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Social capital is a common feature among disaster-resilient communities. This research aims to define how social capital shapes the post-disaster conditions in the 2011 Typhoon Washi-affected communities of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan City in Region 10 Philippines. Qualitative analysis was used in analyzing the data gathered through purposive sampling and semi-structured interviews. Thirty typhoon survivors and 14 focal persons of the government and non-government agencies were chosen based on their active involvement in the community. The findings revealed that the solidarity among typhoon-affected communities contributed to the recovery of the survivors. The findings also highlighted that the solidarity in the typhoon-affected communities is part of the normative structure of the society where bonding and linking social capital are nurtured. Further, the community remains to believe that their respective local officials can be trusted and are capable of helping them in times of need despite the shortcomings during the 2011 Typhoon Washi. We argue that social capital in the community is not easily diminished over a crisis and therefore must be nurtured towards effective community-based disaster resilience mechanisms. KEYWORDS: Social capital, post-disaster, solidarity, typhoon
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Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment
ISSN: 1091-1359 (Print) 1540-3556 (Online) Journal homepage:
Social capital and disasters: How does social
capital shape post-disaster conditions in the
Hazel D. Jovita, Haedar Nashir, Dyah Mutiarin, Yasmira Moner & Achmad
To cite this article: Hazel D. Jovita, Haedar Nashir, Dyah Mutiarin, Yasmira Moner & Achmad
Nurmandi (2019): Social capital and disasters: How does social capital shape post-disaster
conditions in the Philippines?, Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, DOI:
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Published online: 29 Jan 2019.
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Social capital and disasters: How does social capital shape
post-disaster conditions in the Philippines?
Hazel D. Jovita
, Haedar Nashir
, Dyah Mutiarin
, Yasmira Moner
and Achmad Nurmandi
Department of Political Science, MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology, Iligan City, Philippines;
Department of
Government Aairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta, Indonesia;
Department of Political Science, MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology, Iligan City, Philippines
Social capital is a common feature among disaster-resilient commu-
nities. This research aims to dene how social capital shapes the post-
disaster conditions in the 2011 Typhoon Washi-aected communities
of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan City in Region 10 Philippines. Qualitative
analysis was used in analyzing the data gathered through purposive
sampling and semi-structured interviews. Thirty typhoon survivors and
14 focal persons of the government and non-government agencies
were chosen based on their active involvement in the community. The
ndings revealed that the solidarity among typhoon-aected commu-
nities contributed to the recovery of the survivors. The ndings also
highlighted that the solidarity in the typhoon-aected communities is
part of the normative structure of the society where bonding and
linking social capital are nurtured. Further, the community remains to
believe that their respective local ocials can be trusted and are
capable of helping them in times of need despite the shortcomings
during the 2011 Typhoon Washi. We argue that social capital in the
community is not easily diminished over a crisis and therefore must be
nurtured towards eective community-based disaster resilience
Social capital; post-disaster;
solidarity; typhoon
The impacts of disasters vary between dierent communities. Some communities are more
resilient while others are not. Understanding the varying capacities and characteristics of
each community contributes towards better disaster prevention and rehabilitation. Hence,
it is important to consider the social structure of a community in all initiatives (Drabek,
Tamminga, Kilijanek, & Adams, 1981).
Several types of research have been made on the role of social capital in disaster
management and community resilience (Hawkins & Maurer, 2009; LaLone, 2012;
Murphy, 2011; Shaw & Goda, 2004). Disaster resilience is attributed to social capital as
the fundamental basis of community engagement (MacRae & Hodgkin, 2011), shared
communication and information (Miyaguchi & Shaw, 2007), as well as interventions of
non-government organizations (NGOs) (Pierre-Louis, 2011). The role of social capital in
CONTACT Hazel D. Jovita Department of Political Science, MSU-Iligan Institute of
Technology, Tibanga, Iligan City, Philippines, 9200
Color versions of one or more of the gures in the article can be found online at
© 2019 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
the recovery of disaster-stricken communities is also explored by Adger (2009)and
Patterson, Weil, & Patel (2010). However, only a few researche has been made analyzing
the impact of bonding, bridging, and linking social capital in the recovery of the com-
munity after a disaster (Aldrich & Meyer, 2015; Chamlee-Wright, 2010).
Over the years, Region 10 Philippines is one of the most typhoon-visited parts of
the country. The Philippines, composed of 17 administrative regions and with its
exposure to natural disasters, is the third most vulnerable countries in the world.
ThePhilippineAtmospheric,Geophysical,and Astronomical Services Administration
reported that Typhoons Washi in 2011 and Bopha in 2012 are two of the worst
typhoons in the country since 1947 and have mostly aected the Province of
Misamis Oriental and the Cities of Iligan and Cagayan de Oro in Region 10. Thus,
authors deemed it necessary to investigate how social capital shapes the post-disaster
conditions in the aected communities of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan City after the
2011 Typhoon Washi. In doing so, social cohesion and trust, as well as the institu-
tional dimensions of social capital, are explored.
Social capital
Social capital refers to the characteristics of a group or community enabling the fulll-
ment of a collective aspiration. Social capital refers to the traits of an organizations such
as social networks, trust, mutual understanding, shared values, and behavior that bind
the members while coordination and cooperation are facilitated towards the achieve-
ment of certain goals (Cohen & Prusak, 2002;R.Putnam,1993; Schuller, Baron, & Field,
2000). Ada and Bolat (2010, p. 34) shared that social capital facilitates a ow of
information providing a basis for action and assisting the individual and community
goal attainment.
There are three forms of social capital: bonding, bridging, and linking. Bonding social
capital refers to relationships among members of a network who are similar in some
form such as demographic, social, or ethnic status or among communitys individuals
who already know each other (Putnam, 2000); while bridging social capital refers to
relationships among people who are dissimilar in a demonstrable fashion such as age,
socio-economic conditions, race or ethnicity, and education (Szreter & Woolcock, 2004);
and linking social capital is the extent to which individuals build relationships with
institutions and individuals who have relation power over them in order to provide
access to services, jobs, or resources (Woolcock, 2001). Hawkins and Maurer (2009)
noted that linking social capital is the result of the weakest relationship but the most
valuable outcome because linking social capital provides access and connection to power
structure and institutions. Unlike bonding, it is bridging and linking that are character-
ized by exposure to and development of new ideas, values, and perspectives (Hawkins &
Maurer, 2009).
Trust is a fundamental element in social capital (Paraskevopoulos, 2010; Shimada,
2015). The mutual condence that no party to an exchange will exploit the others
vulnerability constitutes the most important component of social capital and is
a precondition for competitive success (Paraskevopoulos, 2010). This view on the impor-
tance of trust is parallel with the ndings of Shimada (2015) on the role of social capital in
rebuilding societies after disasters. Familiarity and strong ties in the community establish
trust among network members which minimizes coordination failures during disasters
(Shimada, 2015). The presence of NGOs and voluntary town organizations in the inter-
action between the government and local people in India and Japan fostered trust and
facilitated a smoother recovery (Nakagawa & Shaw, 2004). Meanwhile, Portes (1998) and
Arrow (2011) mentioned that with social capital, the members or groups in the commu-
nity who have access to benets and resources have the tendency to exclude nonmembers
from access. Hence, social capital has its own caveat.
Building social capital based on social interaction through social networking and
receiving help does not seem to facilitate morale (Cheung & Chan, 2010). The feeling of
indebtedness arising from the unreciprocated reception of help and the reaction towards
the help oered may pose a challenge to the persons self-esteem and invoke the persons
consciousness about the problems and deciency (Cheung & Chan, 2010). Hence, these
feelings would compromise morale. Therefore, social interaction may not be helpful and
may instead be costly, as it drains the persons time, vitality, and other resources
(Grootaert & Van Bastelar, 2002).
Comparably, Quisumbing, McNiven, and Godquin (2012) looked into collective action,
such as membership in formal groups and social networks in the Philippines. Their ndings
revealed that the poor do not easily build social capital due to dierences in ethnicity, assets,
and education. However, the networks of these Filipino families are composed of their
children who are migrants in other places as norms are easier to observe within the family.
The barriers that prevent the poor from participating in collective action are that poorer folk
often express feelings of hiyaor shame (meaning the uncomfortable feeling of one in
a socially unacceptable position)in approaching wealthier individuals for help in times of
need (Quisumbing et al., 2012). Further, Quisumbing cited Hollnsteiner (1979) that the fear
of being unable to reciprocate may also prevent poorer households from approaching richer
households for help because reciprocity is at the core of Filipino social transactions.
However, such shame may be tempered if the richer individual is a relative, even
a distant one, but it is not uncommon for kinship networks to perform consumption-
smoothing functions (Quisumbing et al., 2012).
Social capital and disaster management
Disaster response and recovery emphasized the importance of social capital. LaLone
ened social capital as the potential resources in goods, labor, and other forms
of assistance that are embedded in local-level social networks of family and neighbors, and
other groups formed through place-based, work-based, and common interest-based bonds
of interaction, trust, reciprocity, and support that people can mobilize individually and
collectively to use for community resilience in the face of disasters. Mobilizing social
capital by calling public assistance needs enough preparation and planning in managing
the inux of resources in order to avoid chaos, and one limitation of social capital support
is that it becomes harder to sustain over an extended period of time beyond the disaster
(LaLone, 2012).
In New Orleans, after Hurricane Katrina, bonding, bridging, and linking social capital
was instrumental in aiding participants to prepare for, endure, and mutually aid one
another before and during the storm, in addition to recovery following the oods
(Hawkins & Maurer, 2009). Social capital helps maintain security and operates within
a social-psychological manner consistent with the context of disaster research (Hawkins &
Maurer, 2009). Additionally, the caring relationships developed and nurtured in times of
diculties enable aected communities to endure and survive a crisis as revealed in the
case of conned prisoners of war in Japan (Clason, 1983).
Moreover, community-based emergency management suggests strong social capital
which provides better chances of building resilience (Murphy, 2011;Shaw&Goda,
2004). Shaw and Goda (2004) on their study on the 1995 earthquake in Kobe, Japan,
emphasize the importance of cooperation as well as building social capital (mutual
trust, bonds, social norms, community cohesion, leadership, and networks) among
other actors in order to provide fast output in terms of reconstructions and also to
sustain initial initiatives. They also pointed out that building and increasing the
capacities of the community as recipients and creating a venue for an eective
communication enhance community participation and capacities that eventually
lead to the success of the initiatives. Moreover, Murphy (2011) examined local
emergency management from the perspective of community coping capacity and
found that the presence of social capital such as kinship, friendship, and communal
relationships can develop but do no guarantee community resilience. Resilience, on
the other hand, is anchored primarily in the role of government, and the importance
of community involvement to ocial activities is magnied in times of disasters
(Murphy, 2011).
Further, MacRae and Hodgkin (2011) consider community engagement as a promising
mechanism in a post-disaster scenario, and the relationship of the NGOs to the local
government can help and/or delay the response operations as protocols vary from every
area. Communication barriers between NGOs and local actors should be addressed, and the
decision-making process should be inclusive of the stakeholders instead of being mono-
polized by the international organizations (MacRae & Hodgkin, 2011). Moreover,
a collaboration between the community and the corporate sector may lead to long-term
success for environment and disaster management when information is shared, and there is
a clear understanding of what the community can do before and after natural catastrophes
(Miyaguchi & Shaw, 2007). The presence of NGOs after the 2010 Haiti earthquake caused
serious concerns as each NGO grabbed a sector of the territory which resulted to competi-
tion of resources and turf hegemony (Pierre-Louis, 2011). Hence, the lack of coordination
on the ground among the NGOs resulted in an inecient management of relief to address
the crisis in Haiti.
In general, the participation of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), NGOs, and the
private sector in times of disaster is highly relevant as they provided immediate support to
the aected communities. With denite and sound government structures and paradigm,
CSOs can harness its potentials in crisis situations. Responsive government structures
facilitate collaboration between and among organizations and agencies towards an ecient
management of relief. More importantly, social capital should be nurtured in the com-
munity. In doing so, CSOs and government can align its eorts and mobilize empowered
partners in the community for more ecient and eective crisis management or post-
disaster interventions.
Research model
This study adopts the Qualitative Tools designed by Dudwick, Kuehnast, Jones, and
Woolcock (2006) in measuring the six dimensions of social capital: (1) groups and
networks; (2) trust and solidarity; (3) collective action and cooperation; (4) information
and communication; (5) social cohesion and inclusion; and (6) empowerment and poli-
tical action. For this research, our focus is only on the dimensions of trust and solidarity
and the social cohesion and inclusion (see Figure 1).
Trust and solidarity as a dimension of social capital pertains to the extent to which people
feel they can rely on relatives, neighbors, colleagues, key service providers, and even strangers,
either to assist them or (at least) do them no harm (Dudwick et al., 2006). Dudwick et al. cited
Kuehnast and Dudwick (2004)whooered two matrices in measuring social trust as they
studied the social networks in the Kyrgyz Republic. The rst matrix addresses the questions
such as: What do you give and to whom?and What do you receive and from whom?The
matrix is lledout by an interviewer using one of the following answers: always,”“most of the
time,”“sometimes,or seldom or never.Moreover, the second matrix illustrates the kinds of
people that are integral to one household in the community, To whom do you turn to for
help or assistance?(Dudwick et al., 2006,pp.1819). Moreover, social cohesion and inclusion
focus on the tenacity of social bonds and their dual potential to include or exclude members of
community, while institutional analysis can oer insight into which institutions support or
undermine local cohesion from the perspective of dierent groups (Dudwick et al., 2006).
Generally, this study looks into social capital in terms of the trust and solidarity as well
as the social cohesion and inclusion in the community in understanding how social capital
shaped the post-disaster conditions in the communities of Iligan and Cagayan de Oro
after the 2011 Typhoon Washi.
Research methods
This research primarily looks into how social capital aects the outcomes of disaster
management during Typhoon Washi (Tropical Storm Sendong) which hit the commu-
nities of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan City. According to the nal report of the NDRRMC,
a total of 131,618 families/698,882 persons were aected by the tropical storm Sendong in
866 barangays of 60 municipalities and nine cities in the 13 provinces of Regions VI, VII,
IX, X, XI, CARAGA, and ARMM. The nal report mentioned that Region X suered the
most where Iligan and Cagayan de Oro City experienced enormous infrastructure damage
and loss of lives (NDRRMC, 2012). Hence, the Cities of Iligan and Cagayan de Oro in
Region 10 were chosen for this study (see Figure 2).
Social Capital
Social cohesion Institutional trust
Post-disaster condition (disaster response)
Figure 1. Research model.
A qualitative approach was utilized in this study. Data were gathered through semi-
structured, open-ended interviews among the 30 typhoon survivors and 14 focal persons of
the government (10) and non-government agencies (4). The 30 survivors were chosen (15
survivors from Cagayan de Oro and 15 survivors from Iligan City) based on their active
involvement in the community as suggested by their respective community leaders, while the
representatives of Department of Social Welfare and Development, Disaster Risk Reduction
Oce, City Planning and Development Oce, Mayors Oce and PNP of both Local
Government Units, MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology (academe), Touch Foundation
Incorporated (NGO), and the Catholic Church representatives of Iligan and Cagayan de Oro
were interviewed based on the crucial role they played in times of disaster. In sum, there are
a total of 44 key informants interviewed for this study who were purposively chosen based on
their active participation in their respective communities and based on their experience in
disaster management during the 2011 Typhoon Washi. Also, both published and unpublished
documents related to the topic accessed from government agencies, and credible websites were
gathered and utilized to substantiate the ndings.
The typhoon survivors covered in this study are composed of 67% female and 33% males
and ages ranging from 21 to 80 years old where 40% are between 21 and 40 years old. In
Figure 2. Map of the Philippines showing Region 10 where the cities of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan are
terms of income, 70% of the typhoon survivors earn less than 100USD monthly, which is
less than the minimum wage in both Cagayan de Oro and Iligan Cities.
Trust and solidarity as dimensions of social capital refer to the extent to which people
feel they can rely on relatives, neighbors, colleagues, acquaintances, key service providers,
and even strangers, either to assist them or (at least) do them no harm (Dudwick et al.,
2006). In measuring the trust and solidarity dimension of social capital, typhoon survivors
were asked about the goods or services that they have received from the people who have
more than they have, people who have less than they have, people who have the same
capacity as they have, and closely related family members.
Figure 3 shows that for both Cities, food, clothes, medicine, household items, and
introduction to potential employers are the goods and services that are most received from
the people who have more than what the survivors have. On the other hand, in terms of
the goods received from the people who have less than the survivors, food and in-kind
services are the most common among the typhoon survivors from both cities including
clothes and households items for Iligan City informants. Meanwhile, in terms of the goods
and services received from those people who have about the same as what the survivors
have, food, clothes, school supplies, household items, and in-kind services are common in
Iligan, while in Cagayan de Oro City, food, money, medicine, and in-kind services are
commonly received by typhoon survivors. Lastly, money, food, and clothes are the most
received goods from the typhoon survivorsclose family friends and relatives.
Generally, food is the most received goods in times of disasters, followed by clothes,
money, medicine, and in-kind services. Moreover, introduction to potential employers or
inuential people is only oered by the people who have more than what the survivors
have. On the other hand, in-kind services are rendered both by the people who have less
and who have the same status with typhoonsurvivors. G. Rivera recalled that our
neighbors helped us during the typhoon. They rescued us from our homes and they
gave us clothes in the evacuation center(personal communication, December 16, 2016).
Ms. R. Polinar expressed that our condition in the evacuation center was bearable. Me
and the other victims shared our experiences, sentiments and grief, and somehow, I feel
lighter, and better(personal communication, December 21, 2016). These ndings imply
Figure 3. Trust and solidarity based on the goods and services received by typhoon survivors.
that solidarity is apparent in the community. These ndings revealed that, during disas-
ters, the collective action among the poor comes in handy, and the feelings of shame and
fear of reciprocity are weakened with the greater feeling of compassion and camaraderie.
The active exchange of resources between and among victims of typhoon proved that
solidarity exists and the desire to help each other cuts across economic dierences.
Moreover, in terms of social cohesion, survivors were asked about their social networks
(see Figure 4). The social institutions involved in meeting the basic needs, improving the
social and economic situation, and maintaining social relationships in the community
were identied by the survivors. Figure 4 shows that in terms of meeting the minimum
basic needs, the survivors, generally, turn to closely related family members, NGOs, and
religious organizations. Primarily, typhoon survivors from Cagayan de Oro turn to
community elders or community leaders. Meanwhile, in terms of improving the social
or economic condition, the typhoon survivors are more keen on NGOs followed by closely
related family members. Typhoon survivors from Iligan turn to religious organization too,
and those from Cagayan de Oro turn to nearby friends. Lastly, in terms of maintaining
social relationships, survivors most often go to closely related family members, NGOs, and
nearby friends. Survivors from Iligan City turn to rural relatives and religious organiza-
tions, while survivors from Cagayan de Oro turn to neighbors and community elders and
traditional leaders.
Generally, in times of disasters, survivors commonly go to NGOs and closely related
family members such as siblings, parents, and children. Typhoon survivors from Iligan City
go to religious organizations, charities, and rural relatives more than the informants from
Cagayan de Oro. While survivors from Cagayan de Oro turn to their nearby friends,
neighbors, and community elder or traditional leaders. Ms. C. Rapanot shared that Bible
study was conducted regularly in our evacuation center and it made us feel better and closer
with each other(personal interview, December 16, 2017). Additionally, Ms. D. Camasura
explained that the help from the government and other groups arrived days after the
typhoon. And in order for us to survive, my family and other evacuees shared whatever we
had like food, milk, biscuits.Meanwhile, survivors from Iligan City received assistance
from religious organizations. Mr. F. Maturan shared that when Sendong happened, the
Figure 4. Social networks.
Church was quick to send us food and clothing in our evacuation centers. The Church also
gave us a temporary source of income(personal interview, December 18, 2017). These
ndings imply that typhoon survivors in Cagayan de Oro have stronger bonding social
capital, while survivors in Iligan City have stronger linking social capital.
Majority of the typhoon survivors are no longer part of any group after the typhoon,
and some typhoon survivors remain part of their respective social networks. In Iligan City,
most of the typhoon survivors (20%) who belong to a group are members of the Basic
Ecclesiastical Community, a church-based group, while in Cagayan de Oro, 26.67% of the
survivors are members of the Homeowners Association who cited that being a member of
the Homeowners Association gave them the assurance that in times of calamity, their group
will help its aected members. On the other hand, survivors from Iligan City expressed that
being a member of a church-based group help them in praying and in loving God more.
Other benets of a group membership mentioned are the livelihood assistance and the cash
assistance that a member can avail to address the daily needs of the family.
In an interview with Ms. R. Tomondo (Iligan City), she stated that being part of
a group in the community helps in securing the daily needs of my family especially in
times of emergencies(personal interview, December 22, 2017). When asked about the
problems encountered in being a member of a group, the survivors mentioned that the
most common problem is that some members are not able to comply with their
obligations, such as payment of their debts and sometimes misunderstanding during
meetings which results to a bigger conict. Meetings are held to xthedierences
among members, and in terms of nancial obligations, the group members pay for the
unpaid debt. Ms. S. Barrios shared that because of the dierences among members in
the group, many are no longer active and sometimes, the group is taken down(personal
interview, December 18, 2017).
This nding implies that social cohesion in the disaster-aected communities is
bounded by common interests and abilities which are commonly demonstrated through
communal activities such as Barrio esta commonly for religious groups and other
activities which the group had initially agreed. For example, some groups are organized
to provide assistance to the family of the member who is in need or provide nancial
assistance or in-kind services whenever there is a funeral in the household of a member.
The ndings revealed that the success of these groups lies on the membersadherence to
norms and agreed policies. In doing so, some members of the community are excluded in
these organized groups.
Moreover, Figure 4 also revealed that NGO is one of the social institutions that
typhoon survivors go to in times of need. This result is consistent with the data in
Figure 5 where local and international NGOs are the most trusted institution of the
typhoon survivors in times of disasters. As shown in Figure 5, typhoon survivors perceived
that among the social institutions, the Social and Welfare Oce of the government is to
the most trusted, reliable, and eective institution, followed by international and local
NGOs and the church. Ms. S. Colot of Iligan City stated that, the Social and Welfare
Oce of the City and the MayorsOce gave us relief such as food and clothing and later
on, the aid from the Regional oce of DSWD, and NGOs arrived(personal interview,
December 16, 2017).
Interestingly, typhoonsurvivors from Cagayan de Oro City expressed relatively higher
trust among public hospitals, village, barangay and city ocials (Mayor, Councilors,
DRRM Oce), army, and the police forces (see Figure 5). One of the survivors from
Cagayan de Oro, Mr. M.J. Pagayogdog explained that I will always be grateful to the
soldiers and rescuers who saved me and my family during Sendong. If it were not for their
quick response, any of my family members could have been dead by now. They brought us
to the evacuation center where there were food and water(personal interview,
December 27, 2017). Ms. L. Ramirez added that aside from the relief goods from the
City and NGOs, we also received cash from our LGU. It was only 1,000.00php but it
meant so much to us because we were able to buy the things that we need that were not
provided in the relief goods(personal interview, December 19, 2017). These ndings are
supported by the results of the Citizen Satisfaction Index System.
In 2012, the Department of Interior and Local Government launched the Citizen
Satisfaction Survey (CSIS) as part of the Philippine Development Plan 20112016 of the
Aquino Administration. The CSIS served as a set of mechanisms that generate citizens
feedback on local governmentsperformance on service delivery and the citizensgeneral
satisfaction. The CSIS results showed interesting ndings particularly in terms of social
services, governance, and response services of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan City.
For Cagayan de Oro (Quibal, 2014) and Iligan City (Jovita, Calamba, & Labadisos,
2014), the ndings on social services as well as governance and response services are
almost similar as it revealed that many of the respondents were not aware of the social
services oered by the City Social and Welfare Development as well as the governance
and response services oered by the City Government. As a result, they were not able
to avail most of these services. However, for the very few who were able to avail of such
services, they were highly satised. The results of the CSIS also revealed that most of
the respondents of the survey (80%) were survivors of Typhoon Sendong, who armed
that the Barangays were more active than the city in activities related to disasters.
Nevertheless, the respondents commonly asserted that they are generally satised in the
adequacy of the government responses that came in the forms of relief, food, and
relocation. These CSIS results imply that the people of the community trust the
government and its institutions in their respective Cities as they are highly satised
with the services rendered to them.
Figure 5. Institutional analysis.
On the other hand, the ndings in Figure 5 showed that the trust of the typhoon
survivors in Iligan City is relatively lower than that of Cagayan de Oro. In an interview
with Ms. D. Gomez and Mr. F. Risal, survivors from Iligan City, they mentioned that,
they were disappointed because they know that there were donations which were
corrupted by the City Government who received the assistance from various donors
(personal interview, December 8 and 13, 2017).
In an interview with the former DRRM Ocer of Iligan, Mr. A. Bendijo narrated that
pre-emptive evacuations were made as well as ensuring that all human resources (i.e
Army, Police, disaster responders) are positioned, to look after the communities in high
risk areas. Unfortunately, ashoods wiped the communities near the major rivers and the
damage was beyond the level of our preparation. Unfortunately, the City Government of
Iligan was unable to respond fully as resources were needed to be re-aligned according to
the level of priorities and the DRRM Council was unable to convene immediately until
January of 2012 because the members themselves were aected by the ood and had to
tend to the needs of their families. Despite our lack of manpower, we evacuated the
victims of TS Washi in covered courts of every barangay, schools, and churches. Together
with the City Social Welfare and Development, who is the frontline in the Citys disaster
response and camp management, we provided the basic needs of the victims especially
those who were in the hinterlands. Fortunately, the NGOs, CSOs, Church, and academe
were able to mobilize on the spot, and there were assistance and resources poured for
Iligan including the arrival of the response teams from the neighboring towns of Linamon
and Kauswagan, Lanao del Norte who came to help in the retrieval and rescue operations
(personal interview, December 14, 2017).
Meanwhile, the Church and the Academe were instrumental to the post-disaster
management in both Cities (see Figure 5). Fr. D. Manipon, representative of the
Catholic Church in Iligan, and Prof. E. Empig, the representative of the MSU-IIT, stated
that, we were not ready for disaster but we had to address the need of the people who
sought refuge in the Churches and University Gymnasiums and the absence or unavail-
ability of government agencies in the rst few days after TS Washi, forced us to create our
own ways of managing the evacuees in our property(personal communications,
December 15 and 18, 2017). Volunteers such as Church parishioners and ocials,
University students, staand faculty as well as people who survived the ood extended
assistance and facilitated the activities in the Churches and gymnasiums. Disaster man-
agers came out of the need to manage not just the victims but also the huge amount of
donations given.
Beyond initial disaster response, the Church also donated hectares of land for the
rehabilitation of the victims and the Academe strengthened its respective community
engagement eorts by adapting and empowering communities. For example, Xavier
University launched the Xavier Ecoville Project (,
a special resettlement project located in Lumbia, Cagayan de Oro City, for the TS
Sendong survivors. Xavier Ecoville is reputed as the rst university-led resettlement project
in the world. It serves approximately 2,800 people from dierent barangays of CDO with its
current 568 permanent houses, chapel, multipurpose hall, multipurpose cooperative, basket-
ball court, and other facilities for its residents. Dierent stakeholders are involved to ensure
eective and sustainable partnerships: (1) the Xavier Ecoville community; (2) Government
agencies, especially the Barangay Local Government Unit; (3) Xavier University; and (4)
private organizations. In January 2012, the City Government started to oversee the evacua-
tion centers managed by the University and the Church.
Similarly, CSOs and NGOs were also of huge assistance to the aected communities.
Mr. I. Borja of Touch Foundation Incorporated of Cagayan de Oro stated that I think
many local NGOs, like us, were not prepared or trained to respond to disasters, out of the
need to do something, we mobilized our resources, and coordinated with the Church and
Universities in managing the assistance coming in as well as addressing the needs of the
victims(personal communications, December 15 and 18, 2017).
The presence of solidarity and generalized trust among the members of the community
who survived Typhoon Washi in 2011 imply that bonding social capital is strong. Uslaner
(2016a) explained that generalized trust depends on the optimistic worldview and a sense
of control-life is good, going to get better, and I can help make it better. He argued that
generalized trust is learned early in life and does not change for most people over time
unless mistrust is already strong in the community (Uslaner, 2016b). The ndings revealed
that in times of disaster such as Typhoon Washi, social trust is enhanced with the
assistance received and shared by the typhoon survivors. Particularly, the relatively high
scores for family members and non-government institutions (Church and NGOs) show
that solidarity and generalized trust are deeply rooted in the social relations for the
community to rely on to in times of need. These ndings are validated in the study of
Rod (2016) where he found that Bayanihan or cooperation is widely practiced among
Filipino communities. The practice of sharing or Bayanihan includes doing business,
sharing jobs, money, and favors with friends and family, which is beyond sharing and
taking care of your family and kin during disasters (Rod, 2016). Further, the ndings
support the study of Quisumbing et al. (2012) that family is at the core of the social
network among Filipinos. On the contrary, these ndings revealed that during disasters,
the collective action among the poor comes in handy and the feelings of shame and fear of
reciprocity are weakened with the greater feeling of compassion and camaraderie. The
active exchange of resources between and among victims of typhoon proved that solidarity
exists and the desire to help each other cuts across economic dierences. Lastly, the
camaraderie among Filipinos in times of disasters, as revealed in the ndings, validated
the study of Clason (1983) that the caring relationships developed and nurtured in times
of diculties enable aected communities to endure and survive a crisis as revealed in the
case of conned prisoners of war in Japan.
Social capital is proportional to economic status. The ndings showed that the solidar-
ity among victims of disaster could be attributed to their economic status. This study
validates the study of Brisson and Usher (2005) that bonding social capital which pertains
to the network of trusting relationships, or social cohesion and trust, among members of
a neighborhood, as well as linking social capital or the network of relationships between
the members of the community (organizations and institutions) is commonly shared in
low-income neighborhoods.
Social cohesion in the disaster-aected communities (linking social capital) is bound by
common interests and are commonly demonstrated through communal activities. For
example, some groups are organized to provide assistance to the family of the member
who is in need or provide nancial assistance or in-kind services whenever there is
a funeral. Moreover, the ndings revealed that the success of these groups lies on the
membersadherence to norms and agreed policies. In doing so, some members of the
community are excluded in these organized groups. These ndings are parallel to the
ndings of Portes (1998) and Arrow (2011) that social capital enables members of a group
in the community to access certain resources where nonmembers are excluded from doing
so. As a result, social capital based on social interaction opportunity through social
networking and receiving help did not seem to facilitate morale (Cheung & Chan, 2010)
which explains the survivorslack of membership to any particular group years after the
2011 Typhoon Washi. These ndings validate the study of Calo-Blanco, Kovářík, Mengel,
and Romero (2017) as they expounded that social cohesion increases after a disaster and
slowly erodes in periods where environmental conditions are less adverse.
Moreover, social capital is enhanced through voluntary memberships. The typhoon
survivorsstrong anity to the Church-based organizations and NGOs as well as
charities implies that bridging social capital is strong which provides better chances
in building an eective community-based emergency management. These ndings
support the ndings of Hawkins and Maurer (2009) that bonding, bridging, and linking
social capital was instrumental in aiding participants to prepare for, endure, and
mutually aid one another before and during the storm, in addition to recovery follow-
ing the oods. Moreover, the nding is consistent with Murphy (2011)thatthe
relationships in the community such as friendships, membership to a certain group,
and level of familiarity to certain groups or its members indicate social capital vital
coping capacity in times of crisis or disasters. Additionally, the Church and some
NGOs have strong relationships with the community in terms of mutual understanding
and trust which could lead to eective response. Social capital, in all cooperation,
enables faster output in terms of reconstruction, sustains initial alternatives, improves
the capacity of the community, and enhances community participation which leads to
successful initiatives (Shaw & Goda, 2004). Further, Church and NGOs foster voluntary
association, broaden the network, and increase the relationships among community
members which facilitates the building of social capital through a healthy ow and
Disaster resilience requires more than social capital to achieve. The accounts of key
informants (both survivors and local government ocials) revealed shortcomings during
the post-disaster activities. Fung (Robinson & Williams, 2001) believed that the failure to
be responsive to the needs of the public adds to the continuing decline of public trust
among government institutions. Brillantes and Fernandez (2011) explained that
Philippinesunresponsive governance, including the inecient and ineective delivery
of services, waste of public resources, graft and corruption, lack of integrity in govern-
ment, poor leadership, excessive red tape, ineective reorganization and structural
changes, too much centralization, among other things, led to the decline of trust in
government and therefore require reforms. Quah (2010)explained that the lower level
of trust and governance in the Philippines is the result of political instability, the failure of
the political leaders to deliver the goods and combat corruption eectively, and its
unfavorable policy context.
Signicantly, political trust is unaected despite failure in governance. The ndings
revealed that typhoon survivors, particularly from Cagayan de Oro City, have relatively
higher trust in political institutions which imply that social capital is either unaected or
strengthened after the disaster. These ndings are consistent with the research of Albrecht
(2017) who investigated whether natural disasters and their management by governments
generally aect political trust and satisfaction with the government among individuals and
found that disasters generally hardly aect political trust or satisfaction with the govern-
ment among citizens.Instead, as revealed in the results of the Citizen Satisfaction Index
System presented in the ndings, the selected political attitudes among individuals appear
largely unaected with the highly satised ratings given on both social and governance
and response services of both cities. This study implies that despite the shortcomings of
disaster response, relief and rehabilitation eorts of the government, the community
remains to believe that their respective local ocials are capable of helping them in
times of need and are therefore can be trusted. As Robinson and William (2001, p. 55)
put it, the use of social capital does not decrease its value because what has been taken
has also been replaced and added to by the interaction of the parties: existing relationships
are rearmed, new experiences are encountered and another dimension of the relation-
ship is established.
This study found that the generalized trust among Filipinos is part of the social norms.
The idea of close family ties and the practice of Bayanihan and cooperation, as well as
religiosity, enhance bonding social capital as well as linking social capital which explains
resilience among Filipino communities. Moreover, this study revealed that disasters and
crisis do not aect the quality of trust that communities have among its members despite
the negative impacts disasters might have caused, such as crimes. Similarly, trust with
social institutions is unaected despite several lapses during post-disaster management.
Instead, solidarity increases during disasters as implied in the neighbors helping neigh-
bors' practices, pouring out of donations, and the volunteers. Signicantly, communities
develop a certain level of tolerance in terms of the failure and appreciation on the
performance of its government and social institutions in times of disasters. Therefore,
the generalized trust among communities proves that there is a mutual condence among
members of the community that nobody will exploit each others vulnerability. Hence, the
socially cohesive nature of communities in terms of camaraderie facilitated the rebuilding
of societies after the 2011 Typhoon Washi.
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... The government also plays a major role in efforts to deal with natural disasters. It is important that the community has confidence that when a disaster occurs, no party will exploit the vulnerabilities of other parties and that local officials will be able to help people affected by the disaster (Jovita et al., 2019). Apart from the government, there is also participation from civil society organizations (CSOs), non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and the private sector, which provides assistance to disaster victims ( To persuade members of a group, we must share interpretations of the plan using terms that are understood by group members. ...
... ). Research byJovita et al. (2019) on Filipino communities affected by Typhoon Washi also showed that trust in social capital refers to the extent to which disaster survivors can rely on close family members, neighbors, close friends, NGOs and religious organizations, elders or community leaders, and the government to meet their needs. basic needs and to improve socio-economic conditions. ...
People, wherever they are, are very vulnerable to natural disasters, especially those living in disasterprone areas. Natural disaster relief efforts can involve a wide range of social capital. Indonesia is crossed by various tectonic plates and has many active volcanoes, one of which is Mount Semeru in East Java. This research compares the role of social capital in efforts to deal with natural disasters in various regions and includes qualitative research with a case study in Sumbermujur Village, Candipuro District, Lumajang Regency, Indonesia. The role of social capital is very important both before the disaster occurs, when the disaster occurs, and when recovering from the disaster. The main sources of social capital in the Sumbermujur community are trust, local wisdom, and social capital linking. This research also highlights the importance of social capital as a disaster mitigation effort to be instilled in the younger generation, namely through disaster mitigation education in schools.
... For example, in examining the 2010 Pakistan floods, which affected approximately 20% of the country's geographic area, Akbar and Aldrich (2017) found that perceived fairness in how disaster aid was distributed was positively correlated with levels of trust in the government. Moreover, research examining other catastrophic events centers on the influence of social capital on political trust (e.g., Aldrich & Meyer, 2015;Eadie & Su, 2018;Jovita et al., 2019;Veszteg et al., 2015), suggesting the importance of sociodemographic factors as mechanisms of support during national crises. ...
Given that trust in government is a critical feature of a well-functioning democracy, research into its determinants has long been a priority among public opinion scholars. The consensus in the literature is that short-term factors drive the ebbs and flows of public trust, and a climate of mistrust has significant consequences on the government's ability to deliver on policies and enforce the law. Despite decades of extensive research on public trust, changing circumstances related to the COVID-19 pandemic support the need to investigate the factors shaping trust in this distinct period. This article, using data from the American National Election Study, explores how economic, social, and political anxieties pervasive throughout the pandemic influence trust in the United States government. Findings from ordered logistic regression analyses indicate that public trust in government is associated with views of the government's COVID-19 response, beliefs about the state of the country and government corruption, economic anxieties, and concerns about election fraud and the status of American democracy. Findings also reveal that sentiments toward institutions—including the police and the Center for Disease Control—contribute to variability in public trust. The implications of these findings for criminal justice research and policy are also considered.
... In terms of flood preparedness and social capital type, these variations are mostly attributed to the interdependence of agents and their resource base. Personal and collective social capital's impact on resilience building is strongly influenced by the nature of these relationships [87,135,136]. ...
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Social capital constitutes an important resource in vulnerable cities of the developing world where formal disaster management capacities are weak, responses are limited, and socio-economic deprivations run deep along spatial dimensions. Yet, little is known about how the different types of social capital contribute to flood preparedness and better community resilience, particularly in informal settlement settings. Drawing on a survey of 391 respondents in Old Fadama, an informal settlement in Ghana, and using structural equation modelling, we found that personal and collective social capitals are significant predictors of flood preparedness and community resilience. However, collective social capital has a stronger predictive ability than personal social capital. Also, flood preparedness mediated the relationship between personal and collective social capital and community resilience. This makes it imperative for disaster managers and policymakers to recognise and work within the existing individual and collective networks, which has the potential to activate “soft” capital accumulation necessary to transition communities from vulnerability to resilience.
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Community resilience based on social capital is very important to guide the community in the face of pandemics and facilitate community recovery. Nevertheless, efforts to proactively strengthen community resilience are determined by informal leaders emerging from patron-client relationships in the community. The role of leaders in strengthening social capital by spreading formulated values and norms becomes a useful order to address COVID-19 misinformation and lack of literacy in society. This informal relationship increases people's social capital and information handling capabilities. Efforts to build responsible social capital and leadership at the community level systematically, including strengthening ties between groups in the community and trust among various actors, are needed to address the COVID-19 pandemic.
... Masyarakat pedesaan yang memiliki modal sosial berupa budaya solidaritas yang mengakar, merupakan faktor penting dalam memicu transformasi kerentanan menjadi ketangguhan (Sudjito, 2021). Sebagaimana temuan dari penelitian Jovita et al., (2019) bahwa solidaritas yang merupakan bentuk modal sosial dimasyarakat, sangat berkontribusi pada pemulihan para korban pascabencana dampak topan tahun 2011 di Filipina, dimana solidaritas tersebut adalah bagian dari struktur normatif masyarakat. ...
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The Indonesian government has declared a new order to live side by side with COVID-19, through the idea of a "new normal". An interesting study to see how the Indonesian people respond to this new normal policy, especially in rural communities. So far, most discussions about the new normal have only been in the context of urban society. This study aims to identify the resilience of rural communities in facing the new normal situation. The method used is qualitative with a phenomenological approach. Data was collected using in-depth interview techniques with key actors. The research was conducted in Pulo Pitu Marihat Village, Ujung Padang District, Simalungun Regency, North Sumatra Province. This area was a red zone location when the pandemic took place, and most of the population worked in the informal sector which tended to be economically and socially vulnerable. The results show that people's ability to survive in the face of changes in the new normal transition period is influenced by individual resilience, social capital, natural resource environment, and social institutions.
This study investigates the evolving ways in which social workers helped provide food assistance during the first months of the COVID-19 pandemic in communities in South Africa and the United States. A cross-national qualitative methodology was used to collect data about the nutritional services social workers delivered, the types of social capital used to assist in these efforts, and the challenges they experienced. This study not only highlights differences in the approaches of these two countries but also how these different communities might be able to learn from one another in delivering food relief during times of emergency.
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As a susceptible demographic, elderly individuals are more prone to risks during sudden disasters. With the exacerbation of aging, new challenges arise for urban disaster reduction and prevention. To address this, the key is to establish a community-scale resilience assessment framework based on the aging background and to summarize factors that influence the resilience level of communities. This approach is a crucial step towards seeking urban disaster prevention and reduction from the bottom up, and serves as an important link to enhance the capacity of urban disaster reduction. This paper explores community resilience evaluation indicators under the background of aging, builds a community resilience evaluation index system based on the Pressure–State–Response, uses the entropy weight method to weigh the indicators, and carries out a resilience evaluation of 507 communities in the main urban area of Changchun. The empirical results indicate significant spatial differentiation of community resilience in the main urban area of Changchun. Moreover, the regional development is unbalanced, showing a spatial distribution pattern of weakness in the middle and strength in the periphery. The ring road network highlights the difference between the new and old urban areas. The high contribution indexes of community resilience in the main urban area of Changchun were concentrated on disaster relief materials input, community self-rescue ability, and disaster cognition ability. Finally, strategies to improve community resilience are proposed from the perspectives of stress, state, and response, emphasizing community residents’ participation, conducting disaster prevention and reduction training, and improving community response-ability.
There are many forms of sharing occurring in local communities that can help reduce overconsumption and mitigate the continuous growth of climate emissions. Lately, traditional forms of local sharing have been supplemented with internet-based peer-to-peer sharing applications. This paper applies a social capital perspective to explore the relational basis for different forms of sharing in local communities, and to inform a discussion on how local sharing can be scaled up. Based on a survey of citizens in four municipalities in Norway, four key forms of sharing are explored including p2p-sharing, sharing schemes organised in the community, sharing of time through voluntary work, and informal sharing among friends, family and neighbours. Results indicate that bridging social capital is particularly important for all sharing activities, and that time-sharing is most strongly sustained by social capital. In addition to social capital dimensions, environmental motives also contribute to people’s engagement in face-to-face local sharing. p2p-sharing, however, is to a much lesser degree related to social capital and environmental motives.
Although previous studies offer some important findings about public satisfaction with the government's disaster response, recent insights are limited, particularly in evaluating the quality of services. Thus, this work poses two important contributions: (1) highlighting the SERVQUAL model in evaluating service quality during disaster response and (2) integrating the fragmented insights regarding public satisfaction into an overarching structural model. Building upon previous works, the proposed model highlights the SERVQUAL, perceived justice, expectation, and disaster situation as antecedents of public satisfaction, which eventually affects public trust and government image. An empirically validated partial least squares-based structural equation model (PLS-SEM) is reported with a case study of Typhoon Odette in the central Philippines. From 860 responses acquired through non-probability sampling, eight hypotheses were tested. Findings suggest that service quality, expectation, and perceived justice positively influence public satisfaction, indicating how the delivery of services, the equitable distribution of resources, and the continuous improvement through feedback looping of government response become critical factors to the public. Also, disaster situation is found to have no significant relationship with expectation and public satisfaction. Finally, results show that public satisfaction is significantly related to public trust and government image, and public trust positively affects government image. These findings emphasize that public trust is more developed when the public receives critical help during the worst circumstances associated with disasters. Based on these findings, a detailed set of policy recommendations anchored on the general framework of the Philippine disaster response incorporating SERVQUAL, expectation, and perceived justice is proposed.
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Do adversarial environmental conditions create social cohesion? We provide new answers to this question by exploiting spatial and temporal variation in exposure to earthquakes across Chile. Using a variety of methods and controlling for a number of socio-economic variables, we find that exposure to earthquakes has a positive effect on several indicators of social cohesion. Social cohesion increases after a big earthquake and slowly erodes in periods where environmental conditions are less adverse. Our results contribute to the current debate on whether and how environmental conditions shape formal and informal institutions. © 2017 Calo-Blanco et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.
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In this chapter, I discuss core theoretical disputes, including: What is trust? Traditionally it is thought of in terms of interpersonal relations, but can it expand beyond that? Does it always reflect strategy, or what Hardin calls a three part relationship X trusts Y to do Z? Or is there another form of trust, what I call “moralistic” trust, where the logic is simply “X trusts”? What are differences among the various types of trust: strategic and moralistic, generalized and particularized, interpersonal and institutional? How do we measure trust? How is an individual’s trust shaped? Who, then, do they trust? Is trust something that can be molded over time, or does it remain relatively stable? And lastly, are institutional trust and generalized trust a part of the same syndrome; what determines institutional trust?
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Despite the ubiquity of disaster and the increasing toll in human lives and financial costs, much research and policy remain focused on physical infrastructure–centered approaches to such events. Governmental organizations such as the Department of Homeland Security, United States Federal Emergency Management Agency, United States Agency for International Development, and United Kingdom’s Department for International Development continue to spend heavily on hardening levees, raising existing homes, and repairing damaged facilities despite evidence that social, not physical, infrastructure drives resilience. This article highlights the critical role of social capital and networks in disaster survival and recovery and lays out recent literature and evidence on the topic. We look at definitions of social capital, measurement and proxies, types of social capital, and mechanisms and application. The article concludes with concrete policy recommendations for disaster managers, government decision makers, and nongovernmental organizations for increasing resilience to catastrophe through strengthening social infrastructure at the community level.
In discussing the subject of “Family and Disaster” the implicit assumption is that the family is the ‘instrument’ which supports the existing, societal organization and therefore the most common approach is to consider how families cope with disaster. There is confusion as to whether one is speaking about the family on an institutional level or about family units. In this paper we have tried to answer two questions: are individuals better able to cope with disaster on a large scale when living in families(units); does the individualized conjugal family unit with clear-cut divisions of labour and roles offer better chances than other family types? To explore these questions we used the situation in Japanese camps for civilians during World War II. We reach the conclusion that it is not living in family units which gives a better chance of survival, but the ability to engage in a caring relation with other(s). The ability to adapt to changing situations, without losing one's self control and a ‘fighting’ spirit seem to be very important in order to survive. The conjugal family type prepares women much better in all respects than men.
In August 2005 the nation watched as Hurricane Katrina pummelled the Gulf Coast. Residents did not just suffer the personal costs of a home that had been severely damaged or destroyed; frequently they also lost their entire neighbourhood and the social systems that under normal circumstances made their lives "work". Katrina raised the questions of whether and how communities could solve the complex social coordination problems catastrophic disaster poses, and what inhibits them from doing so? Professor Chamlee-Wright investigates not only the nature of post-disaster recovery, but the nature of the social order itself - how societies are able to achieve a level of complex social coordination that far exceeds our ability to design. By deploying the tools of both political economy and cultural economy, the book contributes to the bourgeoning literature on the social, political and economic impact of Hurricane Katrina. Through a selection of case studies, the author argues that post-disaster resilience depends crucially upon the discovery that unfolds within commercial and civil society. The book will be of particular interest to postgraduate students and researchers in economics, sociology and anthropology as well as disaster specialists.
Do natural disasters generally affect individuals’ political trust and satisfaction with the government? To answer this question, 10 cases of minor and major disasters in Europe are examined using a quasi‐experimental quantitative design that is based on ordinary least squares regression models. The results indicate that alterations in satisfaction with the government are possible, but only occur in very specific instances, and that effects are small. Changes in political trust are even more unlikely. While it was expected that disasters and their management have at least some effect on how individuals perceive their government's performance because they hold incumbents accountable for their actions, generally speaking this effect hardly occurs in relation to natural disasters. Political attitudes among individuals appear largely unaffected and cases of disasters when incumbents benefit from or are blamed for the perceived management of disasters appear to be uncommon.
After briefly explaining why social capital (civil society) is important to democracy, Putnam devotes the bulk of this chapter to demonstrating social capital’s decline in the United States across the last quarter century. (See Putnam 1995 for a similar but more detailed argument.) While he acknowledges that the significance of a few countertrends is difficult to assess without further study, Putnam concludes that crucial factors such as social trust are eroding rapidly in the United States. He offers some possible explanations for this erosion and concludes by outlining the work needed to consider these possibilities more fully.
After the recent Great East Japan Earthquake of March 11, 2011, the importance of social capital has been heavily stressed. While there is a growing collection of literature on the role of social capital after disasters, other studies have mostly used qualitative analysis or quantitative methods using cross-sectional data from one point in time. This paper studied Time-Series-Cross-Section (TSCS) data from all 47 Japanese prefectures spanning about 30 years from 1981 to 2012. There are very few studies useing TSCS because available data is scarce. This paper employs proxies for social capital. The study found quantitatively that social capital plays important roles in the process of recovery, encouraging people to return to their homes and to stay. What happened to Tohoku as a result of the earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear power accident was the destruction of social capital on a huge scale. The population is still decreasing in the area. Social capital should be at the core of future planning to rebuild Tohoku.