known as Trai Phum Phra Ruang, which emphasises the ideal

Buddhist kingship, the cakkravatti, or universal monarch (Cohen 2003:

243). Modern Thai legislation included the Sangha Act of 1902; the

Sangha Act of 1941, which introduced democratic measures into the

sangha; and the Sangha Act of 1962, which removed them. Ishii writes

that the 1902 act

denied personal charisma and created a situation in which the ‘ex

officio charisma’ of monks could sustain popular beliefs. As a result,

salvation became inaccessible to people except through the na-

tional ecclesia: extra ecclesia nulla salus (1968: 78, emphasis in origi-

nal).

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 37 

Tambiah refers to Buddhism’s role in Thai society as a “total social fact”

(1976: 529): The relationship between the bhikku and the king, the two

wheels of the dhamma, encompass the lives of all those falling between

them. The king, at the centre of this galactic polity, saw lesser replicas

revolving around him who, in turn, were centres which even lesser rulers

revolved around, down to the local villager (Tambiah 1976: 70). Being

pure and separate from the mundane, the sangha becomes a valid field of

merit whereby individuals can sow their offerings with the promise of

heavenly reward (Ishii 1986: 12–14). Thus, the dhamma is maintained and

transmitted by the sangha, which only exists through outside support; the

king supports the sangha as the defender of Buddhism and his support, in

turn, contributes to the maintenance of the dhamma (Ishii 1986: 12–14).

In French colonial Cambodia, transferring traditional knowledge

within the monastery and state reinforced conceptions of social hierar-

chy. As the burgeoning Khmer intelligentsia became more vocal, mem-

bers began working through the Buddhist Institute in Phnom Penh – an

institution created by colonial administrators with an eye towards

strengthening the central role of the king over rural temples. As Hansen

(2004) points out, the connection between Buddhism and Khmer identi-

ty in the growing nationalist sentiment of the nineteenth and twentieth

centuries was, in certain respects, a reaction to foreign influences and

what was being defined by outsiders as “authentic” Khmer culture. The

push for independence eventually split the sangha into two main ideologi-

cal camps, with many joining Song Ngoc Thanh in the Khmer Serei

(“Free Khmer”) movement and others siding with Son Ngoc Minh and

the United Issarak Front (Harris 2005: 142).

The differences in Buddhism’s expression became exacerbated dur-

ing Sihanouk’s Sangkum government with its brand of “Buddhist social-

ism”. The government’s manipulation of class disparities combined with

incompetent members of the sangha (Mouly in Meagher 1999: 42) solidi-

fied the monastery’s role as bearer of the sacred, maintained through the

top-down hierarchy of the Khmer state (Ayers 2000: 12). Yet, the politi-

cal influence which initially divided the sangha became institutionalised

following Sihanouk’s overthrow in 1970 by General Lon Nol. Ironically

it was Lon Nol, an ardent believer in the spells of sorcerers and divina-

tion powers of soothsayers, who cast himself as the saviour of Buddhism

against the communist aggression which ultimately destroyed the monas-

tery during the DK regime of the Khmer Rouge.

With the collapse of the DK regime in 1979 following the invasion

by Vietnam, the Vietnamese-installed People’s Republic of Kampuchea

(PRK) needed to be propped up with broader societal support. As the

 38 Matthew O’Lemmon 

government could not rely on the galvanising appeal of Sihanouk, who

sought his own opposing coalition to the PRK, it encouraged Bud-

dhism’s growth as a source of legitimation (Harris 2005: 197–198). This

was codified at least in speech when Pen Sovan, secretary-general of the

Kampuchean People’s Revolutionary Party (KPRP; later known as the

Cambodian People’s Party or CPP), noted that monks who interacted

with the population were members of the KPRP Front, in effect enlist-

ing the monastery into political service.

By the 1990s the growth of NGOs was often viewed favourably by

Western observers as a way to give voice to the oppressed and counter-

balance state authority (Marston 2009: 228). A key leader early on who

helped link Buddhism to the proliferation of development groups was

Venerable Yos Hut, a Mahanikay monk who became a cultural advisor to

the Human Rights Division of the United Nations Transitional Authori-

ty in Cambodia. Hughes has criticised the conflation of Buddhism with

human rights, arguing that human rights in Cambodia are often learned

rote with little discussion regarding the deeper meaning of what democ-

racy might hold for the country (in Marston 2009: 236). Although this

trend is not necessarily new and can be traced back to Sihanouk’s

Sangkum government, it exemplifies the continued co-opting of Bud-

dhist institutions by state and increasingly international organisations.

Merit-Making Activities in Cambodia

Heder describes Cambodian society as “interlocking pyramids of patron–

client networks” (1995: 425) built on patrimonial as opposed to rational

institutions. Khaeng (2006: 227–228) characterises these as supra-net-

works, each with its own patron or backer (khnang). Although the rela-

tionships established with temples in such a system vary, merit-making

remains central to Buddhist practice in the country (Ledgerwood 2008:

163). Individuals often patronise numerous temples, which Kent de-

scribes as “evidence of considerable cooperative effort and pooling of

resources”, further stating that “the pagoda is ideally the hub of a num-

ber of local associations” (Kent 2003: 10). Kent goes on to note that this

informal reciprocity, although invisible to outsiders, demonstrates the

autonomy of temple communities and can be seen as a form of re-

sistance to both outside influence and administrative officials who lack

local legitimacy (Kent 2003: 11).

This informal reciprocity may demonstrate a continuance of com-

munal relationships shaped over decades of instability, relationships

which changed, perhaps in an effort to fit the circumstances people

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 39 

found themselves in, pre- and post-1979. Indeed, reconstruction efforts

under the PRK government throughout the 1980s and restrictions on

ordinations may have strengthened bonds between temple communities

(chomnoh) and local wats as the latter became some of the few places indi-

viduals could escape the realities of societal reconstruction. Kobayashi

defines a chomnoh as “an unbounded social group, defined by shared part-

icipation in the activities of a certain temple” (Kobayashi 2008: 177). Yet,

he also characterises Buddhist temples in Cambodia as existing in a state

of tension and negotiation among participants of diverse backgrounds

(Kobayashi 2005: 515). Divisions that emerge among temple members

take the form of criticism, or what he calls “lament toward the current

situation” while wrapped in the Buddhist ideal of peace (Kobayashi 2005:

515).

That “current situation” often involves donations from powerful

patrons, highlighting disparities in wealth while connecting local temples

with larger, state-driven efforts to bring rural communities into a broader

framework of relationships (Ishii 1968: 865; Keyes 1989: 131–133; Ledg-

erwood 2012: 197–201). Political patronage can also take the form of

alignment with temples believed to have supernatural powers or access

to parami, the ten perfections achieved by the Buddha which allowed him

to achieve nibbhana. The popular meaning of parami is a benevolent form

of power which can be focused by gru parami, or mediums, for specific

ends (Bertrand 2004: 156–158). The CPP is well known for its patronage

of wats that claim to have cosmo-magical powers, while Prime Minister

Hun Sen has all but rebuilt the complex of Wat Weang Chas in the an-

cient capital city of Oudong (Gyallay-Pap 2007: 92). Guthrie goes as far

as to state that Hun Sen’s actions are meant to define him as the legiti-

mate successor to the Khmer kings of the former capital (2002: 68).

Edwards observes that this type of patronage has become a type of

“racket” where the theatrics of alms-giving by the government are pack-

aged as merit-worthy while suggesting that the monastery may disappear

without such support (2008: 220). Kent, likewise, describes temple

ground-breaking ceremonies as important displays for ratifying a new

kind of political theatre where “power is demonstrated and relations of

economic dependency regimented” (2007: 341). For their part, people

who live near Wat CK would speak of the day Hun Sen flew to the area

in a helicopter, visiting that temple (among others) and offering dona-

tions. While this display of power and authority positively reinforced the

prime minister’s image as patron, it elicited criticism of the temple as

being too closely connected to the rich and powerful.

 40 Matthew O’Lemmon 

These images stand alongside Hun Sen’s portrayal as one who “pro-

tects his followers and ruthlessly punishes his enemies” (Hughes in Ed-

wards 2008: 224–225), or what Heder (2011: 208) characterises as “law-

fare”: the political use of the law and courts against society. In many

ways, the classical image of a dominant ruler acquiring clients through

patronage or force represents an entrenched vision of Cambodian power

– a power that both opposes the change demanded by some foreign

donors and is perpetuated through the aid given by others without pre-

conditions. If the lowly monk represents the “rice field of merit” (Forest

2008: 17) from which merit-making acts bear fruit, overt demonstrations

of gift-giving by powerful individuals catalyse dominance through inti-

mations of kingship.

Merit-Making Activities and the Latent Ideal in

the Communes of Chum Kriel and Prey Thom

The presence of political elites and other influential donors can bring

many changes to local communities, from the disruption of daily life to

the potential loss of autonomy. But the overt presence of political

groups also disrupts the role of temples as institutions of identity crea-

tion – places where children are schooled, young men and women social-

ise, and some local males serve as monks. The perceived intrusion or

even usurpation of this personal relationship calls into question what

little control Khmers have over their lives and those institutions which

impact them directly.

“Control” has been out of the hands of Khmers for quite some

time. Compared to neighbouring Thailand, Cambodia did not so much

as step into modernity as it was dragged in. Yet, Kent also describes

temples as offering hope of “restoring local microcosms of universal

order in which the ideal ruler – the righteous king – is supposed to en-

sure the proper relationship between ordered life and the forces of chaos”

(2007: 339). Those “local microcosms of universal order” are realised on

the local level through the relations between villagers and temples and

the strategies individuals employ when dealing with influential elites.

Although politicians and wealthy individuals donate large sums of

money for construction projects, they differ from those projects funded

through rural community networking and what Kobayashi calls “village

Buddhism” (Kobayashi 2008: 170). As he notes in his work in San Kor

Commune in Kompong Thom Province, while the building of temples is

seen as a meritorious act, the funding available for such projects is min-

imal given the monetary limitations of rural villagers (Kobayashi 2008:

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 41 

170). Outside funding is sought; however, with it can come tensions that

can diminish a temple’s standing in the eyes of those it normally serves.

Given the experiences of Khmers over the past forty years, merit-

making activities that are money-oriented may be an unavoidable conse-

quence of history. And while I have been present at many T’ngai Seul

(the uposatha or Sabbath) where locals would talk and joke in the salaa as

the achar (lay ritual specialist) read off the names of donors and dona-

tions much like an MC at a fundraising dinner, these activities also pro-

vided solidarity. For temples such as Wat KT where donations by locals

were often only a few hundred riel – at most a few thousand (1 USD

equals roughly 4,000 KHR) – it was more the communal atmosphere of

the event than the value of offerings which reaffirmed ties.

By contrast, monks studying at Wat CK would go about their cere-

monial duties, but the lack of connection was apparent on days such as

T’ngai Seul, which some monks had trouble keeping track of and which

brought in far fewer visitors. This difference was also noted by individu-

als regarding temple patronage. Those who patronised Wat CK were said

to be neak mean (rich or well-off individuals) and generally linked to elite

circles or urban centres, while neak srok or neak srok srae (country people)

were associated with Wat KT, regardless of their actual solvency.

In line with Kent’s (2003) research, there was a tendency for at-

tendees at both temples – both neak mean and neak srok – to patronise

numerous wats; the more temples/ceremonies one attends, the more

opportunities there are for making merit. Yet, how individuals maintain

their “merit portfolio” differs according to age, gender and life history.

For younger members of the community, attending rituals at numerous

temples was also a means of socialising outside of normal hours (such as

during Pchum Ben, the festival for the dead). Parents were even said to

split their children up, sending them to different temples, thus maximis-

ing merit-making activities.

As Ledgerwood (2012) demonstrates in her study of a Pchum Ben

ceremony in Kandal Province, the festival has become a means for rein-

tegrating the multitudes who died unknown and agonising deaths under

the Khmer Rouge. Temple rituals become a declaration of membership

in that unbounded group, reaffirming an individual’s commitment to the

group’s shared trials, or in the case of Pchum Ben, reintegrating the de-

ceased. What this membership also demonstrates is a shared vision of

Buddhist temples, even if it is an idealised vision, one that bridges pre-

and postwar Cambodia. It is both an ideal of continuity with the past and

a social critique of temples at which outside influence precludes and

excludes local activities.

 42 Matthew O’Lemmon 

Those activities include, first and foremost, the creation of merit.

Thus, the lack of monastic propriety (realistic or idealised) in one temple

(Wat CK) was a reason to patronise another (Wat KT), but not the mo-

tivation for attending either in the first place. Creating merit was the

catalyst which drove most villagers to certain wats and it was likewise this

ability to facilitate the creation of merit that was seen as evidence that

monks were true to their position in society. Those temples that strayed

from the ideal demonstrated by close associations with the rich and po-

litically powerful displaced the potential for merit-making acts among

locals, which brought corresponding criticism.

This is not to say that there can be only one ideal. Although not in-

terviewed for this study, political elites could have their own perspective

of what constituted an ideal, and perhaps Wat CK exemplified it. And

there are also temples that have a special status for all Khmers regardless

of social background; the temple complex of Oudong, for example,

holds a special place in Khmer antiquity. And while it is the recipient of

large amounts of money from Prime Minister Hun Sen, it nonetheless

receives patrons from all over the country.

As an institution, though, and one that a largely rural population

such as that of Cambodia relies on for spiritual, social and educational

support, the Buddhist monastery is a fundamental part of the lives of

many, and it is more than a place for special events or the occasional

festival. Merit-making addresses the real needs of local Khmers and acts

as a bulwark against the psychological and physical stress that comes

with a meagre and at times uncertain existence. Supplanting local partici-

pation brought criticism as it was proof of both a monastery’s “rich”

status – a stray from ideal behaviour – and the associated decline in its

ability to support local merit-making activities.

An event during Pchum Ben illustrates this point more clearly.

Around 4 a.m., a Khmer friend named Tommy and I bicycled out to Wat

CK for the morning ceremony which included monks chanting the

dhamma followed by attendees circling the temple three times and leaving

food on the ground for ghosts and spirits of the dead. On arrival, the

temple was completely silent, prompting Tommy to comment, “Sorry, I

think the monks must be lazy.” Not soon after, an older gentleman rid-

ing by on a bicycle stopped and expressed his discontent with the temple:

“The monks there [Wat CK] are no good, they take rice from the people

and then get rich.” Visibly dismayed as he had spent time arranging both

of our offerings the night before, all Tommy could say as we rode off

into the darkness was, “I won’t come here again.”

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 43 

When I went to the temple later that afternoon, it was hosting a

crowd of approximately sixty well-dressed people, many of whom were

from the Ministry of Cults and Religions (all the local ministries were

said to have booked time at the temple during Pchum Ben). It was a

festive occasion, as it was the twelfth day of Pchum Ben, towards the

end of the fifteen-day ceremony. Inside there was a much more charged

atmosphere than at other ceremonies I had attended. The achar read the

names of donors and their large donations, his voice blaring over the

loudspeaker amid the clatter of attendees that filled a nondescript salaa.

Juxtaposed against my experience that morning, the scene highlighted

local expressions of exclusion and what many perceived as a “rich” tem-

ple beholden to powerful groups where the ability to make merit was

significantly reduced.

Yet, that ability must be weighed according to what Graeber (2005:

451) calls “fetishism”, or the assumption that value comes from the

token involved and not from the individual. That is, the value attached to

an offering as opposed to the motivation to make one in the first place.

During merit-making activities, offerings are frequently weighed against

the context in which they are made. The building of a new temple or the

enshrinement of a Buddha statue, for instance, will generally elicit more

elaborate offerings than those on T’ngai Seul. And with greater status

comes even larger offerings, both real and expected, echoing Bowie’s

observation that “when rich and poor claim to share common ethical

principles, morality can become a weapon of the weak against the strong”

(1998: 475).

Could rural communities’ expectations of larger gifts by wealthy in-

dividuals be seen as a cause for a given political group’s patronage of

certain temples? The answer lies in the distinction between secular and

religious “gifts”. Infrastructure projects drew local support for the CPP,

but improvements to roads or irrigation canals were activities that people

expected to be undertaken by the government. Merit-making, however,

involved political organisations establishing relationships with the mon-

astery through direct material and monetary support, which distorted the

monastery’s moral authority and obviated local villagers’ ability to create

merit. Thus, while irrigation canals drew support for the CPP, the party’s

support for the monastery led to a backlash from the community against

certain temples. However, realistically, temples are also in no position to

turn political groups away without potentially offending those in posi-

tions of power, which could have even more severe consequences.

Even though the donations by people living near each temple could

not match those of outside groups, when the local community was ac-

 44 Matthew O’Lemmon 

tively involved in the lives of the temples, the shared sense of participa-

tion facilitated a shared sense of merit-making. Thus, when a Khmer

expatriate from the US made a large donation to Wat KT during Kathen,

the fact that locals were approached beforehand regarding a connected

ritual was what mattered. For locals, their being involved in the process

served to uphold their idealised image of the wat, enabled their attach-

ment to the offering, and transformed what was otherwise an individual

offering into a communal one. Influence by political and otherwise pow-

erful elites disrupts this cycle. Monks are seen as operating for the rich

and powerful while their role in merit-making activities is cut off vis-à-vis

those who need it most. The monastery is then criticised not because it

receives goods per se, but because it accumulates material wealth from a

segment of society that is already in a good position in this life while

creating a social barrier for another segment that is not.

The irony of the current situation is that the idealised image of the

monastery is threatened by Edward’s notion of a “racket”, described

above, via a political body that on the one hand acts as the protector of

the monastery, and on the other is made up of senior officials responsi-

ble for its dismantling under the DK regime. Traversing the twisting

road of Cambodian historical revisionism is perhaps the only way the

latent ideal and the racket could meet. Even so, the strategies ordinary

Khmers use to define their involvement and membership within temples

are not always straightforward, with new associations stretching the lim-

its of even unbounded groups. Further, if Theravada Buddhism and

engagement in rituals are means for Khmers in the diaspora to reaffirm

their ethno-religious identity (Thibeault and Boisvert 2010), then the

revival of the monastery demonstrates deep-rooted monastic moral au-

thority.

Monks at Wat CK admitted, though, that there were still some

among their ranks who entered the monastery for reasons other than

strictly Buddhist ideals. This is not necessarily unique to Cambodia, as

the monastery has traditionally been a vehicle for social mobility within

Theravada Buddhist countries (Tambiah 1973: 74; Suksamran 1982: 23;

Stuart-Fox 1983: 432; Hiroko 2009: 215–216). However, the social cohe-

sion nurtured through monastic service was also an important aspect of a

temple’s economy. As parents were said to patronise wats where their

children served, a son’s service fostered merit-making activities and rein-

forced bonds within the community.

A steady stream of shiny new Toyota sedans and SUVs filled with

politicians (usually CPP members) during holidays was the surest way to

prevent this temple–community cohesion and keep local villagers in-

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 45 

doors and away from Wat CK. Such events at Wat KT, however, were

infrequent and did not take on similar negative connotations. The man-

ner in which people would patronise Wat CK also influenced local per-

ceptions. Coming from outside the area meant the well-off had little

connection with the surrounding communities to begin with, while the

“give-and-go” manner in which they would arrive, offer gifts and then

quickly move on did little to facilitate interaction with locals. This was

somewhat different from the strategy employed by villagers when pat-

ronising several temples, given that their movements were on foot (or at

most by motorbike), resulting in longer stays and greater interaction with

others.

Internal factors also played a role in shaping temple identity. For

Loak Loan, the educational and administrative features of Wat CK over-

shadowed its religious aspects: “Chum Kriel is different, that’s why there

[are fewer] people. It’s the same as Wat Kompong Tralach but different

– we go to school here, that’s it.” For many, the scholastic and adminis-

trative characteristics of the temple, the monks’ detachment and the

temple’s association with politically connected patrons were signs of

corruption and a lack of social order, further entrenched by displays of

privilege.

Figure 1: Social Engagement and Merit-Making Activities

Source: Author’s own graphic.

These factors had the effect of turning the traditional/modern juxtaposi-

tion on its head. Traditional Wat KT with its inward spiritual focus was

 46 Matthew O’Lemmon 

nonetheless socially engaged with the local community given that monks

were from the surrounding villages and were regularly called on to per-

form rituals and life-cycle ceremonies. Wat CK, however, although more

engaged with the world academically, as seen in the temple’s high school

curriculum above, had little social engagement with surrounding villages,

resulting in locals going to outside temples for merit-making activities

(monks even admitted that they went to houses outside the immediate

area for their daily alms, as some local families refused to donate rice).

During the festival of Pchum Ben, a noontime meal at Wat CK had

been booked by the Ministries of Finance and Information (the previous

day it had been booked by the Ministries of Culture and Women’s Af-

fairs). The usual batch of vans and new cars filled the temple’s courtyard

as local children took the opportunity to play inside the vihear, which was

normally locked. In one vehicle came a monk from Phnom Penh who

had travelled to the wat to dole out donations on behalf of a wealthy

Khmer expatriate living in the US. Following lunch, dozens of monks

stood in a row facing the courtyard, each quietly accepting a donation

before making their way back to their quarters. Even though the dona-

tions distributed by the visiting monk were made by someone overseas

and not by a member of the government, the political presence was

more of an issue for many in the local community. One woman I spoke

with, Savang, smiled as she told me: “Hun Sen has a special relationship

with them [Wat CK]. He came here many times.”

“Hun Sen controls the state so he can give money, but monks vote

for Sam Rainsy because he’s against corruption. But he doesn’t build

anything”, said Loak Loan when describing politics and local support for

the CPP. Accepting patronage from one political party while voting for a

rival that is against corruption may demonstrate adherence to idealised

behaviour or even an internal politicising effort on the part of the mon-

astery. Nevertheless, at least in the case of Wat CK this acknowledgment

did not extend beyond the temple’s gates. Further, the at times over-

whelming political presence combined with the monks’ views that the

wat was a place for education as opposed to their “home temple” validat-

ed the belief that the monastery was bound to outside groups. Thus,

when political authority moved from the secular (building projects) to

the religious sphere, it generated expressions of disillusionment by locals

such as Savang, who sent her children on merit-making activities to other

wats.

What this avoidance and support for other temples showed, though,

was more than just a fluid resistance but a claim of right to define a mo-

nastic ideal when faced with the effects of political patronage. While

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 47 

local infrastructure improvements were appreciated and garnered sup-

port for the CPP, donations by political elites to Wat CK brought disap-

proval directed towards monks who were said to become “rich” through

those donations even though they were in no real position to deny such

patronage. This “antagonistic symbiosis” (Nissen 2008: 283), or resis-

tance to political influence and to the destabilising effect it can have on

monastic identity and temple/community relationships may appear con-

tradictory. Yet, through this social criticism, local villagers maintained

relations with wealthy, politically connected donors while simultaneously

expressing their disapproval of political influence within the monastery,

positioning the current state of the wat against images of the past – that

latent ideal of what the monastery was or was thought to be.

This criticism is not without substance. During Kathen following

the three-month retreat for monks during the rainy season, monks ac-

cept gifts of money, food and material goods as an act of gratefulness.

“We can go around and receive many gifts and finally leave the wat.

Monks like it the most”, as one monk at Wat CK put it. And although

enjoying gifts is not necessarily evidence of straying from a latent ideal,

the ceremony can be used as a means for acquiring material wealth. A

monk staying at a temple other than the one he normally resides at could

(and some do) use the occasion to receive multiple donations at both his

wat of residence and his home wat – and those with influential ties have

an even greater capacity to do so. Are the people giving gifts perpetuat-

ing less than ethical monastic behaviour in their acquisition of merit, or

are they merely performing a moral deed? And what of monks? Using a

ceremony to obtain material goods may seem at odds for those who

have taken a vow of poverty. However, as monks depend on outside

donations – and have a duty to inspire good moral character through

facilitating moral deeds – their actions can be seen as reasonable.

Nissen argues that the Buddhist logic of kamma and punishment le-

gitimises corrupt practices, which can be rebranded as gift-giving (2008:

285). If a bribe is a “gift” and a payoff a “donation”, then those commit-

ting the offense have, in fact, committed no offense at all but a moral

deed worthy of good kamma. Indeed, the fact that a person is in a posi-

tion to offer such a “donation” could be argued as evidence of the moral

deeds performed in a former life, legitimising what is otherwise blatant

dishonesty. Having spoken with numerous Khmers about this dilemma

in regard to the Khmer Rouge, I have come to refer to it as the “Cam-

bodian conundrum”: Those who performed wicked deeds during the

DK regime acquired titanic amounts of bad kamma for their acts. How-

 48 Matthew O’Lemmon 

ever, they acquired positions of power from which they performed those

wicked deeds because of meritorious acts performed in a previous life.

This riddle perpetuates corruption and may in some ways help to

explain the decades-long struggle to bring the Khmer Rouge to justice.

And while people can easily legitimise their corruption as rebranded gift-

giving, monks cannot. Overt political influence within the monastery,

therefore, is in Nissen’s words “a symbolic pollution of the sacred”, dis-

rupting the moral order to a greater degree than the routine, even ex-

pected, corruption of bureaucracy (2008: 287).

While the chomnoh of Wat KT could not prevent overtures by the

rich and powerful, the community was nonetheless such a constant pres-

ence that bypassing them was not an option. Wat CK, however, reflected

the observations related to Kent by a Khmer official from the Ministry

of Cults and Religions, who noted that inviting CPP officials was benefi-

cial for a new wat in Battambang in order to secure party support and

protection (Kent 2007: 347). Yet, overtures made by an abbot of another

temple to the rival party, FUNCINPEC (National United Front for an

Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, and Cooperative Cambodia), led to a

lack of police security for a temple ground-breaking ceremony, disgrun-

tled local CPP members, as well as insolvency when a FUNCINPEC

official borrowed money from the wat in order to make donations to

other temples (Kent 2007: 347–348).

The fact that overtures were made to officials of the two main polit-

ical parties reflects the reality of rural villages dependent on political

patrons for support. How much of a presence locals would tolerate be-

fore a temple was labelled “rich”, though, depends also on the actions of

monks and their involvement in the local community. This appears to

delineate acceptable secular actions and unacceptable religious overtures.

Villagers may and often do accept infrastructure improvements, which

may garner support for the dominant political party. However, when

patronisation brings temples overt political association, locals direct their

discontent towards the monastery, placing the onus on temples for ad-

hering to the latent ideal while maintaining relations with government

entities that are expected to be corrupt but on which they depend. And

while it can be said that political groups establish their own relationships

via merit-making activities, or that local communities form associations

with temples just as strong as any political group, it is in the perceived

straying from the ideal – that “lament toward the current situation” (Ko-

bayashi 2005: 515) – that often characterises local perceptions and activi-

ties.

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 49 

The level of association and repetition of such merit-making activi-

ties, though, are significant factors in how those acts affect relationships

and perceptions of temples. An example at Wat KT alluded to above

involved a Kathen festival put on by a Khmer expatriate originally from

Kampot Province but with no direct connection with the wat. One

morning, ten large vans filled with passengers made their way to the wat,

which was filled with flowers and audio equipment for the event. The

individual putting on the ceremony was reported to have donated 5,000

USD to the temple. Unlike a similar Kathen festival put on by a local

government ministry at Wat CK, the expatriate’s festival at Wat KT was

a special event given the significant time spent travelling to the temple

and the fact that he specifically chose the temple over others. Further, as

the temple’s chomnoh was directly involved, the process became less about

the individual and more about the entire community, changing the out-

look of the festival from an individual to a collective effort through ex-

tending the expatriate temporary membership into the broader group.

As with Kobayashi’s (2008) definition of chomnoh, the openness of

participation and the fluid environment of Wat KT allowed for the

community to facilitate the inclusion of the expatriate’s festival, which

brought greater prestige to the temple in the eyes of locals. Whereas the

Khmer expatriate made a special trip to Wat KT one time (and would

probably not repeat), local ministries’ repeated patronage of Wat CK

reaffirmed the temple’s proximity to elite spheres. Thus, the lack of repe-

tition contributed to the sense of community within Wat KT without

diluting it; in addition, the temple has been able to satisfy occasional

special requests for membership whose infrequent nature has served to

garner respect rather than derision for Wat KT.

Political Economy and Social Networks

According to Sedara and Öjendal (2009: 124), political reforms have

reinforced non-democratic practices along patronage lines on the local

level while consolidating power by the CPP nationally. Ledgerwood

(2012: 202), similarly, cites disparities in wealth – which are more pro-

nounced today than in the prewar years – as driving both the pursuit of

economic opportunities and attachment to political patrons for protec-

tion. To some extent, the latter has undoubtedly been the case through-

out much of Cambodian history. However, the concentration of wealth

coupled with an increasingly interconnected Cambodian society has

brought many rural Khmers into contact with the politically powerful

 50 Matthew O’Lemmon 

through political groups’ association with certain wats and their increas-

ing presence in temple affairs.

These connections represent a considerable contrast to the pre-1975

social order, but as substantial change has been the hallmark of Cambo-

dian society since the latter half of the twentieth century, these shifts are

not necessarily surprising. Well-off city dwellers have the opportunity to

engage in more elaborate merit-making activities than before, thus they

are able to position themselves as patrons to their rural counterparts.

Likewise, the social networks of even rural villagers created through ex-

tended families and modern telecommunications can afford them greater

access to politically connected groups and resources. This in turn vali-

dates their client status as part of the process of reciprocity, further en-

trenching conceptions of status and role.

The political economies of the two temples in this study reflected

these changes and comprised two ways individuals and groups came to

associate with the monastery. Wat KT depended a great deal on support

from surrounding villages, drawing in individuals and groups through a

radiating web. Wat CK, though, could count on donations from wealthy

patrons, attracting affluent and politically connected individuals in a

more linear manner ranging from local-level politicians up to the prime

minister. Yet, as shown, this support is bifurcated, as it can garner back-

ing for politically funded infrastructure projects while working against

temples for being the recipient of political patronage. Wat CK was visit-

ed three times by Prime Minister Hun Sen, was the seat of provincial

monastic administration, and boasted a large number of resident monks.

However, this did not translate to greater numbers of local visitors. In-

deed, the opposite was the case: Its political economy was an exclusive

economy.

The burial at the wat of an army general killed in 1995 by the Khmer

Rouge on a highway near Chheuk District, forty kilometres outside of

Kampot Town, exemplifies this exclusivity. Although he did not have

any specific connection with Wat CK, his ashes were placed within a

large chedey (reliquary) that his family had built for him next to the tem-

ple’s vihear. Having his remains kept there was a sign of his wealth, while

the ability to afford a large chedey brought him an increased status in

death and likely enhanced the status of his family. The fact that the gen-

eral’s family had the means to build a chedey was also believed to keep his

spirit from wandering the countryside, an option normally unavailable to

poor, rural villagers. Given the general’s place in society, Wat CK was

the likely choice for a man in his position regardless of his actual associa-

tion with the temple. Thus, the temple’s vertical connections stemmed

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 51 

from the wat to influential outside groups who otherwise had little inter-

action with the rest of the community.

Although locals were not barred in the literal sense, traditional social

hierarchies and that invisible barrier dividing neak mean and neak aat mean

(the “haves” and “have-nots”) of Khmer society are still powerful social

forces defining associations throughout the country. Far from feeling

dispossessed, though, many close to Wat CK took on an aloof affect

regarding the presence of wealthy patrons. Savang, the local woman

noted above, commented that the temple was an “old person’s wat” and

not one young people would normally attend. Although she may have

justified sending her children to other wats for merit-making activities

this way, her statement also illustrates an important detail: While social

networks were not realistically open to local villagers, access may be a

moot point. Attempting to cross social barriers would almost certainly

start rumours in a community where local news travels fast and solidarity

over the latent ideal is strong. In such a context, the exclusivity of social

networks is linked as much to a desire to be a part of them as it is to

ability.

The web-like connections at Wat KT provided a different model

given its integration within the surrounding community. Local economic

engagement was high while the involvement of political elites was low,

save for rare visits and donations. The temple’s broad-based networks

were indicative of both the rural and somewhat detached environment

surrounding the temple and the interconnectivity of the commune.

Monks at Wat KT came from Prey Thom Commune; life-cycle ceremo-

nies in the surrounding villages were attended to by the temple’s monks,

who benefitted from local donations; and the temple’s primary school

educated local children while families participated in the wat’s functions

on a regular basis. For the Khmer expatriate noted above who put on the

Kathen ceremony, the ritual began with his initial engagement with the

community. Locals were part of the process, part of the economy, and

were recognised as having an ongoing relationship with the wat. Far from

being a temple surrounded by disconnected locals, Wat KT functioned

because of local engagement, not in spite of it.

Monks at both temples were taciturn regarding politics. In private,

they supported reform but were cognizant of the difficulties in bringing

about real social change. As Cambodia continues to juggle its allegiances

to outside powers in the quest for greater economic aid, greater political

intrusion into monastic affairs can be expected. Regardless of the cen-

trality of the Buddhist wat in the lives of Khmers, the need for an inde-

pendent monastery free from political influence is weighed against its

 52 Matthew O’Lemmon 

dependency on outside support, which has the propensity to bring both

pressure from influential groups and increased politicisation.

Conclusion

This paper presented a study of merit-making activities in two Theravada

Buddhist temples in southwestern Cambodia and the effects of political

influence in local Buddhist wats. The relationships that people established

with local temples were driven in part by a latent ideal of monastic insti-

tutions, which acted as a social critique of temples where political influ-

ence precluded merit-making activities by local villagers. This ideal, es-

poused by monks, politicians and laypeople alike, has been a hallmark of

Khmer monastic identity and continues to define relationships between

local villages, temples and powerful outside groups.

Whereas Swearer noted that middle-class laymen were critical of po-

litically active monks following independence in Ceylon in 1948 (1970:

262), criticism by Khmers in this study was directed towards monks and

temples which were the recipients of political patronage. This criticism

often manifested itself in peoples’ avoidance of “rich” temples in favour

of smaller, less solvent temples at which they performed merit-making

activities while keeping on good terms with political groups that provid-

ed money for local infrastructure projects. Criticism and avoidance,

therefore, demonstrated the continued importance of merit-making

activities for local communities while simultaneously acting as a claim of

their right to define what Buddhist institutions should represent. Thus,

while the latent ideal was a symbol of continuity, it also represented a

strategy of determinism.

The latent ideal also reveals how political economies and social

networks affect local wats according to status and an individual’s ability

to access resources through networks established via merit-making activ-

ities. The poor, rural status of the smaller temple in this study, Wat

Kompong Tralach, drew broad support from both locals and non-locals;

yet, local support and patronage outdistanced support from outsiders. Its

appeal expanded in a web-like fashion, radiating out among local villages.

Its integration within the local community ensured that it continued to

receive support while the limited political influence allowed it to retain a

level of notoriety without diluting its standing within the area. The other

temple in this study, Wat Chum Kriel, with its “rich” status, large size

and equally large number of monks, received far more in terms of out-

side donations. However, the status of its donors – political parties and

wealthy elites – adversely affected local support, resulting in a more line-

 Buddhist Wat in Southwestern Cambodia 53 

ar political economy. Local villagers felt disconnected from the temple

and the (more solvent) patrons who comprised its social network.

While political influence within the monastery obviates the ability of

locals to engage in merit-making activities, it also raises questions regard-

ing the ability of temples to remain independent. Do they have a respon-

sibility to reject what they see as undue political influence? Or does the

necessity for outside support make such influence an inevitable part of

development? These are difficult questions which monks at temples such

as Wat Chum Kriel deal with regularly. In the end, those within the

monastery have to contend with the fact that patronage by elites is a

double-edged sword, bringing prosperity to a temple while at the same

time alienating local villagers, who rely on temples and merit-making

activities the most.

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