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Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment
ISSN: 1091-1359 (Print) 1540-3556 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/whum20
Social capital and disasters: How does social
capital shape post-disaster conditions in the
Philippines?
Hazel D. Jovita, Haedar Nashir, Dyah Mutiarin, Yasmira Moner & Achmad
Nurmandi
To cite this article: Hazel D. Jovita, Haedar Nashir, Dyah Mutiarin, Yasmira Moner & Achmad
Nurmandi (2019): Social capital and disasters: How does social capital shape post-disaster
conditions in the Philippines?, Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, DOI:
10.1080/10911359.2018.1556143
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10911359.2018.1556143
Published online: 29 Jan 2019.
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Social capital and disasters: How does social capital shape
post-disaster conditions in the Philippines?
Hazel D. Jovita
a
, Haedar Nashir
b
, Dyah Mutiarin
b
, Yasmira Moner
c
,
and Achmad Nurmandi
b
a
Department of Political Science, MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology, Iligan City, Philippines;
b
Department of
Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta, Indonesia;
c
Department of Political Science, MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology, Iligan City, Philippines
ABSTRACT
Social capital is a common feature among disaster-resilient commu-
nities. This research aims to define how social capital shapes the post-
disaster conditions in the 2011 Typhoon Washi-affected communities
of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan City in Region 10 Philippines. Qualitative
analysis was used in analyzing the data gathered through purposive
sampling and semi-structured interviews. Thirty typhoon survivors and
14 focal persons of the government and non-government agencies
were chosen based on their active involvement in the community. The
findings revealed that the solidarity among typhoon-affected commu-
nities contributed to the recovery of the survivors. The findings also
highlighted that the solidarity in the typhoon-affected communities is
part of the normative structure of the society where bonding and
linking social capital are nurtured. Further, the community remains to
believe that their respective local officials can be trusted and are
capable of helping them in times of need despite the shortcomings
during the 2011 Typhoon Washi. We argue that social capital in the
community is not easily diminished over a crisis and therefore must be
nurtured towards effective community-based disaster resilience
mechanisms.
KEYWORDS
Social capital; post-disaster;
solidarity; typhoon
Introduction
The impacts of disasters vary between different communities. Some communities are more
resilient while others are not. Understanding the varying capacities and characteristics of
each community contributes towards better disaster prevention and rehabilitation. Hence,
it is important to consider the social structure of a community in all initiatives (Drabek,
Tamminga, Kilijanek, & Adams, 1981).
Several types of research have been made on the role of social capital in disaster
management and community resilience (Hawkins & Maurer, 2009; LaLone, 2012;
Murphy, 2011; Shaw & Goda, 2004). Disaster resilience is attributed to social capital as
the fundamental basis of community engagement (MacRae & Hodgkin, 2011), shared
communication and information (Miyaguchi & Shaw, 2007), as well as interventions of
non-government organizations (NGOs) (Pierre-Louis, 2011). The role of social capital in
CONTACT Hazel D. Jovita hazel.jovita@g.msuiit.edu.ph Department of Political Science, MSU-Iligan Institute of
Technology, Tibanga, Iligan City, Philippines, 9200
Color versions of one or more of the figures in the article can be found online at www.tandfonline.com/whum.
JOURNAL OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT
https://doi.org/10.1080/10911359.2018.1556143
© 2019 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
the recovery of disaster-stricken communities is also explored by Adger (2009)and
Patterson, Weil, & Patel (2010). However, only a few researche has been made analyzing
the impact of bonding, bridging, and linking social capital in the recovery of the com-
munity after a disaster (Aldrich & Meyer, 2015; Chamlee-Wright, 2010).
Over the years, Region 10 Philippines is one of the most typhoon-visited parts of
the country. The Philippines, composed of 17 administrative regions and with its
exposure to natural disasters, is the third most vulnerable countries in the world.
ThePhilippineAtmospheric,Geophysical,and Astronomical Services Administration
reported that Typhoons Washi in 2011 and Bopha in 2012 are two of the worst
typhoons in the country since 1947 and have mostly affected the Province of
Misamis Oriental and the Cities of Iligan and Cagayan de Oro in Region 10. Thus,
theCitiesofIliganandCagayandeOrowerepurposivelychosenforthisstudy.The
authors deemed it necessary to investigate how social capital shapes the post-disaster
conditions in the affected communities of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan City after the
2011 Typhoon Washi. In doing so, social cohesion and trust, as well as the institu-
tional dimensions of social capital, are explored.
Social capital
Social capital refers to the characteristics of a group or community enabling the fulfill-
ment of a collective aspiration. Social capital refers to the traits of an organizations such
as social networks, trust, mutual understanding, shared values, and behavior that bind
the members while coordination and cooperation are facilitated towards the achieve-
ment of certain goals (Cohen & Prusak, 2002;R.Putnam,1993; Schuller, Baron, & Field,
2000). Ada and Bolat (2010, p. 34) shared that social capital “facilitates a flow of
information providing a basis for action and assisting the individual and community
goal attainment.”
There are three forms of social capital: bonding, bridging, and linking. Bonding social
capital refers to relationships among members of a network who are similar in some
form such as demographic, social, or ethnic status or among community’s individuals
who already know each other (Putnam, 2000); while bridging social capital refers to
relationships among people who are dissimilar in a demonstrable fashion such as age,
socio-economic conditions, race or ethnicity, and education (Szreter & Woolcock, 2004);
and linking social capital is the extent to which individuals build relationships with
institutions and individuals who have relation power over them in order to provide
access to services, jobs, or resources (Woolcock, 2001). Hawkins and Maurer (2009)
noted that linking social capital is the result of the weakest relationship but the most
valuable outcome because linking social capital provides access and connection to power
structure and institutions. Unlike bonding, it is bridging and linking that are character-
ized by exposure to and development of new ideas, values, and perspectives (Hawkins &
Maurer, 2009).
Trust is a fundamental element in social capital (Paraskevopoulos, 2010; Shimada,
2015). The mutual confidence that no party to an exchange will exploit the others’
vulnerability constitutes the most important component of social capital and is
a precondition for competitive success (Paraskevopoulos, 2010). This view on the impor-
tance of trust is parallel with the findings of Shimada (2015) on the role of social capital in
2H. D. JOVITA ET AL.
rebuilding societies after disasters. Familiarity and strong ties in the community establish
trust among network members which minimizes coordination failures during disasters
(Shimada, 2015). The presence of NGOs and voluntary town organizations in the inter-
action between the government and local people in India and Japan fostered trust and
facilitated a smoother recovery (Nakagawa & Shaw, 2004). Meanwhile, Portes (1998) and
Arrow (2011) mentioned that with social capital, the members or groups in the commu-
nity who have access to benefits and resources have the tendency to exclude nonmembers
from access. Hence, social capital has its own caveat.
Building social capital based on social interaction through social networking and
receiving help does not seem to facilitate morale (Cheung & Chan, 2010). The feeling of
indebtedness arising from the unreciprocated reception of help and the reaction towards
the help offered may pose a challenge to the person’s self-esteem and invoke the person’s
consciousness about the problems and deficiency (Cheung & Chan, 2010). Hence, these
feelings would compromise morale. Therefore, social interaction may not be helpful and
may instead be costly, as it drains the person’s time, vitality, and other resources
(Grootaert & Van Bastelar, 2002).
Comparably, Quisumbing, McNiven, and Godquin (2012) looked into collective action,
such as membership in formal groups and social networks in the Philippines. Their findings
revealed that the poor do not easily build social capital due to differences in ethnicity, assets,
and education. However, the networks of these Filipino families are composed of their
children who are migrants in other places as norms are easier to observe within the family.
The barriers that prevent the poor from participating in collective action are that poorer folk
often express feelings of “hiya”or shame (meaning the uncomfortable feeling of one in
a socially unacceptable position)—in approaching wealthier individuals for help in times of
need (Quisumbing et al., 2012). Further, Quisumbing cited Hollnsteiner (1979) that the fear
of being unable to reciprocate may also prevent poorer households from approaching richer
households for help because reciprocity is at the core of Filipino social transactions.
However, such shame may be tempered if the richer individual is a relative, even
a distant one, but it is not uncommon for kinship networks to perform consumption-
smoothing functions (Quisumbing et al., 2012).
Social capital and disaster management
Disaster response and recovery emphasized the importance of social capital. LaLone
(2012)d
efined social capital as the potential resources in goods, labor, and other forms
of assistance that are embedded in local-level social networks of family and neighbors, and
other groups formed through place-based, work-based, and common interest-based bonds
of interaction, trust, reciprocity, and support that people can mobilize individually and
collectively to use for community resilience in the face of disasters. Mobilizing social
capital by calling public assistance needs enough preparation and planning in managing
the influx of resources in order to avoid chaos, and one limitation of social capital support
is that it becomes harder to sustain over an extended period of time beyond the disaster
(LaLone, 2012).
In New Orleans, after Hurricane Katrina, bonding, bridging, and linking social capital
was instrumental in aiding participants to prepare for, endure, and mutually aid one
another before and during the storm, in addition to recovery following the floods
JOURNAL OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT 3
(Hawkins & Maurer, 2009). Social capital helps maintain security and operates within
a social-psychological manner consistent with the context of disaster research (Hawkins &
Maurer, 2009). Additionally, the caring relationships developed and nurtured in times of
difficulties enable affected communities to endure and survive a crisis as revealed in the
case of confined prisoners of war in Japan (Clason, 1983).
Moreover, community-based emergency management suggests strong social capital
which provides better chances of building resilience (Murphy, 2011;Shaw&Goda,
2004). Shaw and Goda (2004) on their study on the 1995 earthquake in Kobe, Japan,
emphasize the importance of cooperation as well as building social capital (mutual
trust, bonds, social norms, community cohesion, leadership, and networks) among
other actors in order to provide fast output in terms of reconstructions and also to
sustain initial initiatives. They also pointed out that building and increasing the
capacities of the community as recipients and creating a venue for an effective
communication enhance community participation and capacities that eventually
lead to the success of the initiatives. Moreover, Murphy (2011) examined local
emergency management from the perspective of community coping capacity and
found that the presence of social capital such as kinship, friendship, and communal
relationships can develop but do no guarantee community resilience. Resilience, on
the other hand, is anchored primarily in the role of government, and the importance
of community involvement to official activities is magnified in times of disasters
(Murphy, 2011).
Further, MacRae and Hodgkin (2011) consider community engagement as a promising
mechanism in a post-disaster scenario, and the relationship of the NGOs to the local
government can help and/or delay the response operations as protocols vary from every
area. Communication barriers between NGOs and local actors should be addressed, and the
decision-making process should be inclusive of the stakeholders instead of being mono-
polized by the international organizations (MacRae & Hodgkin, 2011). Moreover,
a collaboration between the community and the corporate sector may lead to long-term
success for environment and disaster management when information is shared, and there is
a clear understanding of what the community can do before and after natural catastrophes
(Miyaguchi & Shaw, 2007). The presence of NGOs after the 2010 Haiti earthquake caused
serious concerns as each NGO grabbed a sector of the territory which resulted to competi-
tion of resources and turf hegemony (Pierre-Louis, 2011). Hence, the lack of coordination
on the ground among the NGOs resulted in an inefficient management of relief to address
the crisis in Haiti.
In general, the participation of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), NGOs, and the
private sector in times of disaster is highly relevant as they provided immediate support to
the affected communities. With definite and sound government structures and paradigm,
CSOs can harness its potentials in crisis situations. Responsive government structures
facilitate collaboration between and among organizations and agencies towards an efficient
management of relief. More importantly, social capital should be nurtured in the com-
munity. In doing so, CSOs and government can align its efforts and mobilize empowered
partners in the community for more efficient and effective crisis management or post-
disaster interventions.
4H. D. JOVITA ET AL.
Research model
This study adopts the Qualitative Tools designed by Dudwick, Kuehnast, Jones, and
Woolcock (2006) in measuring the six dimensions of social capital: (1) groups and
networks; (2) trust and solidarity; (3) collective action and cooperation; (4) information
and communication; (5) social cohesion and inclusion; and (6) empowerment and poli-
tical action. For this research, our focus is only on the dimensions of trust and solidarity
and the social cohesion and inclusion (see Figure 1).
Trust and solidarity as a dimension of social capital pertains to the extent to which people
feel they can rely on relatives, neighbors, colleagues, key service providers, and even strangers,
either to assist them or (at least) do them no harm (Dudwick et al., 2006). Dudwick et al. cited
Kuehnast and Dudwick (2004)whooffered two matrices in measuring social trust as they
studied the social networks in the Kyrgyz Republic. The first matrix addresses the questions
such as: “What do you give and to whom?”and “What do you receive and from whom?”The
matrix is filledout by an interviewer using one of the following answers: “always,”“most of the
time,”“sometimes,”or “seldom or never.”Moreover, the second matrix illustrates the kinds of
people that are integral to one household in the community, “To whom do you turn to for
help or assistance?”(Dudwick et al., 2006,pp.18–19). Moreover, social cohesion and inclusion
focus on the tenacity of social bonds and their dual potential to include or exclude members of
community, while institutional analysis can offer insight into which institutions support or
undermine local cohesion from the perspective of different groups (Dudwick et al., 2006).
Generally, this study looks into social capital in terms of the trust and solidarity as well
as the social cohesion and inclusion in the community in understanding how social capital
shaped the post-disaster conditions in the communities of Iligan and Cagayan de Oro
after the 2011 Typhoon Washi.
Research methods
This research primarily looks into how social capital affects the outcomes of disaster
management during Typhoon Washi (Tropical Storm Sendong) which hit the commu-
nities of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan City. According to the final report of the NDRRMC,
a total of 131,618 families/698,882 persons were affected by the tropical storm Sendong in
866 barangays of 60 municipalities and nine cities in the 13 provinces of Regions VI, VII,
IX, X, XI, CARAGA, and ARMM. The final report mentioned that Region X suffered the
most where Iligan and Cagayan de Oro City experienced enormous infrastructure damage
and loss of lives (NDRRMC, 2012). Hence, the Cities of Iligan and Cagayan de Oro in
Region 10 were chosen for this study (see Figure 2).
Social Capital
Social cohesion Institutional trust
Post-disaster condition (disaster response)
Figure 1. Research model.
JOURNAL OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT 5
A qualitative approach was utilized in this study. Data were gathered through semi-
structured, open-ended interviews among the 30 typhoon survivors and 14 focal persons of
the government (10) and non-government agencies (4). The 30 survivors were chosen (15
survivors from Cagayan de Oro and 15 survivors from Iligan City) based on their active
involvement in the community as suggested by their respective community leaders, while the
representatives of Department of Social Welfare and Development, Disaster Risk Reduction
Office, City Planning and Development Office, Mayors Office and PNP of both Local
Government Units, MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology (academe), Touch Foundation
Incorporated (NGO), and the Catholic Church representatives of Iligan and Cagayan de Oro
were interviewed based on the crucial role they played in times of disaster. In sum, there are
a total of 44 key informants interviewed for this study who were purposively chosen based on
their active participation in their respective communities and based on their experience in
disaster management during the 2011 Typhoon Washi. Also, both published and unpublished
documents related to the topic accessed from government agencies, and credible websites were
gathered and utilized to substantiate the findings.
Findings
The typhoon survivors covered in this study are composed of 67% female and 33% males
and ages ranging from 21 to 80 years old where 40% are between 21 and 40 years old. In
Figure 2. Map of the Philippines showing Region 10 where the cities of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan are
located.
Source: https://www.google.com/maps/place/Northern+Mindanao,+Philippines/.
6H. D. JOVITA ET AL.
terms of income, 70% of the typhoon survivors earn less than 100USD monthly, which is
less than the minimum wage in both Cagayan de Oro and Iligan Cities.
Trust and solidarity as dimensions of social capital refer to the extent to which people
feel they can rely on relatives, neighbors, colleagues, acquaintances, key service providers,
and even strangers, either to assist them or (at least) do them no harm (Dudwick et al.,
2006). In measuring the trust and solidarity dimension of social capital, typhoon survivors
were asked about the goods or services that they have received from the people who have
more than they have, people who have less than they have, people who have the same
capacity as they have, and closely related family members.
Figure 3 shows that for both Cities, food, clothes, medicine, household items, and
introduction to potential employers are the goods and services that are most received from
the people who have more than what the survivors have. On the other hand, in terms of
the goods received from the people who have less than the survivors, food and in-kind
services are the most common among the typhoon survivors from both cities including
clothes and households items for Iligan City informants. Meanwhile, in terms of the goods
and services received from those people who have about the same as what the survivors
have, food, clothes, school supplies, household items, and in-kind services are common in
Iligan, while in Cagayan de Oro City, food, money, medicine, and in-kind services are
commonly received by typhoon survivors. Lastly, money, food, and clothes are the most
received goods from the typhoon survivors’close family friends and relatives.
Generally, food is the most received goods in times of disasters, followed by clothes,
money, medicine, and in-kind services. Moreover, introduction to potential employers or
influential people is only offered by the people who have more than what the survivors
have. On the other hand, in-kind services are rendered both by the people who have less
and who have the same status with typhoonsurvivors. G. Rivera recalled that “our
neighbors helped us during the typhoon. They rescued us from our homes and they
gave us clothes in the evacuation center”(personal communication, December 16, 2016).
Ms. R. Polinar expressed that “our condition in the evacuation center was bearable. Me
and the other victims shared our experiences, sentiments and grief, and somehow, I feel
lighter, and better”(personal communication, December 21, 2016). These findings imply
Figure 3. Trust and solidarity based on the goods and services received by typhoon survivors.
JOURNAL OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT 7
that solidarity is apparent in the community. These findings revealed that, during disas-
ters, the collective action among the poor comes in handy, and the feelings of shame and
fear of reciprocity are weakened with the greater feeling of compassion and camaraderie.
The active exchange of resources between and among victims of typhoon proved that
solidarity exists and the desire to help each other cuts across economic differences.
Moreover, in terms of social cohesion, survivors were asked about their social networks
(see Figure 4). The social institutions involved in meeting the basic needs, improving the
social and economic situation, and maintaining social relationships in the community
were identified by the survivors. Figure 4 shows that in terms of meeting the minimum
basic needs, the survivors, generally, turn to closely related family members, NGOs, and
religious organizations. Primarily, typhoon survivors from Cagayan de Oro turn to
community elders or community leaders. Meanwhile, in terms of improving the social
or economic condition, the typhoon survivors are more keen on NGOs followed by closely
related family members. Typhoon survivors from Iligan turn to religious organization too,
and those from Cagayan de Oro turn to nearby friends. Lastly, in terms of maintaining
social relationships, survivors most often go to closely related family members, NGOs, and
nearby friends. Survivors from Iligan City turn to rural relatives and religious organiza-
tions, while survivors from Cagayan de Oro turn to neighbors and community elders and
traditional leaders.
Generally, in times of disasters, survivors commonly go to NGOs and closely related
family members such as siblings, parents, and children. Typhoon survivors from Iligan City
go to religious organizations, charities, and rural relatives more than the informants from
Cagayan de Oro. While survivors from Cagayan de Oro turn to their nearby friends,
neighbors, and community elder or traditional leaders. Ms. C. Rapanot shared that “Bible
study was conducted regularly in our evacuation center and it made us feel better and closer
with each other”(personal interview, December 16, 2017). Additionally, Ms. D. Camasura
explained that “the help from the government and other groups arrived days after the
typhoon. And in order for us to survive, my family and other evacuees shared whatever we
had like food, milk, biscuits.”Meanwhile, survivors from Iligan City received assistance
from religious organizations. Mr. F. Maturan shared that “when Sendong happened, the
Figure 4. Social networks.
8H. D. JOVITA ET AL.
Church was quick to send us food and clothing in our evacuation centers. The Church also
gave us a temporary source of income”(personal interview, December 18, 2017). These
findings imply that typhoon survivors in Cagayan de Oro have stronger bonding social
capital, while survivors in Iligan City have stronger linking social capital.
Majority of the typhoon survivors are no longer part of any group after the typhoon,
and some typhoon survivors remain part of their respective social networks. In Iligan City,
most of the typhoon survivors (20%) who belong to a group are members of the Basic
Ecclesiastical Community, a church-based group, while in Cagayan de Oro, 26.67% of the
survivors are members of the Homeowners Association who cited that being a member of
the Homeowners Association gave them the assurance that in times of calamity, their group
will help its affected members. On the other hand, survivors from Iligan City expressed that
being a member of a church-based group help them in praying and in loving God more.
Other benefits of a group membership mentioned are the livelihood assistance and the cash
assistance that a member can avail to address the daily needs of the family.
In an interview with Ms. R. Tomondo (Iligan City), she stated that “being part of
a group in the community helps in securing the daily needs of my family especially in
times of emergencies”(personal interview, December 22, 2017). When asked about the
problems encountered in being a member of a group, the survivors mentioned that the
most common problem is that some members are not able to comply with their
obligations, such as payment of their debts and sometimes misunderstanding during
meetings which results to a bigger conflict. Meetings are held to fixthedifferences
among members, and in terms of financial obligations, the group members pay for the
unpaid debt. Ms. S. Barrios shared that “because of the differences among members in
the group, many are no longer active and sometimes, the group is taken down”(personal
interview, December 18, 2017).
This finding implies that social cohesion in the disaster-affected communities is
bounded by common interests and abilities which are commonly demonstrated through
communal activities such as Barrio fiesta commonly for religious groups and other
activities which the group had initially agreed. For example, some groups are organized
to provide assistance to the family of the member who is in need or provide financial
assistance or in-kind services whenever there is a funeral in the household of a member.
The findings revealed that the success of these groups lies on the members’adherence to
norms and agreed policies. In doing so, some members of the community are excluded in
these organized groups.
Moreover, Figure 4 also revealed that NGO is one of the social institutions that
typhoon survivors go to in times of need. This result is consistent with the data in
Figure 5 where local and international NGOs are the most trusted institution of the
typhoon survivors in times of disasters. As shown in Figure 5, typhoon survivors perceived
that among the social institutions, the Social and Welfare Office of the government is to
the most trusted, reliable, and effective institution, followed by international and local
NGOs and the church. Ms. S. Colot of Iligan City stated that, “the Social and Welfare
Office of the City and the Mayor’sOffice gave us relief such as food and clothing and later
on, the aid from the Regional office of DSWD, and NGOs arrived”(personal interview,
December 16, 2017).
Interestingly, typhoonsurvivors from Cagayan de Oro City expressed relatively higher
trust among public hospitals, village, barangay and city officials (Mayor, Councilors,
JOURNAL OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT 9
DRRM Office), army, and the police forces (see Figure 5). One of the survivors from
Cagayan de Oro, Mr. M.J. Pagayogdog explained that “I will always be grateful to the
soldiers and rescuers who saved me and my family during Sendong. If it were not for their
quick response, any of my family members could have been dead by now. They brought us
to the evacuation center where there were food and water”(personal interview,
December 27, 2017). Ms. L. Ramirez added that “aside from the relief goods from the
City and NGOs, we also received cash from our LGU. It was only 1,000.00php but it
meant so much to us because we were able to buy the things that we need that were not
provided in the relief goods”(personal interview, December 19, 2017). These findings are
supported by the results of the Citizen Satisfaction Index System.
In 2012, the Department of Interior and Local Government launched the Citizen
Satisfaction Survey (CSIS) as part of the Philippine Development Plan 2011–2016 of the
Aquino Administration. The CSIS served as a set of mechanisms that generate citizens’
feedback on local governments’performance on service delivery and the citizens’general
satisfaction. The CSIS results showed interesting findings particularly in terms of social
services, governance, and response services of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan City.
For Cagayan de Oro (Quibal, 2014) and Iligan City (Jovita, Calamba, & Labadisos,
2014), the findings on social services as well as governance and response services are
almost similar as it revealed that many of the respondents were not aware of the social
services offered by the City Social and Welfare Development as well as the governance
and response services offered by the City Government. As a result, they were not able
to avail most of these services. However, for the very few who were able to avail of such
services, they were highly satisfied. The results of the CSIS also revealed that most of
the respondents of the survey (80%) were survivors of Typhoon Sendong, who affirmed
that the Barangays were more active than the city in activities related to disasters.
Nevertheless, the respondents commonly asserted that they are generally satisfied in the
adequacy of the government responses that came in the forms of relief, food, and
relocation. These CSIS results imply that the people of the community trust the
government and its institutions in their respective Cities as they are highly satisfied
with the services rendered to them.
Figure 5. Institutional analysis.
10 H. D. JOVITA ET AL.
On the other hand, the findings in Figure 5 showed that the trust of the typhoon
survivors in Iligan City is relatively lower than that of Cagayan de Oro. In an interview
with Ms. D. Gomez and Mr. F. Risal, survivors from Iligan City, they mentioned that,
“they were disappointed because they know that there were donations which were
corrupted by the City Government who received the assistance from various donors”
(personal interview, December 8 and 13, 2017).
In an interview with the former DRRM Officer of Iligan, Mr. A. Bendijo narrated that
“pre-emptive evacuations were made as well as ensuring that all human resources (i.e
Army, Police, disaster responders) are positioned, to look after the communities in high
risk areas. Unfortunately, flashfloods wiped the communities near the major rivers and the
damage was beyond the level of our preparation. Unfortunately, the City Government of
Iligan was unable to respond fully as resources were needed to be re-aligned according to
the level of priorities and the DRRM Council was unable to convene immediately until
January of 2012 because the members themselves were affected by the flood and had to
tend to the needs of their families. Despite our lack of manpower, we evacuated the
victims of TS Washi in covered courts of every barangay, schools, and churches. Together
with the City Social Welfare and Development, who is the frontline in the City’s disaster
response and camp management, we provided the basic needs of the victims especially
those who were in the hinterlands. Fortunately, the NGOs, CSOs, Church, and academe
were able to mobilize on the spot, and there were assistance and resources poured for
Iligan including the arrival of the response teams from the neighboring towns of Linamon
and Kauswagan, Lanao del Norte who came to help in the retrieval and rescue operations”
(personal interview, December 14, 2017).
Meanwhile, the Church and the Academe were instrumental to the post-disaster
management in both Cities (see Figure 5). Fr. D. Manipon, representative of the
Catholic Church in Iligan, and Prof. E. Empig, the representative of the MSU-IIT, stated
that, “we were not ready for disaster but we had to address the need of the people who
sought refuge in the Churches and University Gymnasiums and the absence or unavail-
ability of government agencies in the first few days after TS Washi, forced us to create our
own ways of managing the evacuees in our property”(personal communications,
December 15 and 18, 2017). Volunteers such as Church parishioners and officials,
University students, staffand faculty as well as people who survived the flood extended
assistance and facilitated the activities in the Churches and gymnasiums. Disaster man-
agers came out of the need to manage not just the victims but also the huge amount of
donations given.
Beyond initial disaster response, the Church also donated hectares of land for the
rehabilitation of the victims and the Academe strengthened its respective community
engagement efforts by adapting and empowering communities. For example, Xavier
University launched the Xavier Ecoville Project (http://www.xu.edu.ph/xavier-ecoville),
a special resettlement project located in Lumbia, Cagayan de Oro City, for the TS
Sendong survivors. Xavier Ecoville is reputed as the first university-led resettlement project
in the world. It serves approximately 2,800 people from different barangays of CDO with its
current 568 permanent houses, chapel, multipurpose hall, multipurpose cooperative, basket-
ball court, and other facilities for its residents. Different stakeholders are involved to ensure
effective and sustainable partnerships: (1) the Xavier Ecoville community; (2) Government
agencies, especially the Barangay Local Government Unit; (3) Xavier University; and (4)
JOURNAL OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT 11
private organizations. In January 2012, the City Government started to oversee the evacua-
tion centers managed by the University and the Church.
Similarly, CSOs and NGOs were also of huge assistance to the affected communities.
Mr. I. Borja of Touch Foundation Incorporated of Cagayan de Oro stated that “I think
many local NGOs, like us, were not prepared or trained to respond to disasters, out of the
need to do something, we mobilized our resources, and coordinated with the Church and
Universities in managing the assistance coming in as well as addressing the needs of the
victims”(personal communications, December 15 and 18, 2017).
Discussion
The presence of solidarity and generalized trust among the members of the community
who survived Typhoon Washi in 2011 imply that bonding social capital is strong. Uslaner
(2016a) explained that generalized trust depends on the optimistic worldview and a sense
of control-life is good, going to get better, and I can help make it better. He argued that
generalized trust is learned early in life and does not change for most people over time
unless mistrust is already strong in the community (Uslaner, 2016b). The findings revealed
that in times of disaster such as Typhoon Washi, social trust is enhanced with the
assistance received and shared by the typhoon survivors. Particularly, the relatively high
scores for family members and non-government institutions (Church and NGOs) show
that solidarity and generalized trust are deeply rooted in the social relations for the
community to rely on to in times of need. These findings are validated in the study of
Rod (2016) where he found that Bayanihan or cooperation is widely practiced among
Filipino communities. The practice of sharing or Bayanihan includes doing business,
sharing jobs, money, and favors with friends and family, which is beyond sharing and
taking care of your family and kin during disasters (Rod, 2016). Further, the findings
support the study of Quisumbing et al. (2012) that family is at the core of the social
network among Filipinos. On the contrary, these findings revealed that during disasters,
the collective action among the poor comes in handy and the feelings of shame and fear of
reciprocity are weakened with the greater feeling of compassion and camaraderie. The
active exchange of resources between and among victims of typhoon proved that solidarity
exists and the desire to help each other cuts across economic differences. Lastly, the
camaraderie among Filipinos in times of disasters, as revealed in the findings, validated
the study of Clason (1983) that the caring relationships developed and nurtured in times
of difficulties enable affected communities to endure and survive a crisis as revealed in the
case of confined prisoners of war in Japan.
Social capital is proportional to economic status. The findings showed that the solidar-
ity among victims of disaster could be attributed to their economic status. This study
validates the study of Brisson and Usher (2005) that bonding social capital which pertains
to the network of trusting relationships, or social cohesion and trust, among members of
a neighborhood, as well as linking social capital or the network of relationships between
the members of the community (organizations and institutions) is commonly shared in
low-income neighborhoods.
Social cohesion in the disaster-affected communities (linking social capital) is bound by
common interests and are commonly demonstrated through communal activities. For
example, some groups are organized to provide assistance to the family of the member
12 H. D. JOVITA ET AL.
who is in need or provide financial assistance or in-kind services whenever there is
a funeral. Moreover, the findings revealed that the success of these groups lies on the
members’adherence to norms and agreed policies. In doing so, some members of the
community are excluded in these organized groups. These findings are parallel to the
findings of Portes (1998) and Arrow (2011) that social capital enables members of a group
in the community to access certain resources where nonmembers are excluded from doing
so. As a result, social capital based on social interaction opportunity through social
networking and receiving help did not seem to facilitate morale (Cheung & Chan, 2010)
which explains the survivors’lack of membership to any particular group years after the
2011 Typhoon Washi. These findings validate the study of Calo-Blanco, Kovářík, Mengel,
and Romero (2017) as they expounded that social cohesion increases after a disaster and
slowly erodes in periods where environmental conditions are less adverse.
Moreover, social capital is enhanced through voluntary memberships. The typhoon
survivors’strong affinity to the Church-based organizations and NGOs as well as
charities implies that bridging social capital is strong which provides better chances
in building an effective community-based emergency management. These findings
support the findings of Hawkins and Maurer (2009) that bonding, bridging, and linking
social capital was instrumental in aiding participants to prepare for, endure, and
mutually aid one another before and during the storm, in addition to recovery follow-
ing the floods. Moreover, the finding is consistent with Murphy (2011)thatthe
relationships in the community such as friendships, membership to a certain group,
and level of familiarity to certain groups or its members indicate social capital vital
coping capacity in times of crisis or disasters. Additionally, the Church and some
NGOs have strong relationships with the community in terms of mutual understanding
and trust which could lead to effective response. Social capital, in all cooperation,
enables faster output in terms of reconstruction, sustains initial alternatives, improves
the capacity of the community, and enhances community participation which leads to
successful initiatives (Shaw & Goda, 2004). Further, Church and NGOs foster voluntary
association, broaden the network, and increase the relationships among community
members which facilitates the building of social capital through a healthy flow and
exchangeofinformationinthecommunity(Robinson&Williams,2001).
Disaster resilience requires more than social capital to achieve. The accounts of key
informants (both survivors and local government officials) revealed shortcomings during
the post-disaster activities. Fung (Robinson & Williams, 2001) believed that the failure to
be responsive to the needs of the public adds to the continuing decline of public trust
among government institutions. Brillantes and Fernandez (2011) explained that
Philippines’unresponsive governance, including the inefficient and ineffective delivery
of services, waste of public resources, graft and corruption, lack of integrity in govern-
ment, poor leadership, excessive red tape, ineffective reorganization and structural
changes, too much centralization, among other things, led to the decline of trust in
government and therefore require reforms. Quah (2010)explained that the lower level
of trust and governance in the Philippines is the result of political instability, the failure of
the political leaders to deliver the goods and combat corruption effectively, and its
unfavorable policy context.
Significantly, political trust is unaffected despite failure in governance. The findings
revealed that typhoon survivors, particularly from Cagayan de Oro City, have relatively
JOURNAL OF HUMAN BEHAVIOR IN THE SOCIAL ENVIRONMENT 13
higher trust in political institutions which imply that social capital is either unaffected or
strengthened after the disaster. These findings are consistent with the research of Albrecht
(2017) who investigated whether natural disasters and their management by governments
generally affect political trust and satisfaction with the government among individuals and
found that “disasters generally hardly affect political trust or satisfaction with the govern-
ment among citizens.”Instead, as revealed in the results of the Citizen Satisfaction Index
System presented in the findings, the selected political attitudes among individuals appear
largely unaffected with the highly satisfied ratings given on both social and governance
and response services of both cities. This study implies that despite the shortcomings of
disaster response, relief and rehabilitation efforts of the government, the community
remains to believe that their respective local officials are capable of helping them in
times of need and are therefore can be trusted. As Robinson and William (2001, p. 55)
put it, the use of social capital does not decrease its value because “what has been taken
has also been replaced and added to by the interaction of the parties: existing relationships
are reaffirmed, new experiences are encountered and another dimension of the relation-
ship is established.”
Conclusion
This study found that the generalized trust among Filipinos is part of the social norms.
The idea of close family ties and the practice of Bayanihan and cooperation, as well as
religiosity, enhance bonding social capital as well as linking social capital which explains
resilience among Filipino communities. Moreover, this study revealed that disasters and
crisis do not affect the quality of trust that communities have among its members despite
the negative impacts disasters might have caused, such as crimes. Similarly, trust with
social institutions is unaffected despite several lapses during post-disaster management.
Instead, solidarity increases during disasters as implied in the neighbors helping neigh-
bors' practices, pouring out of donations, and the volunteers. Significantly, communities
develop a certain level of tolerance in terms of the failure and appreciation on the
performance of its government and social institutions in times of disasters. Therefore,
the generalized trust among communities proves that there is a mutual confidence among
members of the community that nobody will exploit each other’s vulnerability. Hence, the
socially cohesive nature of communities in terms of camaraderie facilitated the rebuilding
of societies after the 2011 Typhoon Washi.
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