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Governing in a Global World captures the panorama of women governing around the
world. Even though the modern era marks history’s greatest advancements for women,
worldwide they hold fewer than 30 percent of decision-making positions in gover nment
and are often missing from negotiating tables where policies are made and conflicts
resolved. The opening chapters present trends and context for studying women in pub-
lic service by focusing on path-setters across the globe, the status of women in the
world’s executive and legislative bodies, and their participation in public service across
several nations. Later chapters examine power, leadership, and representation of women
in public service, with several chapters looking at women governing from a regional
perspective in the Middle East, Sub Sahara Africa, Latin America, and China. The final
chapter presents empirical evidence that shows how policies to increase women’s
representation in the public arena reduce gender inequality more than any other policy
intervention. Taken together, the chapters illustrate the worldwide importance of, and
challenges to, promoting gender equality and women governing.
Maria J. D’Agostino is Chair and Associate Professor in the Department of Public
Management at John Jay College of Criminal Justice. She is also a member of the
UNDP roster of experts in Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Public
Administration and co-founder of Women in the Public Sector at John Jay College.
She is the guest editor of the Women and Public Administration Symposium recently
published in Administration & Society and is a recipient of the Faculty Mid-Career
Research Award.
Marilyn Marks Rubin is a professor at John Jay College of the City University of
New York and is Director of the College’s MPA Program. She has been a consultant on
fiscal policy, economic development, and strategic planning for US municipal, state, and
federal entities and has authored several publications on fiscal policy and budget-related
issues. Rubin is a Fellow in the National Academy of Public Administration (NAPA).
GOVERNING IN A GLOBAL WORLD
GOVERNING IN
A GLOBAL WORLD
Women in Public Service
Edited by Maria J. D’Agostino and
Marilyn Marks Rubin
First published 2018
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 Taylor & Francis
The right of Maria J. D’Agostino and Marilyn Marks Rubin to be
identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for
their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections
77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: D’Agostino, Maria J., editor. | Rubin, Marilyn M. (Marilyn
Marks), 1940- editor.
Title: Governing in a global world: women in public service /
Maria J. D’Agostino and Marilyn Marks Rubin, editors.
Description: New York, NY: Routledge, 2018.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017031373| ISBN 9781138925632 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781138297784 (pbk.) | ISBN 9781317406877 (epub) |
ISBN 9781317406860 (mobipocket/kindle)
Subjects: LCSH: Women in public life. | Women public officers. |
Women legislators. | Women–Political activity. | Women politicians.
Classification: LCC HQ1390.G68 2018 | DDC 320.082–dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017031373
ISBN: 978-1-138-92563-2 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-29778-4 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-68367-6 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by Sunrise Setting Ltd, Brixham, UK
List of figures vii
List of tables viii
List of contributors x
Preface xiv
1 Women in Public Service: A Long Slow Path to
Gender Equality 1
Marilyn Marks Rubin
2 A Global Comparison of Women in the Workforce:
Moving toward Innovative Solutions 19
Helisse Levine and Maria J. D’Agostino
3 Changing Perspectives on Women in Public Service:
A Short History of Attitudes and Practices 33
Camilla Stivers
4 Breaking the Mold: Women as International Leaders 48
Mary E. Guy and Samantha J. Larson
5 Gender Equality and the Ballot Box: The Global Situation
of Women Legislators 75
Silvana Koch-Mehrin
CONTENTS
vi Contents
6 Women as Public Sector Leaders: A Long Way from
Gender Parity 88
Uschi Schreiber
7 Equality for Women in Sub Sahara Africa: Still a Long
Road to Travel 109
Sebawit G. Bishu
8 Latin American Women in Public Service: Progress,
But Not Yet Equality 125
Melissa Gomez Hernandez
9 Women in Leadership Positions in the Middle East:
A Region of Gender Equality Paradoxes 143
Ghada Barsoum
10 Women Governing: The Egyptian Perspective 155
Laila El Baradei
11 Women Governing in China: Not Yet Holding
Up Half the Sky 168
Marilyn Marks Rubin and Wenxuan Yu
12 Women in International NGOs: Status, Challenges, and
Opportunities 189
Shamima Ahmed
13 Time to Care: Paid Family Leave as Baseline Support for
Gender Equality in Employment 199
Deborah Brennan and Sue Williamson
14 Institutional Mechanisms for Advancing Gender Equity in
Educating for the Public Service 213
Nadia Rubaii
15 Gender Equity Worldwide: Where We Are and Where to
From Here? 231
Sharon Mastracci
Appendices 244
Index 264
1.1 Portfolios Held by Female Ministers, 2015 9
2.1 Public and Private Sector Employment, 2010 25
4.1 History of United Nations and Women Path Setters 52
6.1 The Six Megatrends 91
6.2 G20 Members, Percentages of Women in Senior Public
Sector Roles and All Women in Public Sector Roles, 2015 93
6.3 Cluster 1 Countries: Percentage of Women across
Four Leadership Indices 94
6.4 Cluster 2 Countries: Percentage of Women across
Four Leadership Indices 96
6.5 Cluster 3 Countries: Percentage of Women across
Four Leadership Indices 98
9.1 Female and Male Labor Market Participation across the
MENA Region 146
11.1 Gender Representation in the Central Committee of the
Communist Party of China, 1956–2012 174
11.2 Gender Representation: National People’s Congress,
1954–2013 176
11.3 Gender Representation in the Chinese People’s Political
Consultative Conference, 1954–2013 178
FIGURES
1.1 Women’s Share of US Federal Government Employees
Selected Years, 1964–2015 3
1.2 Gender Parity Index by State, 2015 5
1.3 Women’s Share of US State Government Employees,
Selected Years, 1964–2015 6
1.4 Woman’s Share of US Local Government Employees
Selected Years, 1964–2015 7
2.1 Women in the Labor Force in the US Selected Years,
1900–2014 21
2.2 Women as a Percentage of the US Labor Force Selected Years,
1900–2014 23
4.1 Characteristics of Path Setters 50
5.1 Percentage of Countries with Gender Quotas, by Type of
Electoral Rules 80
7.1 Human Development Index SSA Country Ranking, 2014 110
7.2 Gender Inequality Index SSA Country Ranking, 2014 113
7.3 Female Labor Force Participation Rate SSA Countries, 2014 114
7.4 Women in Ministerial Positions, SSA Countries, 2015 117
7.5 Women in Upper and Lower Houses of Parliament,
SSA Countries, 2016 118
8.1 Female Ministers in Latin America, 2016 132
8.2 Women in Parliament: Lower or Single House, 2016 133
8.3 Increases Over Time in Legislative Representation of Women 135
11.1 Gender and Administrative Ranks in Hangzhou City, 2011 179
13.1 Level of Paid Parental Leave in the Australian Public Sector 209
TABLES
Tables ix
14.1 Public Service Program Accreditors and Gender-Related
Criteria 222
14.2 Accreditation Mechanisms to Promote Gender Equity:
Comparison among Professions 227
15.1 Indicators of Women in Public Service, Sub Sahara Africa
Countries, 2015 234
15.2 Health, Education, and Economic Indicators for Women in
Sub Sahara Africa Countries, 2015 235
15.3 Indicators of Women in Public Service, Latin America
Countries, 2015 237
15.4 Health, Education, and Economic Indicators for Women in
Latin America Countries, 2015 238
15.5 Indicators of Women in Public Service, MENA Countries,
2015 239
15.6 Health, Education, and Economic Indicators for Women
in MENA Countries, 2015 240
A1.1 Chronological List of Elected Women Presidents
(1940–2016) 244
A1.2 Chronological List of Women Prime Ministers
(1960–2016) 246
A5.1 World Chronology of Recognition of Women’s
Right to Vote, by Country 248
A5.2 Women in National Parliaments as of June 2016 251
A5.3 Gender Quotas Around the World 255
A10.1 Women in Egypt: Statistics and Figures 257
A12.1 Summary Findings from Phase 1 258
A15.1 Variables in Regression Analysis 259
A15.2 Descriptive Statistics in Regression Model 261
A15.3 Regression Results 262
Shamima Ahmed is Professor and Chair in the Department of Political Science,
Criminal Justice, and Organizational Leadership, North Kentucky University,
USA. Her teaching and research interests lie in nonprofit management, NGOs,
and human resource management. She has published in a wide range of peer-
reviewed journals and is the author/co-author of two books on nonprofit organ-
izations. She serves on nonprofit boards and has authored technical reports for
government and nonprofit agencies.
Ghada Barsoum is an assistant professor at the Department of Public Policy and
Administration at the American University in Cairo (AUC), Egypt. Her current
research interests include youth employment, gender, and higher education. She is
the author of a book on the employment crisis of female graduates in Egypt and of
more than 20 peer-reviewed journal articles, book chapters, and technical reports.
Sebawit G. Bishu is an assistant professor at the University of Colorado Denver,
USA, School of Public Affairs (SPA). Her research interests include equal employ-
ment opportunity and diversity in public sector human resource management,
gender and representation in public organizations, and social justice and equity
issues in urban transformation.
Deborah Brennan is Professor in the Social Policy Research Centre (SPRC),
University of New South Wales and adjunct Professor in the Centre for Children
and Young People (CCYP), Southern Cross University, Australia. Her research
focuses on gender and public policy, especially the history and politics of family
policy. Much of her research is international and comparative and she has active
research collaborations with partners in several countries.
CONTRIBUTORS
Contributors xi
Maria J. D’Agostino is Associate Professor and Chair of the Department of
Public Management at John Jay College of the City University of New York,
USA, where she is a co-founder of Women in the Public Sector. She is co-editing
the forthcoming Administration & Society Women and Public Administration sym-
posium and is a recipient of ASPA’s Section for Women in Public Administration
Distinguished Research Award. She is on the UNDP roster of experts in Gender
Equality and Women’s Empowerment in Public Administration.
Mary E. Guy is Professor of Public Administration in the School of Public Affairs
at the University of Colorado, Denver, USA. Her research focuses on public admin-
istration in general and on the human processes involved in public service delivery.
Author of numerous books and articles, she has written widely about the differ-
ence that gender makes. She is past president of the American Society for Public
Administration and a fellow of the National Academy of Public Administration.
Melissa Gomez Hernandez is a PhD candidate in Public Administration at
Florida International University, USA. She is a political scientist and has a mas-
ter’s degree in Political Studies. Originally from Colombia, she is a Fulbright
scholar with a Fulbright-Colciencias scholarship, cohort 2013. She studies ine-
qualities regarding gender, sexual orientation, socio economic status, and race.
Laila El Baradei is Associate Dean for Graduate Studies and Research for the
School of Global Affairs and Public Policy (GAPP) and Professor of Public
Administration at the Public Policy and Administration Department, the American
University in Cairo (AUC), Egypt. Her research interests include public adminis-
tration reform, governance, child labor, downsizing, and accountability. She has
been a consultant to several international organizations including the World Bank
and UNDP.
Silvana Koch-Mehrin is the Founder of the Women in Parliaments Global
Forum (WIP), the worldwide network of female politicians. She was a Member
of the European Parliament from 2004 to 2014, and Vice-President of the
European Parliament from 2009 to 2011. She is a Member of the Advisory Board
of the Council of Women World Leaders (CWWL), EU Representative to the
Executive Board of W20, and Alumni of the Young Global Leaders Network of
the World Economic Forum.
Samantha J. Larson is a PhD candidate and research assistant in the School of
Public Affairs at the University of Colorado, Denver, USA. Her research interests
include social equity, community resilience, and the impact of policy and imple-
mentation on women and minorities. She also works as a research analyst for the
Department of Labor Trade Adjustment Assistance Community College and
Career Training (TAACCCT) Grant Program.
xii Contributors
Helisse Levine is Associate Professor and Director of the MPA Program at Long
Island University’s School of Business, Public Administration and Information
Sciences in Brooklyn, New York, USA. She has contributed to many public and
health administration and finance journals and is co-editor of the Handbook of
Local Government Fiscal Health , and Women in Public Administration: Theory and
Practice . She is a receipient of ASPA’s Section on Women in Public Administration
(SWPA) Distinguished Research Award.
Sharon Mastracci is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political
Science at the University of Utah, USA. Her research has focused on women in
public administration and gendered organizations, emotional labor in public ser-
vice, and human resource management. She was a 2014–2015 Fulbright Scholar
to the UK and is a faculty fellow at the Hinckley Institute of Politics at the
University of Utah.
Nadia Rubaii is Associate Professor of Public Administration in the College of
Community and Public Affairs at Binghamton University, State University of
New York, USA. She has served as president of NASPAA in 2010–2011 and as
chair of the Commission on Peer Review and Accreditation. Her research focuses
on governance challenges and educating for the public service to meet those chal-
lenges, and it regularly appears in several journals and edited volumes with profes-
sional and university presses.
Marilyn Marks Rubin is a professor at John Jay College of the City of New
York, USA, where she was Director of the MPA Program for 25 years. She has
authored several publications on fiscal policy and budget-related issues, and was
an advisor to the Korean Woman’s Development Institute on gender-budgeting.
She is a Fellow in the National Academy of Public Administration (NAPA) and a
recipient of ASPA’s Section for Women in Public Administration Distinguished
Research Award.
Camilla Stivers has had a multi-decade career as a practitioner and academic in
public administration. She has published numerous articles and books including
Bureau Men Settlement Women (2000) and Governance in Dark Times (2008), a
co-winner of the NAPA Brownlow Book Award. She is editor of a public admin-
istration book series for University of Alabama Press, entitled “Public
Administration: Criticism and Creativity,” and she is a fellow of the National
Academy of Public Administration.
Uschi Schreiber is EY’s Global Vice Chair for Markets and Chair of its Global
Accounts Committee. She is recognized as a diversity and inclusiveness leader
globally and is the founder of EY’s Worldwide Women’s Public Sector Leader
Network, with more than 1,500 members. She is an advisory board member of
Contributors xiii
the Women in Parliaments Global Forum initiative and sits on the World Economic
Forum’s Global Agenda Council on the Future of Government.
Sue Williamson is a Lecturer in Human Resource Management at the University
of New South Wales, Australia. Her recent research has focused on work and fam-
ily issues, including paid parental leave in the public sector. She has also examined
collective bargaining, examining impacts on working conditions and employees as
well as the role of public sector unions, and published widely on these areas.
Yu Wenxuan is an assistant professor in the School of Humanities and Social
Sciences at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore (NTU). He is the for-
mer chair of ASPA’s Section on Chinese Public Administration (ASPA) and asso-
ciate editor of the Chinese Public Administration Review . His research interests
include comparative public administration, public sector performance manage-
ment, open government information, and women in public administration. He has
published in several international journals.
Women are entering government and assuming political roles in growing numbers
worldwide. Yet, while comprising about half the population, they account for
just 22 percent of national legislatures, and only 147 women have been elected
President or Prime Minister in countries around the world since 1940. In almost
all countries, women are significantly outnumbered by men in leadership pos-
itions at every level of government and are often missing from negotiating tables
where conflicts are resolved despite the fact that the modern era marks history’s
greatest advancement for women in governance. As a result of this gender gap,
women are not fully participating in decisions that affect their lives and livelihoods,
and nations are not capitalizing on the potential of half their citizens.
Governments around the world are grappling with increasingly complex, sys-
temic issues resulting from globalization, interconnected economies, increasing
inequality, urbanization, demographic shifts, threats of global pandemics, and climate
change. It is generally recognized that diversity in experience and thinking stimu-
lates innovation and enhances problem-solving and decision-making with regard
to these and related issues. It is, however, also generally recognized that there is a
long road to travel before leadership in public service reflects the gender diverse
societies in which governments and nonprofit organizations operate and serve.
The importance of advancing women’s leadership in the public service continues
to gain traction. This is especially true for women’s participation in the political
arena and the status of women in political leadership positions. The same level of
attention has not, however, been given to the role and impact of women’s par-
ticipation in non-elected positions in the public service. A critical mass of women
in public administration, especially in senior decision-making positions, is import-
ant not only for equity reasons, but also because it brings diversity in perspectives
to policy and the decision-making process.
PREFACE
Preface xv
The book will contribute to an understanding of (1) the evolution of the role
of women in public service; (2) the current status of, and challenges to, women’s
participation in governing worldwide; and (3) steps taken and that still need to be
taken for women to achieve gender parity in governing, globally. Each chapter in
the book takes a unique look at women in the public service. It begins with
Rubin’s overview of women’s long slow path to gender equality in governing.
Levine and D’Agostino then provide the context in which women in public ser-
vice can be studied. They show that worldwide, women are underrepresented at
top levels of government and continue to hit glass ceilings and walls preventing
their equal participation in the decision-making process. Stivers follows with an
overview of changing perspectives on women and highlights how gender has
shaped the evolution of women’s participation in public service. The next chapter
by Guy and Larson gives women’s contributions to public service a personal touch,
presenting the lives of ten legendary women who have been path-setters across the
globe. Koch-Mehrin’s chapter provides a comprehensive look at the status of
women in legislative bodies around the world and discusses the challenges to
women’s political participation. Schreiber broadens the discussion by measuring
the extent of women’s participation in public service across several nations.
The next segment of the book focuses on women governing in different
regions and countries. Taken together, these chapters illustrate the challenges to
promoting gender equality and women’s empowerment, worldwide. Bishu writes
about women leaders in public service in Sub Sahara Africa and how the region
is rapidly becoming a leader in women’s parliamentary representation. Gomez
looks at women in leadership positions in Latin America, focusing on how quotas
have helped women to gain political traction in countries with long histories of
patriarchal rule. Barsoum identifies several paradoxes related to women governing
in Arab countries despite similarities of religion and language. El Baradei provides
insight on women in leadership positions in Egypt, the most populated Middle
Eastern country. Writing about China, Rubin and Yu conclude that women do
not even hold up one-quadrant of the sky despite numerous proactive laws
adopted by the government to promote gender equality.
The role of women in INGOs is outlined by Ahmed who provides evidence
that although women account for close to 75 percent of all nonprofit workers,
they are nowhere near gender parity at either the executive or board levels.
Brennan and Williamson contribute an overview of the nature, scale, and extent
of paid parental leave across OECD countries.
Providing a different but related perspective, Rubaii looks at organizations that
accredit public administration programs and how they can advance women’s
opportunities for leadership in governance on a global scale. Finally, Mastracci
poses the question, where to from here? She reviews the status of women’s equality
in countries and regions discussed throughout the book and identifies the most
important factors contributing to women’s participation in governing around the
world.
xvi Preface
We hope you enjoy this book and that it provides a lens through which to
view the status of today’s women with regard to governing worldwide. We also
hope that the book gives you a telescopic view that sees a rosier perspective for
women governing in the future.
1
Women are entering government and assuming political roles in growing num-
bers worldwide. Yet, in almost all countries, they are significantly outnumbered by
men in leadership positions at every level of government and are often missing
from negotiating tables where conflicts are resolved. To coin a well-used descrip-
tion, women continue to get stuck on sticky floors and to bump up against glass
ceilings and walls preventing their equal participation in decisions affecting their
lives and those of their families, their communities, and their countries.
This chapter provides an overview of women in the public service in the US
and in other countries around the world. It begins with a brief history of women
in governance with a focus on those in elected positions in the US. The next
section looks at women in elected positions globally, followed by a discussion of
women in non-elected senior positions in governments in selected countries. The
final section looks at international initiatives to increase women’s participation in
public service leadership. The chapter concludes with observations related to the
progress of women over time and whether their growing political involvement
makes a difference.
Women in Governance: A Brief History of the US Experience
Until the beginning of the 20th century, with few exceptions, governments did
not permit women to vote, neither were they permitted to run for political office.
In the US, women were not given the right to vote under the US Constitution
until 1920.
1 This did not, however, mean that women were uninvolved in
governance before then, first in voluntary activities and then as paid government
employees. As far back as the late 18th century, women were forming voluntary
associations to assist in the Revolutionary War effort (Ahrendt, 2014). John Adams
WOMEN IN PUBLIC SERVICE
A Long Slow Path to Gender Equality
Marilyn Marks Rubin
2 Marilyn Marks Rubin
failed to heed the advice of his wife, Abigail, to “remember the ladies” when drafting
the Declaration of Independence. But, the Continental Congress remembered
them when it selected Mary Goddard, Postmaster in Baltimore, Maryland, to print
the first edition of the Declaration with her signature on it. She and another
female Postmaster are generally cited as the first women to be employed by the
US federal government (Rubin, 1990). But, as the Civil Service Commission
(CCC) describes in its history of federal careers for women:
Although there were a few women postmasters appointed before 1800, the
employment of women by the Government was generally looked upon
with great disfavor until after the Civil War . . . the mere presence of women
in public offices was regarded by many as a gross affront to propriety.
(US Civil Service Commission, 1964, p. 4)
During the civil war, ladies’ aid societies were organized once again to assist in the
war effort on both sides of the conflict. Women also joined volunteer brigades –
some disguised as men – and worked as nurses for the Confederate and Union
armies. Women also acted as spies for the North and the South. Their civil war
involvement marked “the first time in American history that women played a sig-
nificant role in a war effort” (MacClean, 2015). Most women returned to domes-
tic life after the war, but not all. Informed by the growing suffrage movement,
many began to see the possibility of working outside of the home. It was during
this time that the first statutory recognition of the employment of women by the
federal government came with a law establishing a maximum salary of $600 a year
for women clerks – about half the salary for men (Rubin, 1990). This was the pos-
ition for which the Department of the Treasury had pioneered in hiring women
beginning in 1862 (US Civil Service Commission, 1964).
Greater opportunities for women’s employment in the federal government
would not really come until the enactment of the Pendleton Act of 1883, estab-
lishing merit as a foundation for civil service employment (Rubin, 1990). The
Act “made it possible for women to compete for employment on equal terms
with men . . . A young woman, a graduate of Vassar, was the second person to
be appointed from a civil service examination” (US Civil Service Commission,
1964, p. 4).
During World War I, women again participated in voluntary organizations to
aid the war effort. They also served in the Navy and Marines and as nurses, as well
as in low level government positions vacated by men who left to serve in the
armed forces. During the war, the US Department of Labor (DOL) created the
Women in Industry Service that would later become the Women’s Bureau in
1920. DOL gave the Bureau “the authority to investigate and report . . . upon all
matters pertaining to the welfare of women in industry” (DOL, n.d.). The Bureau
was, and still is, the only federal agency whose sole focus is women. During its first
year, the Bureau investigated:
Women in Public Service 3
[t]he extent to which women were permitted to take examinations for
federal government positions, finding that only 40 percent of the examina-
tions were open to women, with the prevailing entrance salaries much
lower than those paid to men . . . Within ten days of the bureau submitting
its report Women in the Government Service ( 1920 ) to the Civil Service
Commission, the Commission passed a ruling opening all examinations to
both men and women.
(Manzano-Diaz, 2010)
By 1939, just before the onset of World War II, women accounted for 19 percent
of all federal employees. The proportion of women in federal government employ
tripled from June 1941 to June 1943 as women filled the jobs vacated by men
who were fighting the war. By 1945, women accounted for 37 percent of the total
federal government workforce (Rubin, 1990). But, most so-called “government
girls” had to relinquish their jobs when the war ended because the men they
replaced had the right to reclaim their vacated positions (National Woman’s
History Museum (NWHM), 2007).
By 1947, two years after the war ended, the proportion of women in the
federal workforce dropped back to less than 25 percent (Rubin, 1990). In 1964,
almost 20 years later, women continued to account for 22 percent of all federal
government employees (see Table 1.1 ). It was not until the mid-1970s that women
as a proportion of all federal government workers would pass 30 percent. By 1985,
women accounted for 41.5 percent of all federal employees. This proportion
increased marginally over the next three decades, with women comprising
44.3 percent of the federal workforce in 2015.
TABLE 1.1 Women’s Share of US Federal Government
Employees Selected Years, 1964–2015
Year % of total
1964 22.2
1965 22.5
1970 26.2
1975 29.0
1980 37.9
1985 41.5
1990 43.1
1995 43.6
2000 43.0
2005 43.1
2010 44.5
2015 44.3
Source: US Bureau of Labor Statistics.
4 Marilyn Marks Rubin
Women in US Subnational Governments
The participation of women in state and local government employment in the
US also dates back to the early decades of this country’s history (Rubin, 1990).
But it was not until the 19th Amendment to the US Constitution was ratified in
1920 – giving women in all the states the right to vote – that significant numbers
of women began to enter the employ of state and local governments.
The first woman governor of a US state was Nellie Taylor Ross who served as
governor of Wyoming from 1925 to 1927, completing the term of her husband
who died while in office (CAWP, 2016). Interestingly, Wyoming was the first state
to give women the right to vote even before it gained statehood in 1890. Since
Ross, 36 other women have served as state governors (CAWP, 2016). In 2015,
six of the 50 state governors were women.
Arizona is the first state where a woman succeeded another woman as
governor, and the first state to have had four women governors. Of the 37
women governors, 25 were first elected in their own right; 3 replaced their
husbands, and 9 became governor by constitutional succession, three of
whom subsequently won full terms. The record number of women serving
simultaneously, achieved in 2004 and again in 2007, is 9.
(CAWP, 2016)
In addition to serving as governors, women also hold other high level elected
positions in state government such as lieutenant governor and attorney general.
But they continue to lag behind men in their representation in these positions. The
lack of gender parity in state government has been documented in the “Gender
Parity Index.” The Index was constructed by Representation 2020 – a women’s
advocacy group – to measure women’s representation in state elective offices.
If a state has a score lower than 50, women are underrepresented in elected
office in that state, and if it has a score above 50, men are underrepresented.
A state with a score of 50, which means that men have earned 50% of the
points and women have earned the other 50%, has reached gender parity in
elected office.
(Representation 2020, n.d.)
In 2015, New Hampshire was the one state scoring above 50 on the Index (see
Table 1.2 ), making it the only state with gender parity for women in elected
office. Of note, the ten states with the lowest gender parity scores include some of
the more liberal states as well as some of the more conservative states as identified
in a 2010 Gallup poll (Jones, 2010).
The Gender Parity Index does not reflect the substantial lack of gender parity
in non-elected state positions. In 2015, women held the following positions in the
Women in Public Service 5
TABLE 1.2 Gender Parity Index by State, 2015
New Hampshire 1 57.0 Oklahoma 18 20.3 Ohio 35 14.6
Washington 2 43.8 Illinois 19 19.7 Arkansas 36 14.2
California 3 35.0 Maryland 20 19.1 North Dakota 37 13.6
Minnesota 4 31.1 South Dakota 21 18.8 West Virginia 38 12.9
Arizona 5 30.8 South Carolina 22 18.8 Louisiana 39 12.9
New Mexico 6 30.4 Indiana 23 18.7 Alabama 40 12.5
Hawaii 7 30.2 Kansas 24 18.6 Vermont 41 11.5
Maine 8 28.3 Missouri 25 18.3 Texas 42 11.2
Massachusetts 9 26.8 Wyoming 26 17.9 Tennessee 43 10.7
Connecticut 10 26.5 Wisconsin 27 17.9 Kentucky 44 10.2
Michigan 11 25.8 Montana 28 17.7 Utah 45 10.2
Alaska 12 25.3 Florida 29 17.7 Pennsylvania 46 9.6
North Carolina 13 18.8 Nevada 30 17.3 Idaho 47 9.4
New York 14 23.8 Iowa 31 16.4 Virginia 48 8.5
Oregon 15 23.3 New Jersey 32 16.4 Georgia 49 7.8
Rhode Island 16 23.1 Nebraska 33 15.0 Mississippi 50 7.0
Colorado 17 20.3 Delaware 34 14.9
Source: www.representation2020.com/gender-parity-index.html.
50 states: “14 secretaries of state, seven treasurers, two comptrollers, nine state
auditors, nine chief education officials, one commissioner of insurance, one
commissioner of labor, and one commissioner of agriculture and commerce”
(Horne, 2015). In 2015, women accounted for 24.3 percent of the seats in
state legislatures (Horne, 2015) – far below their population proportion but five
percentage points above their representation in the US Congress.
Female State Government Employees
It was not until 1964 that consistent data are available reporting the proportion of
women employed in US state governments. At that time, women accounted
for 38.5 percent of all state government employees (see Table 1.3 ). By 1975,
43.4 percent of all state and local government employees were female. By 1990,
this proportion had increased to 49.6 percent. In 2015, women’s share of all state
workers stood at 53.2 percent – almost ten percentage points greater than their
44.3 percent representation in federal government employment.
Women in US Local Governments
In 1887, Argonia, Kansas became the first local government in the US to elect a
female mayor, Susanna Madora Salter. Her father had been the first mayor of
Argonia, at the time an incorporated area with fewer than 500 inhabitants
(Billington, 1954). “Nominated . . . by several Argonia men as a joke, Salter surprised
the group and received two-thirds of the votes . . . The 27-year-old woman knew
6 Marilyn Marks Rubin
more about politics than her detractors realized” (Kansapedia, n.d.). In 1926, Seattle
became the first large US city to elect a woman, Bertha K. Landes, as mayor. To this
day, she remains Seattle’s only female mayor (Brunner, 2013). A different picture
can be painted for the State of Washington. In 2005, it became the first state to have
a female governor and two female US senators serving contemporaneously.
In 2014, of all US cities with populations over 30,000, there were 18.8 percent
with female mayors (iknowpolitics, 2014). Of the largest 100 cities in the US,
13 had women mayors. Of the ten largest cities, just one had a female mayor – Ivy
Taylor in San Antonio, Texas. New York City, the largest US city, has never had a
female mayor although several have sought the office.
Local Government Employees
As with state governments, no consistent data are available reporting the proportion
of women employed in local governments until 1964. In 1965, they represented
47.2 percent of all local government employees (See Table 1.4 ). By 1975, the
proportion had inched up to 49.2 percent. Moving forward to 1990, the pro-
portion of women jumped to 58.1 percent. In 2015, it stood at 61.2 percent –
significantly above women’s 53.2 representation in state governments and almost
20 percentage points above their 44.3 representation in the federal government.
The greater representation of women at the local level is primarily due to the
inclusion of teachers in the database. Male educators account for just 2.3 percent
of pre-K and kindergarten teachers, 18.3 percent of elementary and middle
school teachers, and 42 percent of high school teachers (Association of American
Educators (AAE), 2012). When teachers are removed from the database, women
accounted for 46.4 percent of local government employees in 2015. This proportion
TABLE 1.3 Women’s Share of US State Government
Employees , Selected Years, 1964–2015
Year % of total
1964 38.5
1965 38.8
1970 42.5
1975 43.5
1980 45.5
1985 46.6
1990 49.6
1995 50.2
2000 51.5
2005 51.2
2010 51.4
2015 53.2
Source: US Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Women in Public Service 7
is somewhat greater than women’s federal government representation but below
their 53.2 percent proportion of state government employment.
Women Governing Around the World
Similar to the US, women’s representation in public service employment has
been increasing in most countries. In 2013, “In the OECD
2 countries for which
data are available, women represented, on average, 58 percent of the total public
sector workforce . . . going from more than 70 percent in Sweden to 42 percent
in Japan” (OECD, 2015). Although women account for more than half the pub-
lic sector workforce in most countries, they are significantly outnumbered by
men in leadership positions across branches and through levels of government.
Women as Heads of State and Government
There have always been female rulers. China had a female emperor during the
Tang Dynasty (618–907). “Egyptian Queens are believed to have governed from
around 3000 BCE , and the first to be named . . . without any doubt is Ku-baba,
who ruled the Mesopotamian City-State of Ur around 2500 BCE ” (Worldwide
Guide to Women in Leadership (WGWL), n.d.). Jumping ahead several millennia
to the 20th century, from 1940 until mid-2016 there have been just 147 women
to serve as their nation’s head of state or head of government
3 (see Appendices 1.1
and 1.2).
Having a woman as head of state or head of government is more common in
some regions of the world than others. This is especially the case in the Nordic
TABLE 1.4 Woman’s Share of US Local Government Employees Selected Years,
1964–2015
Year Total Local
Government
Local Government
Education
Local Government,
Excluding Education
1964 46.5% 60.7% n.a.
1965 47.2% 61.2% n.a.
1970 49.5% 60.7% n.a.
1975 49.2% 59.9% 36.7%
1980 53.8% 64.7% 41.9%
1985 55.8% 66.0% 44.0%
1990 58.1% 69.1% 45.1%
1995 59.8% 70.9% 46.5%
2000 61.5% 72.2% 48.1%
2005 61.5% 72.4% 47.7%
2010 61.7% 73.2% 47.1%
2015 61.2% 73.1% 46.4%
Source: US Bureau of Labor Statistics.
8 Marilyn Marks Rubin
countries with the exception of Sweden where there has never been a female
leader. Women leaders have also become somewhat more prevalent in South
and Southeast Asia as well as in South America. The Diplomatic Courier reports
that “since 1970 eight of 29 women elected as heads of state around the world have
come from Latin America or the Caribbean – an impressive 27.5 percent”
(Montealegre, 2014, p. 1). Looking at North America, Mexico has never had a
woman leader and Canada’s first and only female prime minister served for just
four months. In the US, two women have been nominated to run for vice president
on a major party ticket; neither was elected. In the race for the presidency, in 2016,
Hillary Clinton became the first woman to be nominated to run for this office by
a major political party. Although she won the popular vote, Clinton did not become
president due to the unique way in which US voters choose their president. Voters
do not directly elect the president or the vice president. Instead, they vote for
members of what is called the “electoral college” that apportions a fixed number of
votes to each state based on its population size. Members of the electoral college,
in turn, usually pledge to vote for particular candidates. In the 2016 election,
Clinton’s opponent received more votes for the electoral college.
Women as Ministers
Nina Bang (1924–26) of Denmark was the first woman to be appointed as a
minister in a democratically elected parliamentary government (WGWL, n.d.).
As of January 2015, almost a century later, women accounted for 18 percent of all
government ministers (United Nations, 2015) and several countries have no
woman in a ministerial role. At the other end of the ministerial spectrum, in 2015
“Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau made headlines . . . when he announced
that half of his Cabinet ministers are female” (Alter, 2015).
When women are appointed to ministerial positions, they tend to be given
responsibility for areas related to education, caring, and working conditions
(see Figure 1.1 ) conforming to traditional gender roles. These positions are usually
seen to be “less central to the traditional core functions of a state” (Galligan &
Buckley, 2010). In the US, for example, of the 30 women who have served in a
cabinet (ministerial) position, seven have been Secretary of Labor and five,
Secretary of Health and Human Services (CAWP, 2015). Although three women
have been Secretary of State, no woman has ever been Secretary of the Treasury.
Just one woman has held the position of the Director of the Office of Management
and Budget (OMB, a cabinet level position) since its creation in 1921. This is the
office responsible for preparing and monitoring the president’s budget, the single
most important government document in almost all countries.
Women in Parliaments
As discussed in detail in Chapter 5 of this book, women are under-represented in
national parliaments/legislatures in all but two countries – Rwanda and Bolivia.
10 Marilyn Marks Rubin
As of June 2016, women accounted for 22.8 percent of parliamentarians, world-
wide (Inter-parliamentary Union (IPU), 2016). There were 38 countries where
fewer than 10 per cent of parliamentarians in single or lower houses were women
(IPU, 2016) and four countries with no female representatives (IPU, 2016). In 147
of 193 countries, women accounted for less than 30 percent of lower or single
house national parliamentarians (IPU, 2016). This 30 percent proportion is
“widely considered an important benchmark for women’s representation”
(UNWomen, 2014, p. 119).
Among individual countries, Rwanda ranked number one with women
accounting for 64 percent of its lower house. This high proportion reflects the
electoral system adopted after the country’s 1994 civil war that killed more than
one million people, most of them men (Bennett, 2014). The new system estab-
lished quotas for reserved seats in the Chamber of Deputies (the country’s lower
house) and legislated candidate quotas for openly contested seats.
As of June 2016, the US ranked 96th on female representation in national
legislatures. In the 114th Congress (2015–16), they accounted for 104 members –
84 of the 435 members of the House of Representatives and 20 of 100 senators.
Women’s overall 19 percent share of Congressional members is significantly
below the 30 percent threshold discussed earlier. Of note, there are still three states
that have never elected a woman to Congress: Delaware, Mississippi, and Vermont.
Across the globe, as few women as there are in Congress and parliaments, there
are even fewer in leadership positions. In 2015, women presided in the lower or single
houses of parliament in 28 out of 191 countries (15 percent), and in 15 out of 76
countries (20 percent) in the upper house or senate (United Nations, 2015, p. 127).
Women in Subnational Governments
Similar to the national level of government, women are far from parity in leader-
ship positions in subnational governments. In 2013, they accounted for less than
5 percent of mayors and an average of 20 percent of councilors (United Cities and
Local Governments (UCLG), 2013), worldwide. There are, however, a number of
countries with a much higher representation of female mayors. For example, in
Mauritius, women accounted for 40 percent of all mayors; in New Zealand and
Serbia, 26 percent; and in Latvia, 25 percent (iknowpolitics, 2014).
Women in Non-Elected Senior Positions
Gender parity is not only an issue for elected officials; it is also an issue for women
in senior positions in government. The gap between women and men in these
positions has been documented in the Worldwide Index of Women as Public Sector
Leaders described in detail in Chapter 6 of this book. The Index shows the propor-
tion of non-elected senior executives across central governments filled by women
in G20 countries.
4 In the Index , public leaders are defined as non-elected senior
Women in Public Service 11
executives or those in the executive ranks of the core civil service in central gov-
ernment. This group constitutes approximately the most senior 10 percent of
public officials, worldwide.
In 2015, among the 19 countries that are members of the G20, women held at
least one-third of public sector leadership roles in only six. Canada ranks highest
with its 46.1 percent of leadership positions filled by women, followed by Australia
(40.1 percent), South Africa (39.8 percent), the United Kingdom (38.7 percent),
Brazil (35.4 percent), and the United States (34 percent).
Increasing Women’s Political Participation
As discussed throughout this book, many countries have implemented policies
to increase women’s representation in decision-making bodies. Numerous advocacy
groups, such as Emily’s List
5 in the US, have also worked to help get women elected
to public office. On the international level, there have been myriad initiatives
adopted in an effort to close the gender gap in the political arena. While it is beyond
the scope of this chapter to discuss them all, they can be illustrated by steps taken to
close the gender gap by the United Nations (UN) since its inception in 1946.
Building on the work done by Eleanor Roosevelt during the UN’s early years,
the organization has played a significant role in increasing women’s leadership in
the public service. Roosevelt served as chairperson of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights (UDHR) Committee. As Guy and Larson write in Chapter 4
of this book, the “Declaration was unique in that it used gender inclusive language,
rather than using the word ‘men’ as synonymous for all humanity. Adopted in
1948, the document still serves as the basis for most constitutions nearly 70 years
later” (Guy & Larson, Chapter 4 of this book). Roosevelt also influenced the UN’s
creation of the Commission on the Status of Women in 1946. The Commission
was instrumental in drafting the Convention on the Political Rights of Women
adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1953. This was the first international
legal instrument to make explicit women’s right to vote and to stand for elections
on an equal basis with men (iknowpolitics, n.d.). The Commission was also respon-
sible for drafting the “Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination
against Women (CEDAW)” adopted by the General Assembly in 1979.
CEDAW
CEDAW is often described as an international bill of rights for women. It mandates
that signees to the Convention ensure women’s equal access to, and equal oppor-
tunities in, political and public life – including the right to vote and to stand for
election. According to Article 7:
State Parties shall take all appropriate measures to eliminate discrimination
against women in the political and public life of the country and, in particular,
12 Marilyn Marks Rubin
shall ensure to women, on equal terms with men, the right: (a) To vote in
all elections and public referenda and to be eligible for selection to all pub-
licly elected bodies; (b)To participate in the formulation of government
policy and the implementation thereof and to hold public office and
perform all public functions at all levels of government.
(UNWomen, n.d.)
As of July 2016, of the 194 UN member nations, 187 countries had ratified
CEDAW (CEDAW, n.d.). Joining Iran and Sudan, the US has not, to date, done so.
In fact, the United States is the only country in the western hemisphere – as well as
the only industrialized nation in the world – that has not yet ratified the treaty.
CEDAW was first signed by President Jimmy Carter in 1980 and has been
approved by the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations twice. The US Senate,
however, has never voted for its ratification.
6
UNWomen
In July 2010, the United Nations General Assembly created UNWomen as part of
its reform agenda. UNWomen merges and expands the work of four previously
separate parts of the UN system that focused exclusively on gender equality and
women’s empowerment. They are: Division for the Advancement of Women
(DAW); International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of
Women (INSTRAW); Office of the Special Adviser on Gender Issues and
Advancement of Women (OSAGI); and the United Nations Development Fund
for Women (UNIFEM).
UN Conferences on Women
The UN has organized four world conferences on women: Mexico City in
1975, Copenhagen in 1980, Nairobi in 1985, and Beijing in 1995. The 1995
Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing marked a key turning point for
women’s fight for equality, worldwide. Its Beijing Declaration and Platform for
Action, adopted unanimously by representatives of 189 countries, is often seen
to be:
[t]he most progressive blueprint ever for advancing women’s rights. As a
defining framework for change, the Platform for Action made comprehen-
sive commitments under 12 critical areas of concern. Even 20 years later, it
remains a powerful source of guidance and inspiration.
(UNWomen, 2014)
“And, the mission continues” (Guy & Larson, Chapter 4 of this book). As the
Beijing Platform for Action turned 20 years old in 2015, UN Women released a
document, “Planet 50-50 by 2030: Step It Up for Gender Equality” calling on
Women in Public Service 13
national governments to address the challenges that prevent women and girls from
reaching their full potential. The question is: can the world really move fast enough
to be Planet 50-50 by 2030?
UN Millennium and Sustainable Development Goals
In 2000, the UN held a Millennium Summit at which eight “Millennium
Development Goals” (MDGs) were declared with support from all UN members.
The third goal was to promote gender equality and empower women. An assess-
ment of the MDGs by the UN in 2015 reported that the goals, including Goal 3,
were not met for a wide range of reasons including gender. The data presented in
this chapter and throughout the book document this finding. Women are still
systematically under-represented in leadership positions in just about every
country, worldwide.
In 2015, the UN adopted 17 “Sustainable Development Goals” (SDGs) and
169 targets (objectives) to build on the MDGs and to complete what they failed
to accomplish. SDG Goal 5 is to “Achieve gender equality and empower all
women and girls” (United Nations, n.d.). Target 5.3 specifically states: “Ensure
women’s full and effective participation and equal opportunities for leadership at
all levels of decision-making in political, economic and public life” (United
Nations, n.d.). As with “UNWomen’s Planet 50-50 by 2030,” only time will tell if
this goal has been met.
Conclusion
In 1976, Nesta Gallas – the first female president of the American Society for
Public Administration (ASPA)
7 – edited a symposium published in the Public
Administration Review on Women in Public Administration (Gallas, 1976). She
observed that “the spectrum of beliefs and concerns about the status of women in
the profession” could be summarized as “discrimination against, underrepresenta-
tion of, and underutilization of women” (1976, p. 347). Rethinking Gallas after
40 years, the information presented in this chapter raises two fundamental and
related questions. They are: (1) does the assessment of women’s progress made by
Gallas still apply, and (2) has the increased involvement of women in public service
made a difference, and if so, how?
To answer the first question regarding the progress of women in public service,
the US and most other nations now have laws that prohibit discrimination on the
basis of gender. However, as this chapter and the entire book document, although
women are making progress toward achieving parity in the political arena, they
are still under-represented at all levels and across all sectors of government. This is
especially true for women in the highest elected political positions. This phenom-
enon is succinctly described by the International Knowledge Network of Women
in Politics (iknowpolitics).
14 Marilyn Marks Rubin
Significant challenges to women’s election to senior decision-making posi-
tions such as mayors include patriarchal notions of women’s role and place
in society and the discriminatory attitudes and discourse of political oppo-
nents. The combined effect of socio-political constraints and socio-cultural
biases hampers the emergence of a structured political empowerment
dynamic which is often also coupled with widespread reluctance to nomi-
nate women (political parties) or vote for them (constituencies). Women
perceive the electoral environment as biased and discriminatory against
female candidates, a perception that is aggravated by harsh media coverage
of women politicians.
(iknowpolitics, 2014, p. 1)
Responding to whether the increased involvement of women in public service
makes a difference would take more than one chapter and even more than one
book. Since it is beyond the scope of this chapter to review the extensive literature
on the subject, I use illustrative input and outcome measures to provide a brief
response to the question.
Looking at inputs, i.e. numbers, women have had a measurable impact on
public administration. At the beginning of the career ladder, more women than
men are now earning degrees that prepare them for careers in public service.
For example, as discussed in Chapter 14 of this book, in the US, of all students in
public administration and related programs, about 60 percent are women. And, as
discussed in Chapter 11 , available data show that better than half of the students
enrolled in China’s more than 225 MPA programs, are women.
As women climb the career ladder, more are filling higher levels of federal,
state/local government jobs in most countries. Their numbers, however, are few
compared with their representation among the rank and file. And women
continue to get stuck on sticky floors and to hit glass ceilings and walls across all
levels and branches of government. Their increasing presence in senior level
positions does, however, send a positive signal of women’s growing influence and
allows more of them to act as role models and mentors. This represents an encour-
aging change from 20 years ago when Guy wrote:
There are so few women who hold management positions that senior
women mentors are hard to find. Although women benefit from having
male mentors, they also need mentors who have successfully forded the
barriers that confront women but which men may not even be aware exist.
(Guy, 1993, p. 290)
In the US, more women are also having their accomplishments recognized. This
is evidenced by their increasing share of elected fellows in the National Academy
of Public Administration (NAPA). NAPA is the pre-eminent public affairs asso-
ciation in the US. Its 800+ members include “former cabinet officers, Members
Women in Public Service 15
of Congress, governors, mayors, and state legislators, as well as prominent scholars,
business executives, and public administrators” (NAPA, n.d.) At the close of the
20th century, of the 534 NAPA fellows, 105 (20 percent) were women. In 2014
and 2015, women accounted for 30 percent of newly inducted NAPA fellows.
Regarding outcomes, i.e. results, “women’s political participation results in
tangible gains for democracy, including greater responsiveness to citizen needs,
increased cooperation across party and ethnic lines and more sustainable peace”
(Markham, 2012, p. 2). In reflecting on why having more women in elected posi-
tions matters, Nicholas Kristoff, a well-know contributor to the New York Times ’
opinion page, writes:
[j]ust as the struggle for women’s rights isn’t a battle between men and
women, it’s also not the case that the only beneficiaries will be women.
When girls get educated, when women enter the formal labor force, when
female talent can be realized, then all society benefits, men along with
women. That’s because, put simply, the most effective way to fight global
poverty, to reduce civil conflict, even to reduce long-term carbon emissions,
is typically to invest in girls’ education and bring women into the formal
labor force. Investment in women is an idea that is gaining ground lately
because it is a proven strategy that works.
(Kristof, 2011, p. 1)
Stivers has observed that during the Progressive movement in the US that ran
from the late 19th century through the first decades of the 20th century, the
impact of women on public administration was eclipsed by the predominant male
culture (Stivers, 2000). Women’s voices concerning the importance of social
justice and related “softer” objectives of government were but whispers then and
in decades to follow. These low voices have become increasingly audible as more
women enter and advance in public service organizations and in the institutions
teaching for the public service.
For these voices to become loud roars, more women will have to assume posi-
tions of power and more will have to become leaders in the decision-making
process. The growing pipeline of women in public administration and the move-
ment toward more participatory, collaborative, and nonhierarchical organizations
in the public service may help to create the “perfect storm” for the loud roars to
be heard in the US and around the world.
Notes
1 When the 19th Amendment to the US Constitution was formally adopted in 1920,
women already had full voting rights in 15 states (National Constitution Center, n.d.).
2 The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) was estab-
lished in 1961. Currently, it has 35 member countries in Europe, North and South
America, and the Asia-Pacific Region.
16 Marilyn Marks Rubin
3 In a parliamentary form of government such as the UK, the head of state and the head
of government are two separate positions with different responsibilities. The head of
state generally has more ceremonial duties, while the head of government is responsible
for running the government. In a presidential form of government such as the US, the
president is both.
4 The G20 is made up of the finance ministers and central bank governors of 19 countries:
Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan,
Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, South Korea, Turkey, the United Kingdom,
the United States of America. The 20th member is the European Union.
5 EMILY’s List ( E arly M oney I s L ike Y east) is a national advocacy group in the US that
works to elect pro-choice female Democrats.
6 For a UN convention, resolution, or treaty to become US law, it must be ratified by 67
of the 100 members of the US Senate and signed by the president. The House of
Representatives does not vote on international agreements.
7 The American Society for Public Administration (ASPA), founded in 1939, is a mem-
bership association of more than 8,000 practitioners and academics from the US and
several countries, worldwide.
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