Book

Getting Respect: Responding to Stigma and Discrimination in the United States, Brazil, and Israel

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Abstract

Racism is a common occurrence for members of marginalized groups around the world. This book illuminates their experiences and responses to stigmatization and discrimination by comparing three countries with enduring group boundaries: the United States, Brazil and Israel. The book delves into what kinds of stigmatizing or discriminatory incidents individuals encounter in each country, how they respond to these occurrences, and what they view as the best strategy—whether individually, collectively, through confrontation, or through self-improvement—for dealing with such events. The book draws on more than 400 in-depth interviews with middle- and working-class men and women residing in and around multiethnic cities to compare the discriminatory experiences of African Americans, Black Brazilians, and Arab Palestinian citizens of Israel, as well as Israeli Ethiopian Jews and Mizrahi (Sephardic) Jews. Detailed analysis reveals significant differences in group behavior: Arab Palestinians frequently remain silent due to resignation and cynicism while Black Brazilians see more stigmatization by class than by race, and African Americans confront situations with less hesitation than do Ethiopian Jews and Mizrahi Jews, who tend to downplay their exclusion. The book accounts for these patterns by considering the extent to which each group is actually a group, the sociohistorical context of intergroup conflict, and the national ideologies and other cultural repertoires that group members rely on. The book opens many new perspectives into, and sets a new global agenda for, the comparative analysis of race and ethnicity.
... By offering stigmatised individuals scripts that establish their worth based on Turkish or Muslim heritage, this has a selfconvincing and empowering function. We add to Lamont et al. (2016) notion of 'ideal responses' by showing how de-stigmatisation strategies -what constitutes a proper response and how to best effect group-level changeare internally contested. ...
... In line with previous research (Duyvendak 2011;Duyvendak, Geschiere, and Tonkens 2016), we find that such strategies are shaped by the political climate of nativism. While many studies have focused on how minorities engage in destigmatisation work vis-à-vis the dominant majority (Lamont et al. 2016;Branscombe et al. 1999), we find that individuals can simultaneously face multiple and sometimes conflicting demands from majority and minority groups. Minority and majority group status is also fluid across situations, especially within transnational contexts. ...
... How do Muslim Turkish-Dutch young adults negotiate multiple identifications in the current nativist political climate? To interpret our results, we build on and extend theoretical taxonomies of destigmatisation strategies (Lamont et al. 2016), strategies to cope with challenges to belonging (Slootman 2014), and social psychological insights on responses to identity threats and misrecognition (Amer 2020;Hopkins and Blackwood 2013;Hopkins 2011). Although far from exhaustive, these combined frameworks encompass the main strategies identified in the empirical literature, providing stepping-stones for further theoretical inquiry. ...
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This article examines ‘de-stigmatisation strategies’ of Turkish-Dutch youth. Our in-depth interviews and observations revealed three strategies to negotiate belonging in the Netherlands, particularly to resist dominant Dutch characterisations of Turks and Muslims as backwards, disloyal and unintegrated: (1) confronting by asserting their right to cultural distinctiveness, (2) convincing by relocating cultural achievements in their heritage, and (3) contextualising: embracing ideological and political positions calibrated to country-specific contexts. We found that students’ de-stigmatisation strategies – which are learnt, contested and first performed within secure in-group settings – mobilise multiple, context-dependent identifications. Although students are often critical of the assumptions embedded in Dutch nativist discourse, their strategies also partly reproduce them, showing the pervasiveness of nativism within current political debates on culture, identity, belonging and nationality.
... But I also show how this experience varies depending on the academic programmes in which first-generation students pursue their undergraduate studies, their gender, and the influence of different secondary schools in their adjustment to higher education. While uncovering this variability, I argue that the way class marginality is experienced at UCH and PUC is better understood by the notion of 'assaults on worth' (Lamont et al., 2016) ...
... Conceptually, throughout this chapter I have argued that a useful way forward to address the issues and variability of class marginality at elite universities can be done though the notion of 'assaults on worth' (Lamont et al., 2016). Unlike the Bourdieusian concept of 'symbolic violence'-being compelled to see one's values and lifestyle through the lens of the dominant classes (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1970;Wacquant, 2005[1992])-assaults on worth better grasps the wide range of class mistreatment the upwardly mobile experience in elite university settings: being misunderstood, overlooked, underestimated, or stereotyped. ...
... As I uncovered in Chapter 7 and 8, in the three highstatus occupations under study-law, medicine, and engineering-women conveyed specific forms of gender discrimination and stigmatisation. The latter, especially in the form of underestimation, stereotyping, or neglect, were particularly significant-incidents which I addressed using the concept of 'assaults on worth' (Lamont et al., 2016; more on this below). ...
Thesis
This doctoral dissertation examines the experience of long-range upward mobility in contemporary Chile. Internationally well-known for the implementation of pioneering and radical neoliberal reforms, Chile has both high rates of occupational mobility and a strong trend towards social closure at the top. Based on an extensive qualitative study, this research focuses on those who best represent the embodiment of the meritocratic ideal across Western nations: the long-range upwardly mobile coming from disadvantaged backgrounds and reaching high-status occupations after attending elite universities. Endorsing an increasing sociological interest in the study of the elites, this thesis argues for the need to move from the conventional occupational-based approach towards a cultural and multigenerational perspective on social mobility. In particular, it acknowledges the crucial significance of concepts such as cultural capital and cultural repertoires used in tandem with three different sources of multigenerational transmission underpinning upward mobility: families, schools, and high-status occupations. The findings reveal a double-faced experience associated with a long-range upward trajectory in the Chilean context: while one of these faces indicates the lingering class dislocation the long-range upwardly mobile experience regarding both their ties of origin and destination, the other side emphasises the constant search to re-find belonging and meaning to their displaced sense of self in the social space. The variability fashioning this double-faced experience is largely dependent on a number of intervening or mediating factors underpinning their upward trajectories: geographical origin, the cultural repertoires tied to their backgrounds of origin, gender, school trajectory, and the specific occupational settings sustaining their professional lives. Drawing on these findings, this doctoral dissertation contributes to reorient research on mobility, both in the Global South and North, by promoting greater cross-fertilisation between the contributions emerging from cultural sociology with a broad multi-generational view of inequality.
... In recent decades, various perspectives have been developed within the fields of sociology and political science for making cross-national comparisons of cultural or political behavior and attitudes. Among the most fruitful and prominent are "cultural repertoires" (e.g., Lamont, 1992Lamont, , 2000Lamont, , 2019Lamont et al., 2016;Lamont & Thévenot, 2000), "cleavage structures" (e.g., Kriesi et al., 1995Kriesi et al., , 2008Kriesi & Pappas, 2015), and "discursive opportunity structures" (e.g., Koopmans & Olzak, 2004;Koopmans & Statham, 2010;Koopmans et al., 2005;Ushiyama, 2019). Today, many sociologists and political scientists use one of these perspectives when engaging in country-comparative research. ...
... Events often remain a black box in each of the perspectives. Either they are presented as occasions that simply reproduce long-term trends (e.g., Koopmans & Olzak, 2004;Lamont et al., 2016) or they are conceptualized as shocking happenings that spontaneously create a radical break with existing traditions (e.g., Kriesi & Pappas, 2015;Lamont, 1992). A serious theoretical reflection on the mechanisms of when events come about and how they can be transformative is usually absent. ...
... Sometimes, they are presented as an outcome of existing "interpretative structures" (a term that I use from this point on to refer to cultural repertoires, cleavage structures, and discursive opportunities, taken together). This is the case, for example, in Koopmans and Olzak (2004) about the relationship between media attention and radical right-wing violence in Germany as well as in Lamont et al. (2016) regarding responses to stigmatization among marginalized groups in the United States, Brazil, and Israel. Both works suggest that discursive opportunities or cultural repertoires "color" the framing of a certain happening, or even cause it. ...
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Why do some happenings become incentives for cultural or political transformation (that is: turn into events), whereas others remain ordinary occurrences? The theoretical perspectives of cultural repertoires, cleavage structures, and discursive opportunities are prominent and fruitful approaches for explaining cultural or political behavior and attitudes, yet they do not have a satisfactory answer to this question. To fill in this gap, I introduce a typology that indicates how certain happenings merely reproduce existing trends, whereas other ones turn into motives to change them. This can be either because they are “focus events,” which confirm dominant cultural or political patterns, or because they are “shock events,” which form a break from them. I illustrate this typology by investigating the distinct meanings that 9/11 were accorded in the American and Dutch public spheres. This analysis shows that this happening became a “shock event” on the issue of safety in the American case, as it broke with the cultural repertoire of viewing the United States as a safe, militarily impenetrable nation. In contrast, 9/11 turned into a “focus event” concerning the issue of Islam in the Dutch case because it confirmed the discursive opportunities to problematize Muslims, which public actors in the Netherlands had already developed in the years leading up to 2001.
... These strategies include the ways in which individuals challenge the negative attributes associated with their stigmatized group and redefine boundaries that distinguish between groups, fostering feelings of likeness and belonging. Ever since destigmatization was first conceptualized by Lamont (2009) in relation to racially and ethnically based stigmatized identities, most research has concentrated (and still does) on destigmatizing practices in these particular fields of research, describing and theorizing about how individuals from minority ethnic groups use boundary work to challenge stigma and discrimination (Arora et al., 2019;Bursell, 2012;Lamont et al., 2016;Mizrachi and Zawdu, 2012). However, to the best of our knowledge, this conceptualization of micro-level-based responses to stigma has not yet been applied in health-related stigma research. ...
... In addition, whereas racially-based destigmatization practices may be strongly motivated by the intention to avoid an experience of discrimination, our study showed that destigmatization responses may also be driven by motivations other than the experience of discrimination. Unlike individuals who are stigmatized as a result of belonging to an ethnic minority and who aim to achieve equality and respect through destigmatization practices (Lamont et al., 2016), the aim of MBC patients' destigmatization efforts (and situational coping strategies) seemed to be to pass as "normal" men. That said, the fact that despite these diverse coping strategies men still described feeling "different" implies that more change is needed. ...
Article
Background and objective Male breast cancer is a rare and understudied disease. In addition to coping with cancer, suffering from what is perceived as a “woman's disease” significantly burdens men's illness experience and can lead to stigmatization. The way men cope with these challenges has not been studied to date. Drawing on stigma, coping, and destigmatization theories, this study aims to explore how men experience and respond to the diagnosis of an illness typically associated with women. Methods In-depth interviews were conducted with 16 Israeli men who were diagnosed with breast cancer within the past 10 years. Thematic analysis was performed, focusing on participants’ references to experiencing and managing the psychosocial implications of being a male breast cancer patient. Results Results demonstrated that participants faced stigmatizing situations both inside and outside healthcare settings. In addition, findings revealed four main responses to stigmatization: (1) selective disclosure, (2) concealment practices, (3) universalizing, and (4) making comparisons. Whereas the first two are strategic reactions to specific situations, the latter two are general conceptual destigmatizing responses. Conclusions Men's coping styles reveal their efforts to disengage from the discrediting attributes of male breast cancer, to distance themselves from female breast cancer, and to avoid emasculation. They manage stigmatizing situations using disengagement situational responses, such as concealment and selective disclosure, and negotiate group boundaries with the goal of destigmatizing male breast cancer. Beyond broadening the understanding of coping with male breast cancer, this study also illustrates the significant place of boundary work as a destigmatization practice about illness-related stigma.
... There is by now a large body of scholarly work on microaggressions, coming largely from psychiatry, psychology, education, and, more recently, sociology. Researchers have assessed the forms of microaggressions experienced by many marginalized groups, including black Americans (Torres et al. 2010;Lamont et al. 2016;Keith et al. 2017), Latinx Americans (Huber and Cueva 2012;Ballinas 2017;Zambrana et al. 2017), Asian Americans (Sue et al. 2007a), Native Americans (Senter and Ling 2017), multiracial people (Nadal et al. 2013), women (Capodilupo et al. 2010), lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) people Woodford et al. 2013), and persons with disabilities (Keller and Galgay 2010). This body of work has identified variations in both the context and content of the microaggressions different groups typically experience. ...
... To our surprise, but consistent with some previous work on stigmatization experiences (Lamont et al. 2016), there are not large gender differences in microaggression scale scores; however, assessment of the individual items suggests that this is because the scale consists of microaggressions more likely to be targeted at women (poor service, treated as not smart, being threatened), at men (others being scared of you), and at both genders equally (disrespect). Gender differences across most items, though small, comport with claims that microaggressions are often gendered in their forms and expression (McCabe 2009;Capodilupo et al. 2010). ...
... A comparative study of how affected groups responded to incidents of racism in the US, Brazil and Israel found that Arab Palestinians were resigned and cynical and thus frequently remained silent, while African Americans confronted racism with less hesitation than Jews from Ethiopia and the Middle East, who tended to downplay their exclusion (Lamont et al. 2016). This study demonstrates the variety of responses to racial discrimination across historical and geographical contexts and populations. ...
... This change may, in turn, influence the micro interaction of racist encounters and the way victims respond. Responses to racism are "debated, learnt and performed in secure in-group settings" (de Jong and Duyvendak 2021, 16;Lamont et al. 2016). Engagement with a greater collective influences people's perceptions of and reactions to injustice (Whittier 1995). ...
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Racial discrimination takes many forms and so does opposition to it. In contrast to the dominant emphasis on institutional or state efforts to counter racism, we examine how members of racially minoritized groups resist racism in their everyday lives. Drawing on forty-one qualitative interviews with young, mainly Black, people in Norway, we identify five distinct ways in which they actively counter racism, as opposed to passively accepting or adapting to it. Participants resisted racism by ignoring, confronting, sharing experiences about, reporting and protesting it. Our analysis explicates the characteristics, potential outcomes and social function of such resistance to racism. The study contributes to the literature on everyday racism and antiracism by making it evident how those at the receiving end negotiate and actively oppose racist experiences.
... The difference between mistrust and preparation for bias is that mistrust offers no advice for coping with or managing discrimination (Coard et al., 2004;Hughes & Johnson, 2001). Similarly, "separatism" has been identified as both a parenting technique and a dimension of racial identity amongst Black Americans that is linked to traditions of Black Nationalism, Afrocentrism, and selfdetermination in African American thought (Lamont et al., 2016). Social psychologists have measured adherence to separatism and Black autonomy by measuring commitment to African culture and the degree to which Black people should confine their social relationships to other Black people and Black institutions (Allen & Hatchett, 1986;Demo & Hughes, 1990;Ellison, 1991). ...
... Social psychologists have measured adherence to separatism and Black autonomy by measuring commitment to African culture and the degree to which Black people should confine their social relationships to other Black people and Black institutions (Allen & Hatchett, 1986;Demo & Hughes, 1990;Ellison, 1991). Black Americans who practice this technique often emphasize that their parents instilled a belief to exert racial autonomy and seek Black solidarity whenever possible (Lamont et al., 2016). Black parents put significant thought about the racialized experiences of their children, but the relationship between racial identity, racial authenticity, and social class is not uniform amongst Black families. ...
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Contrary to anti‐black, cultural deficit logics that frame Black parenting as tied to the reproduction of social disadvantage, research shows that Black parents, and other parents of color, are agentic as they parent in direct response to the dominant racial order of the United States. In this paper, I review this scholarship and primarily focus on how Black parents approach raising children in the racialized worlds that they live in. To mitigate the disadvantages caused by racism, Black parents use various intentional racialized parenting approaches to instill in their children a resilience to a racist social world. The strategies used to cultivate resilience to racism exist in varied social and institutional contexts, and intertwine with how parents understand race, class, and identity. Laborious racialized parenting techniques do not solely matter at the micro‐level as such practices are unevenly recognized by white‐dominant social institutions. This uneven dynamic indicates how hegemonic norms of American parenting culture fit within a project of racial neoliberalism. Consequently, Black parents are structurally pushed to burden more responsibility to prepare their children to survive a deeply racist and hyper‐competitive social world with no guarantee that such intensive, strategic parenting will be rewarded.
... Вечное возвращение отчуждения и его социологические адаптации В современной социологии наиболее заметный и последовательный голос, взывающий к построению такой перспективы, принадлежит Мишель Ламон. Ее собственное продвижение в этом направлении ознаменовалось серией ярких работ, от ее первой нашумевшей книги 1992 года «Money, Morals, and Manners» (Lamont, 1992) до недавнего масштабного кросс-национального проекта «Getting Respect» (Lamont et al., 2016;Богданова, 2018). Вероятно, не будет преувеличением сказать, что одним из фундаментальных истоков этого долгого и плодотворного продвижения, приобретшего множество единомышленников и последователей, стало как раз Марксово понятие отчуждения -но не само по себе, а в качестве объекта критического переосмысления со стороны Пьера Бурдье, чьи парижские семинары Ламон посещала как раз в год выхода его наиболее важной работы -«Distinction» (Bourdieu, 1984;Lamont, 2017: 12). ...
... Расизм столь действенен и устойчив во многом потому, что он воспроизводится в огромном количестве микровзаимодействий, включая те, в которых иногда не так-то просто разглядеть расовую или этническую подоплеку. Однако эти взаимодействия имеют типичные микросценарии с выраженным эмоциональным измерением, включающим как расоводискриминирующее воздействие, так и типичные стратегии противодействия (Lamont et al., 2016). Пример таких взаимодействий -унижающие достоинство людей игнорирование в публичных местах, или подозрения в игнорировании, или упреждающие действия, направленные на эти подозрения, которые могут улаживаться или обостряться многими разными способами. ...
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nequality is amongst the most fundamental and formidable social problems of modernity. It thus does not come as a surprise that it is a major theme that cuts through multiple areas of sociology. However, the major limitation of most social research on inequality is that its focus is often limited to the redistribution of resources, be them material or symbolic. Indeed, some of the most important effects of inequality, ones that make inequality so crucial to studies of modernity, go far beyond unfair access to certain goods. These reveal themselves in elements of social disintegration, lack of social cohesion, multidimensional social exclusion, marginalization of large social groups and gaps between their basic frames of references, which can reach the level of mutual impenetrability. To achieve an integrated perspective, this study follows the lead of quickly developing frontier approaches in the cultural sociology of inequality, and, following its leaders’ appeals, focuses on another dimension of inequality that is complementary to distribution — a social recognition of personal and social group identities. This allows us to assess how economic forces associated with inequality interact with cultural patterns and cognitive processes which persist in the behaviors of both individuals and social groups. Following this line of inquiry, this study focuses on cultural and emotional mechanisms of recognition and how it shapes people’s identity and dignity, and tries to tie these mechanisms to cognitive processes, which shape people’s aspirations and can “ignite” their actions. This study is ultimately intended as a kind of “manifesto” for the sociology of culture and inequality, and thus includes calls for wider intra- and inter-disciplinary input and collaboration in these areas.
... Specifically, White Americans rate Black peers as less competent than White ones and are less likely to follow their example as a guide to making a better decision. The findings corroborate qualitative evidence that Blacks are more likely to be overlooked or underestimated (1,2). Racial attention deficit provides a behavioral mechanism that can explain the gaps documented in science, education, health, and law (3-9)-gaps that are not easily explained by extent theories of racial discrimination. ...
... Much is known about disparities in the distribution of resources, but the racial attention deficit is a form of inequality understudied to date (2). As a distinct form of discrimination, racial attention deficit consists of underestimating, overlooking, or ignoring members of certain groups (1,2). It differs from other forms of disparity in at least four ways: It does not require the presence of racial animosity, explicit or implicit. ...
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Despite efforts toward equity in organizations and institutions, minority members report that they are often ignored, their contributions undervalued. Against this backdrop, we conduct a large-sample, multiyear experimental study to investigate patterns of attention. The findings provide causal evidence of a racial attention deficit: Even when in their best interest, White Americans pay less attention to Black peers. In a baseline study, we assign an incentivized puzzle to participants and examine their willingness to follow the example of their White and Black peers. White participants presume that Black peers are less competent—and fail to learn from their choices. We then test two interventions: Providing information about past accomplishments reduces the disparity in evaluations of Black peers, but the racial attention deficit persists. When Whites can witness the accomplishments of Black peers, rather than being told about them, the racial attention deficit subsides. We suggest that such a deficit can explain racial gaps documented in science, education, health, and law.
... Though constrained, negatively-privileged status groups also leverage resources to nurture and (re)shape collective racial identity in response to "informal social ascription" (Nagel 1994:156). Among an array of strategies to counteract stigmatization (see Lamont et al. 2016), subsets of marginalized individuals (usually advantaged on some other dimension of status) often distance themselves from other stigmatized others through organizational means. Doing so is nevertheless fraught with tensions surrounding inclusion and exclusion. ...
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Exclusion and inclusion constitute the formation of social groups and their boundaries. Historically, middle- and upper-class African Americans formed social organizations to engage in racial uplift and status enhancement. Recent work suggests the purposes of such organizations have shifted from status enhancement toward preserving intra-racial ties. Drawing on nearly four years of participant observation and 29 in-depth interviews with members of a middle-class Black men’s social club, this article analyzes the tensions imbued in maintaining solidarity amid class-based divisions. Beyond providing social respite from the white gaze, this Black space offers escape from the Black gaze, or the burdens of racial uplift. Studying Black social clubs and symbolic boundary formation is richly informative for understanding boundary maintenance and group solidarity within racialized organizations.
... Dabei stellt es eine wichtige Aufgabe soziologischer Forschung dar, zu untersuchen, was die sozialen Bedingungen dafür sind, die jeweiligen Formen der individuellen oder kollektiven Auseinandersetzung zu ermöglichen, zu erleichtern oder zu erschweren. In einer international vergleichenden Studie haben Lamont et al. (2016) diesbezüglich insbesondere auf den Einfluss nationalgesellschaftlich einflussreicher kultureller Repertoires hingewiesen, die jeweilige Deutungen und Bewertungen von Diskriminierung und von darauf bezogenen Reaktionsweisen beeinflussen. Scherr und Breit (2019b) haben daran anschließend aufgezeigt, dass auch rechtliche Aufenthaltssicherheit in Verbindung mit Anerkennungserfahrungen in schulischen, beruflichen und informellen Kontexten im Fall von Geflüchteten eine wichtige soziale Grundlage dafür ist, dass Betroffene sich befähigt und berechtigt fühlen, sich selbstbewusst gegen Diskriminierung zur Wehr zu setzen. ...
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Zusammenfassung Ein Verständnis von Diskriminierung als soziales Problem kann einen breiten gesellschaftlichen Konsens für sich beanspruchen. Denn es wird als ein Kennzeichen moderner, den normativen Prinzipien der Menschenrechte verpflichteter Gesellschaften angesehen, dass Diskriminierung aufgrund zugeschriebener oder tatsächlicher Kollektivmerkmale, z. B. aufgrund der Religionszugehörigkeit, des Geschlechts und der sexuellen Orientierung, aufgrund von Behinderungen oder von Ethnizität, als unzulässig gilt. Demgegenüber wird hier in einer problemsoziologischen Perspektive aufgezeigt, warum dieser Konsens fragwürdig und brüchig ist, sowie warum Diskriminierung auch nicht allein als Effekt tradierter Vorurteile und obsoleter Ideologien, sondern nur dann zureichend verstanden werden kann, wenn auch gesellschaftsstrukturelle Bedingungen von Diskriminierung und die Verwendung diskriminierender Unterscheidungen durch Organisationen berücksichtigt werden. Aufgezeigt werden damit Grundlagen und Perspektiven einer problemsoziologisch informierten Diskriminierungsforschung.
... He also talked about over-integration (doing more than others in order to succeed) linked with the meritocratic creed (work pays!). This response to discrimination, which consists of "dealing with it," putting stigmatizing experiences at a distance in order to get out of them, is in line with what Lamont's team calls "Management of the Self" (Lamont et al., 2016). With phrases such as "you have to fight your way out of it," and the highlighting of individual success models, this position is far from the activist discourse of political anti-racism, which instead targets systemic racism. ...
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While disadvantaged neighborhoods are often seen as “political deserts,” discreet mobilizations of young people rooted in everyday practices can be observed on the issue of discrimination. Within small groups of loosely collaborating individuals, they develop a mix of sociability, mutual aid to “get by in life,” and awareness raising on social and racial inequalities. Observing these kinds of informal participation practices gives us information on the repertoires of contention of the powerless. The ethnography of an association named Zonzon 93, founded by racialized young people in Villepinte, in the far suburbs of Paris, contributes to the understanding of informal participation in a French context which restrains the politicization process on discrimination. These young people sometimes organize visible collective activities, but their mobilizations remain discreet as they do not display a militant message and articulate small acts embedded in daily life and public spaces, very cautiously. Contrasting with activism, the political dimension is implicit in these discreet mobilizations and is built in the process of doing things together, experimenting and sharing with others activities to express a gentle resistance against stigmatization. The power of identification with a leader, the attention given to the personal narrative, and the democratic dimension of “doing things together” in informal practices are the main conditions of emergence of discreet mobilizations. They ultimately appear as a substrate for consciousness of discrimination and could fuel potential social movements.
... Mais il est rarement question de racisme ou de discrimination. Il faut dire aussi que ces étudiant⋅e⋅s peinent à qualifier de racistes certains comportements et situations jugés injustes (Lamont, Silva, Welburn, Guetzkow, Mizrachi, Herzog, et Reis, 2016). étudiante relève notamment qu'on ne parle des Noir⋅e⋅s que « pour parler de la pauvreté ou de l'esclavage et de la colonisation. ...
... Many qualitative studies show that discrimination can take quite subtle forms, which may be difficult to capture by standardized survey questionnaires. Additionally, qualitative research can provide important glimpses into how experiences of discrimination shape future action, for example by investigating what strategies individuals develop to avoid discrimination (e.g., Kang et al. 2016;Lamont et al. 2016; see also Chap. 6). ...
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This chapter reviews the strengths and weaknesses of the most commonly used methods of measurement in the field of discrimination research. Taking as its point of departure how we can assess the extent to which discrimination occurs, the chapter reviews quantitative and qualitative analyses of experiences, attitudes, legal complaints, and residual gaps, as well as different forms of experimental designs. A key point in the chapter is to show that although all of these methods shed light on discrimination, they are useful for answering somewhat different questions. Consequently, careful consideration of the range of methods available is necessary for matching one’s research question with the appropriate research design.
... The "new" movements were organized around GHEIHMAN -3 of 14 ascribed characteristics such as race, age, or sexuality (Goodwin & Jasper, 2014;Meyer & Minkoff, 2004). NSMs typically feature a marginalized group struggling for recognition (Lamont et al., 2018), and place emphasis on individual change by believing that the "personal is political" (Larana et al., 1994). Such issues resonated with the cultural turn in social theory, and especially with framing approaches that viewed culture as an area of protest in which there are contests over meanings, symbols, and identities (Cohen, 1985). ...
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In the last few years, the popularity of veganism has surged. Current literature on the cultural practice, which situates it within a social movements framework, cannot adequately explain this meteoric rise. A better approach is to view veganism as an emerging lifestyle movement based on individual consumption rather than political protest. After situating veganism within the literature on animal rights, this review then explains why a lifestyle movement perspective yields a more compelling account of its growing mainstream appeal. Drawing on both cultural and organizational sociology, this review provides insights into the cultural origins of veganism, its evolving relationship to other food movements, and highlights the key role played by cultural entrepreneurs, the key changemakers who are bringing veganism from the margins to the mainstream.
... Together, this repertoire of everyday resistance shows the variety of ways in which young Muslims counter anti-Muslim hostility and try to deny its influence and power. The most clear-cut forms of resistance are confrontations or other reactions in face-to-face interactions (Lamont et al. 2016). Arguably, the narrative work (Frank 2010) conducted in the aftermath of incidents of hostility can similarly be seen as part of a repertoire of everyday resistance. ...
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Research has shown widespread discrimination and hostility toward Muslims in Western countries. There is less knowledge of how Muslims resist, oppose, or challenge such behaviour. Based on in-depth interviews with 90 young Muslims in Norway, this study explores responses to anti-Muslim hostility. We describe a repertoire of everyday resistance: talking back, entering dialogue, living the example, denying significance, and talking down. The first three forms occur in face-to-face encounters while the latter two are retrospect sense-making of negative experiences. We conceptualise these responses as everyday resistance because they entail ways of actively countering anti-Muslim hostility, as opposed to passively accepting or adapting to it. This repertoire of everyday resistance can make it easier to avoid victimisation, protect religious identities, and ease the daily lives of young Muslims. Increased attention to narrative resistance in studies of everyday resistance will provide a better understanding of the many ways in which marginalised groups cope, resist, and struggle with their stigma.
... The concept suggests that there are different repertoires of understanding, framing and justifying forms of social order and that this sense-making contributes to the production and reproduction of social inequality (Lamont, Beljean and Clair 2014). The concept has been employed for analysing culture, class, symbolic boundaries and forms of exclusion (Lamont 1992(Lamont , 2000Lamont et al. 2016). With regard to inequality and the key role of meritocracy -understood as how individuals should be rewarded and achieve their position -authors have claimed that cultural processes of interpretation and evaluation should matter too (McCall 2014).2 2 The French tradition of the "economy of conventions" makes a related argument by stating that (economic) actors draw on specific socio-cultural frames which provide them a shared interpretation of specific situations of production or distribution (see Lamont and Thévenot 2000 for the link between both paradigms). ...
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Do people in different countries understand and frame the principle of meritocracy differently? This question is the starting point for this cross-national analysis of the moral repertoires of meritocracy in four countries: Germany, Norway, Slovenia and the United Kingdom. The authors pursue a mixed methods approach, using data from the European Social Survey 2016 and qualitative data from group discussions. In these discussions, citizens openly talked about issues like inequality and social policy, which allows us to study their understandings and framings of meritocracy. The authors show that the issue of unequal rewards does not only find different levels of support , but also that people-corresponding to the context they live in-have different understandings of which merits should count. The authors identify a 'market success meritocracy' in the UK, a work-centred understanding in Germany, a 'common good meritocracy' in Norway, and non-salience of this issue in Slovenia.
... My qualitative-based research also sheds light on the relationship between the expansion of a meritocratic ideology and the neoliberal restructuring in Chile. Despite the pioneering, radical and systematic neoliberal policies implemented over the past four decades (Harvey, 2005), my findings show how upwardly mobile people themselves do not only emphasise self-reliance, socioeconomic success and competitiveness -the main features of what Lamont et al. (2016) term the 'neoliberal self'. Even among respondents who take a more individualistic approach, their perceptions contain significant traces of appreciation for the support they have received and the role of luck in their achievements. ...
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In a world of rising income and wealth inequalities, studying popular concern or consent about inequality, social mobility and meritocracy is increasingly relevant. However, while there is growing body of research on the explanations individuals provide for inequality in the US and Europe, there is a striking absence of studies addressing how people experiencing long-range upward mobility relate to meritocratic values in Latin American societies. In this article I draw upon on 60 life-course interviews to examine how long-range upwardly mobile individuals – those who best embody the meritocratic ideal – explain their success in Chilean society. Internationally well-known for the implementation of radical neoliberal reforms since the mid 1970s, Chile has both elevated levels of inequality and high rates of occupational mobility. Contrary to the individual-centred approach to meritocratic success dominant in the existing literature, my findings reveal a strong collective framing in respondents’ accounts and the acknowledgement of external factors shaping their upward trajectories. These findings bear important conceptual, methodological and geographical implications for the future study of social mobility and meritocratic values.
... Note 1. Mizrahim are Jews who originated from the Middle East and North Africa. In Israel, ethnicity and class are historically interlinked, and the term 'social periphery' is closely associated with Mizrahi Jews, although the inequality they experience has lessened since the 1990s, with upward mobility mainly through education (Guetzkow et al. 2016). ...
Article
The massification of national systems of higher education in recent decades and the rapid increase in the number of students have raised widening participation for students from underrepresented groups as a central policy agenda. In this study I focus on an overlooked group in the research literature – student support practitioners, who provide advising and counseling services to students – and explore how these practitioners negotiate and shape widening participation policies as part of their ongoing work. The study is based on interviews with 43 support practitioners working in 17 Israeli higher education institutions. It draws on the policy-as-practice approach and the theoretical construct of category work to explore how these practitioners interpret, adapt, and modify widening participation policies. The analysis reveals three practices of category work: creation, transformation, and disruption of policy categories: Practitioners create a new category of flexible and part-time studies, transform the category of students eligible for support by expanding its boundaries to include low socioeconomic status, and disrupt a target group’s category by dissolving its boundaries, modifying its homogenous nature, and eliminating problematic support tools. This study contributes to our understanding of the gaps between WP policies and their appropriation, and of the processes in which local actors shape policy categories.
... Soziologische Stigmaforschung diskutiert seither insbesondere die Ursachen und Veränderungsdynamiken von Stigmatisierungsprozessen, Stigmareaktionen und Interaktionsdynamiken in ihrem soziokulturellen und institutionellen Zusammenhang (vgl. Lamont et al. 2013Lamont et al. , 2016. Hughes (1962) prägte den Begriff dirty work für Formen von Arbeit mit geringem Prestige. ...
Article
Slaughterhouse work has a bad reputation and many slaughterhouse workers experience moral stigmatization, although meat consumption is the dominant diet in Western societies. So far, moral stigmatization of slaughterhouse workers has not been analyzed systematically. The article answers the following research questions: Which coping strategies regarding moral stigmatization can be found among slaughterhouse workers and how do these strategies relate to hegemonic narratives about their job? The article answers the research questions using concepts from sociological theories of culture, stigma and dirty work and is based on a qualitative content analysis of 13 problem-centered interviews with workers from six German slaughterhouses. The analysis showed that slaughterhouse workers are responding to moral stigmatization by questioning the cultural ideas on which stigmatization is based and by arguing for the validity of their own cultural ideas about “slaughter animals”. The interviewed slaughterhouse workers also use rigid group boundaries to delegitimize the authority of external actors to judge slaughterhouse work. The article is innovative because it systematically analyzes how slaughterhouse workers cope with moral stigmatization.
... The concept suggests that there are different repertoires of understanding, framing and justifying forms of social order and that this sense-making contributes to the production and reproduction of social inequality (Lamont, Beljean and Clair 2014). The concept has been employed for analysing culture, class, symbolic boundaries and forms of exclusion (Lamont 1992(Lamont , 2000Lamont et al. 2016). With regard to inequality and the key role of meritocracy -understood as how individuals should be rewarded and achieve their position -authors have claimed that cultural processes of interpretation and evaluation should matter too (McCall 2014).2 2 The French tradition of the "economy of conventions" makes a related argument by stating that (economic) actors draw on specific socio-cultural frames which provide them a shared interpretation of specific situations of production or distribution (see Lamont and Thévenot 2000 for the link between both paradigms). ...
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Do people in different countries understand and frame the principle of meritocracy differently? This question is the starting point for this cross-national analysis of the moral repertoires of meritocracy in four countries: Germany, Norway, Slovenia and the United Kingdom. The authors pursue a mixed methods approach, using data from the European Social Survey 2016 and qualitative data from group discussions. In these discussions, citizens openly talked about issues like inequality and social policy, which allows us to study their understandings and framings of meritocracy. The authors show that the issue of unequal rewards does not only find different levels of support, but also that people – corresponding to the context they live in – have different understandings of which merits should count. The authors identify a ‘market success meritocracy’ in the UK, a work-centred understanding in Germany, a ‘common good meritocracy’ in Norway, and non-salience of this issue in Slovenia.
... Glasgow (2009) defines racism in terms of disrespect that ranges from the use of 'racial epithets' to categorical labelling and stigmatization. For instance, in a sociological analysis of racial discrimination in Brazil, Israel, and the U.S., Lamont et al. (2016) noted that stereotyping Black people as dangerous constitutes racial stigmatization and disrespect. What does labelling achieve as a discursive practice? ...
Article
African refugee youth and young adults live at the intersections of many structural barriers, including xenophobia, racism, and misogyny. In this conceptual paper, we present considerations for education scholars who seek to conduct research with and about African refugee postsecondary students. We start with a discussion of the discourse of Othering and racial stigma against Black-African people in high income countries. Next, we discuss the need for intersectional analysis in research by focusing on how gendered racism positions African women refugees as particularly vulnerable in higher education institutions. Then, we proceed to a discussion of how cultural heritage presents us with a counternarrative to xenophobic discourse. At each point, we present a set of critical questions that serve as a conceptual springboard for researchers that are exploring more deeply the issues that affect refugee youth and their education. Through this work, we implore researchers to engage with/in these communities in ways that are resistant to Othering.
... Historically, sexual minorities are subjected to numerous laws and policies that keep sexual minorities at a distance. Considering that the experience and response to stigma is context specific (Lamont et al., 2016), there is significant variability in the policies and protections across the globe. For instance, research finds a low degree of structural stigma (e.g., legal protections against discrimination) in much of Northern and Western Europe and portions of Latin America while much of Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Eastern Europe demonstrate more stigma against sexual minorities (Pachankis & Bränström, 2019). ...
Article
Sexual minority is an umbrella term used to describe individuals who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or queer and/or engage in sexual behavior with individuals of the same sex or gender. Drawing on previous models (Hatzenbuehler, 2009; Major et al., 2013; Meyer, 2003; Ryan et al., 2017) and social psychological theory, this article outlines the social and health consequences of the stigma associated with being a sexual minority and the societal, social, and intrapersonal factors that might lead to these health and social disparities. We highlight key responses to stigmatization such as physiological responses, affect, and behavioral reactions that may contribute directly and/or indirectly to health outcomes. In doing so, we propose that the stigma of sexual minority identity, manifested at multiple levels, is associated with disparities in health and social outcomes and that social psychology can provide a useful lens to begin to reduce health disparities.
... While social boundaries are objective manifestations of social differences that can promote inequality, Lamont defined symbolic boundaries as "conceptual distinctions used by social actors to categorize objects, people, practices, and even time and space" (Lamont and Molnar 2002: 168). These conceptual distinctions are formed by collectives as ways to think about complex concepts such as immigrants and immigration (Bail 2008), what constitutes "high" and "low" culture (Lamont 1992), or what criteria determine belonging in the national context (Theiss-Morse 2009; Zubrzycki 2016). ...
Thesis
This dissertation examines how Polish sexual minorities understand and navigate their national identities in the context of recently renewed nationalist sentiment that has framed them as enemies of and threats to Poland. Ever since the election of the conservative, nationalist Law and Justice party in 2015, sexual minorities have become the primary target for Poland’s Right and Far-Right who frame non-heteronormative sexualities and all things “LGBT” as threats to Poland and Polish national identity. This framing relies on the idea that Polish national identity is, and always has been, determined by one’s adherence to Catholicism and conservative social values. As such, the Polish Right and Far-Right have been narrowing the symbolic boundaries of Polish national identity to include only those who adhere to this constricted conception of “Polishness”. Thus, although Poland remains one of the most ethnically homogenous countries in the world, Polish sexual minorities continue to be framed as external threats to the Polish nation and in some cases not truly Polish. The author introduces the term “ideological others” in order to describe those that are ethnically included in, but symbolically excluded from, the national community. Through the use of 60 in-depth interviews with Polish citizens who identify as non-heteronormative, archival materials, images, and ethnographic fieldwork, this dissertation demonstrates how Polish sexual minorities both navigate their own sexual and national identities given such widespread exclusion as well as how they challenge exclusionary notions of “Polishness”. Findings show that while some of those interviewed struggled to identify with their national identity given the current strength of the Polish Right, most respondents were able to identify with their “Polishness” because they had reframed what being Polish meant to them. Reframing, it is argued, is an important strategy by which ideological others can find meaning in their national identity and continue to feel an attachment to their national community despite a political and social climate that often marks them as enemies of the nation and therefore outside the symbolic boundaries of national belonging. In addition, findings show that in order to contest the Polish Right’s framing of Polish national identity as being premised on conservative Catholicism, sexual minorities and their allies have begun an aesthetic revolt (Zubrzycki 2013) in order to expand the symbolic boundaries of “Polishness”. These actions, it is argued, represent a form of aesthetic revolt that does not entail a wholesale rejection of Polish national identity and its attendant symbols, but rather seeks to reframe and reimagine traditional Polish symbols in ways that are more inclusive of sexual and other minority communities. The inclusion of in-depth interviews helps to demonstrate the important role that intrapersonal processes can play in the eventual realization of aesthetic revolt. The dissertation concludes by analyzing the career of openly gay Polish politician Robert Biedroń, who has been fighting to expand the symbolic boundaries of Polish national identity through activism and vocal criticism of the Polish Catholic Church and its strong and pervasive presence in Polish society ho
... Mais cela implique d'introduire dans l'explication les manières concrètes dont les vaccins sont cadrés culturellement et les groupes sociaux associés à ces cadrages. Ainsi, le volet psychologique ne constitue que l'un des rouages de l'explication qui place en son centre des phénomènes relevant de domaines plus classiquement associés à la sociologie : socialisations (de classe, de genre, politique, etc.) ; répartition des ressources (notamment symboliques) entre groupes sociaux et processus de marginalisation de certains (Lamont et al., 2016) ; types d'acteurs mobilisés sur ces questions et leurs stratégies de politisation (Lagroye, 2003 ;McAdam et al., 2001 ;Neveu, 2011) ; trajectoire des problèmes publics (Chateauraynaud, 2011 ;Gilbert et Henry, 2012 ;Lemieux, 2007); etc. Une approche centrée sur la catégorisation permet donc d'intégrer les facteurs collectifs structurants que sont les normes ou frontières symboliques (Lamont et Molnár, 2002). ...
Article
En France comme ailleurs, les autorités de santé sont aujourd’hui confrontées à une défiance inédite des populations à l’égard de la vaccination. Pour appréhender ce phénomène, les chercheurs et les experts de santé publique ont encore largement recours à l’approche traditionnelle du Public Understanding of Science (pus). Cette approche défend un modèle déficitaire qui souligne les lacunes des profanes, qui seraient insuffisamment éduqués ; elle souligne aussi les multiples biais cognitifs qui affecteraient leurs perceptions ; enfin, elle diagnostique la montée d’un mouvement antiscience. Cet article dresse un état des lieux des connaissances relatives aux attitudes vis-à-vis des vaccins disponibles en France, en saisissant ce cas pour mettre la pus à l’épreuve. Il montre que la limite principale de cette approche réside dans son incapacité à intégrer la dimension sociale et culturelle de la cognition. Il esquisse, enfin, un modèle alternatif au pus qui place en son cœur la dimension culturelle de toute cognition et permet d’articuler les attitudes des individus avec l’émergence des controverses et les structures sociales.
... Sometimes, these strategies are overt, like interpersonal violence, active policing, discrimination, gatekeeping, harassment, and displacement. Other times, they are more covert, like surveillance, stigmatization, assaults on worth/dignity (Lamont et al., 2016), invisibilization, and interpersonal ostracization. ...
Article
This article focuses on processes of meaning making in White spaces as the glue that holds their social structures together. Understanding White spaces and how they operate necessitates theoretical development from a cultural perspective. The authors’ research empirically engages with a wide range of White spaces—neighborhoods, subcultural scenes, craft breweries, online digital platforms, and academia, to name a few—and do so from a theoretical space where the two areas of sociology meet: race and culture. We engage with three key questions to theorize the culture of White space: (a) How do these White spaces work? (b) How are these White spaces challenged? (c) How do these White spaces change and/or reproduce themselves? From these engagements, this article develops a general approach to understanding White spaces through understanding their racialized processes of meaning making.
... Effort may also be discouraged by the internalization of negative beliefs about the self that emerge after repeated exposure to unfavorable representations and/or rhetoric (Lamont 2000). Lamont (2018) describes how neoliberal doctrine has diffused beyond the confines of the market and penetrated the cultural sphere to promulgate neoliberal standards of self-worth that are predicated on socioeconomic success, competitiveness, and self-reliance (Lamont et al. 2016;Peacock, Bissell, and Owen 2014). These standards are, at once, gaining in force and declining in feasibility, leaving a large fraction of the populace feeling like, and represented as, "losers." ...
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Link and Phelan’s pioneering 1995 theory of fundamental causes urged health scholars to consider the macro-level contexts that “put people at risk of risks.” Allied research on the political economy of health has since aptly demonstrated how institutions contextualize risk factors for health. Yet scant research has fully capitalized on either fundamental cause or political economy of health’s allusion to power relations as a determinant of persistent inequalities in population health. I address this oversight by advancing a theory of health power resources that contends that power relations distribute and translate the meaning (i.e., necessity, value, and utility) of socioeconomic and health-relevant resources. This occurs through stratification, commodification, discrimination, and devitalization. Resurrecting historical sociological emphases on power relations provides an avenue through which scholars can more fully understand the patterning of population health and better connect the sociology of health and illness to the central tenets of the discipline.
... The final noteworthy area of work on everyday anti-racism comes from American sociologist Lamont, who has investigated the 'cultural repertoires' that inform the coping mechanisms deployed by individuals victimized by racism. Lamont's collaborative empirical studies have examined the experience of African American upper and working-class in the US (Lamont and Askartova, 2002;Lamont and Fleming, 2005) and North African immigrants in France and has recently expanded to international comparisons of immigrant and minority responses to racism in the contexts of Israel, Brazil, Sweden and Canada (Lamont and Mizrachi, 2012;Lamont et al., 2016). ...
Chapter
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Despite the fact that much of ‘the history of anti-racism consists of the actions of ordinary people’, studies on ‘everyday anti-racism’ remain little consolidated in racism and anti-racism theory (Bonnett, 2000: 88). Following from Essed’s (1991) seminal work on the concept of ‘everyday racism’, the term ‘everyday anti-racism’ has been employed across varied studies to refer to the ways in which individuals respond to racism in interpersonal interactions and spaces of encounter in their day-to-day lives (Bonnett, 2000; Lamont and Fleming, 2005; Pollock, 2008; Mitchell et al.,2011; Nelson, 2015a; Aquino, 2017). This can include the actions of victims confronting perpetrators, witnesses speaking out against racism, practices that bridge cultural di!erence, material and subjective strategies deployed by those on the receiving end of racism to repair stigmatized identities, and aestheticized expressions through popular culture such as forms of music, youth cultures and media that challenge racism. In this chapter, I review selected works examining anti-racism in everyday life and draw out its key tenets as an area of study with the aim of highlighting how it contributes to broader anti-racism theory and praxis.
... Here, participants asserted a reciprocal right to inclusion and thus support from the state because they felt they had contributed to national society in a number of moral-economic ways. Their narratives served to redraw the stigmatic moral boundaries that had been drawn around them and signify they were moral citizens (Lamont 2000;Lamont et al. 2016) who had a social right to receive adequate and non-stigmatised welfare. ...
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Drawing on interviews with welfare claimants living in Essex, UK, this article examines the material and symbolic effects of the UK government’s 2012 Welfare Reform Act, and it highlights the participants’ interpretations of and responses to that. In reaction to their sense of material and symbolic exclusion, participants made moral claims for their inclusion through a notion of social citizenship based on collective reciprocity and care. They claimed to have paid-in to the national purse in various material and moral ways until circumstances outside of their control meant they could no longer do so. They thus asserted a moral-economic right to social inclusion and an ensuing right to receive adequate, non-stigmatised, and non-punitive welfare. These moral-economic claims differ from other, more public, counter-narratives to welfare reform and government austerity, and they assert a clear but subtle opposition to the market-bound logic of the reform .
... In many cases, they are not a visually identifiable minority (Nylund-Skog 2006), meaning that for many Jews it would be possible to fully assimilate, i.e. to be absorbed by the mainstream, an option that is not open to all ethnic minorities, neither in Sweden (Bursell 2012) nor in other contexts (e.g. Lamont et al. 2016;Mizrachi and Zawdu 2012). Yet, Jews across contexts have been shown to hold on to their Jewish identities (cf. ...
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This article evaluates Andreas Wimmer’s theory of ethnic boundary making by applying it to the maintenance of Jewish ethnic identification in Sweden, as expressed in interviews with Swedish Jews. Wimmer proposes that ethnic conflict routinizes and entrenches perceptions of ethnic difference; we argue that the antisemitic persecutions of the twentieth century have entrenched the perception of the ethnic distinctiveness of Jews among Jews themselves. These persecutions also contribute to alienation from Swedish society, which does not share the same frames of understanding. These factors motivate the interviewees to maintain the ethnic boundary between Swedes and Jews and guard it against assimilation. We propose a nuancing of the debate between instrumentalist and primordialist conceptions of ethnic identity by arguing that while our interviewees express a taken-for-granted view of their ethnic identities, they advance ethnic discourse strategically in order to protect the Jewish community from losing its distinctness, especially through assimilation.
Chapter
This chapter examines how oil and tourism development are culturally evaluated. The analysis reveals differences in the “orders of worth” that shape what is considered valuable and why: (1) ecological worth, which emphasizes ecology, nature conservation, and responses to climate change, and (2) industrial worth, which emphasizes scientific and technical innovation, efficiency, and risk mitigation. The salience of these orders of worth is roughly homologous with the political economy of each region. In Scotland, ecological and industrial worth are nearly equally common, reflecting the perceived compatibility between tourism and oil development. In Norway and Newfoundland and Labrador, the industrial order of worth is dominant. Finally, ecological orders of worth are more common in Iceland and Denmark, where tourism is more visible than oil development.
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In “Status Characteristics, Implicit Bias, and the Production of Racial Inequality,” Melamed, Munn, Barry, Montgomery, and Okuwobi present an innovative and intriguing study on social influence, status beliefs, and implicit racial bias. To capture status-based expectancies, the authors measure implicit racial status beliefs using an Implicit Association Test (IAT) with words related to high and low status. We identify an important flaw in the study’s analytic approach that severely limits the conclusions that can be drawn based on the study. We argue that the authors neglected to separate the valence of the words included in the racial status IAT with the stereotype content of these words. It is therefore possible that the study’s racial IAT only captures implicit racial evaluations, and not status-based implicit racial beliefs.
Article
Critical race theory is growing in popularity in Britain. However, critics and advocates of critical race theory (CRT) in Britain have neglected the racialized social system approach. Through ignoring this approach, critics have thus “missed the target” in their rebuttals of CRT, while advocates of CRT have downplayed the strength of critical race analysis. By contrast, in this paper, I argue that that through the racialized social system approach, critical race theory has the conceptual flexibility to study British society. As a practical social theory, critical race theory provides us with the tools to study the realities and reproduction of racial inequality. To demonstrate this strength of CRT, and to demonstrate its theoretical nature, I discuss the conceptual framework of the racialized social system approach, paying specific attention to the notions of social space, the racial structure and racial interests; the racialized interaction order, racialized emotions, and structure and agency; and racial ideology, racial grammar, and racialized cognition.
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In-depth interviews are a versatile form of qualitative data collection used by researchers across the social sciences. They allow individuals to explain, in their own words, how they understand and interpret the world around them. Interviews represent a deceptively familiar social encounter where people interact, asking and answering questions. They are, however, a very particular type of conversation, guided by the researcher and used for specific ends. This dynamic introduces a range of methodological, analytical and ethical challenges, for novice researchers in particular. In this primer, we focus on the stages and challenges of designing and conducting an interview project and analysing data from it, as well as strategies to overcome these challenges.
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We examine the impact of class and racial discrimination on Afro-descendant women social welfare beneficiaries in Brazil and the USA. We focus on the cities Salvador, São Paulo, Charlotte, and Milwaukee. We find that in all these cities, more than a majority of social welfare beneficiaries ate dark skinned thus showing that both countries are pigmentocracies where disadvantage is based on skin color, class, and gender. We find that of those admitting they experienced skin color discrimination more than a majority ate dark skinned. Women in the USA are generally more likely to acknowledge skin color discrimination while women in Brazil are more likely to acknowledge class based discrimination.
Article
This article examines how Armenian citizens of Turkey employ names and naming strategies in their everyday life in order to navigate a nationalist social landscape. Studies of nationalist politics in everyday life have been particularly successful in demonstrating how nationalism is experienced and reproduced through the consumption of national symbols and rituals. What remains relatively glossed over in these accounts are the individuals’ constant and dynamic engagements with nationalist politics not only through national symbols and rituals but also through everyday social practices with fellow citizens. The present study seeks to capture and analyze this latter, relatively understudied, aspect. In doing so, the discussion reveals how individuals use different name strategies in order to fend off shame and humiliation as well as inhibit threats to status advancement. Overall, the following narrative moves beyond a demonstration of the functionality of nationalism as a source of unity and solidarity. Instead, it reveals the ways in which nationalist politics and minorities’ responses align, diverge and/or conflict on the ground.
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Discrimination can take place in all spaces and places where people interact. However, both the forms of discrimination and how it can be measured vary across social domains, depending on whether the domain in question is based primarily on what we coin “systems of differentiation” or “systems of equality”. Social domains that involve some kind of market transaction are heavily dominated by processes of selection and differentiation. By contrast, social domains such as schools, health systems or public services should, in essence, provide all individuals with equal assistance. This chapter builds on the distinction between systems of differentiation and systems of equality, reviewing a selection of studies of discrimination in various social domains. This way of categorizing research demonstrates that there is an interesting interplay between social domains and their respective rationale (differentiation/equality), the types of methods employed and the forms of discrimination detected. The chapter concludes by a critical reflection on the ability of social science research to capture forms of discrimination that are less easy to spot.
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Discrimination and stigmatization are costly for the society by lowering economic growth, by reinforcing ethnic inequalities, by fueling political conflicts and by jeopardizing social cohesion. Moreover, victims of unfair treatment pay a high price as discrimination and stigmatization. Far from being passive victims, however, many members of minority groups develop and deploy individual and collective strategies to meet such challenges. This chapter focuses on the impact of discrimination – for economy and society, but mainly focusing on the consequences of discrimination for the targeted individuals and groups. The chapter also addresses responses to experiences of exclusion and disadvantage by reviewing recent research of how awareness of the repercussions of unfair treatment lead both individuals and groups to protect themselves and seek strategies for overcoming future barriers.
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This chapter gives an overview of some of the key concepts in the field of discrimination. It starts by distinguishing between direct and indirect discrimination in legal definitions. Next, we define the interrelated concepts of multiple discrimination and intersectionality, which increasingly are used in both legal studies and the social sciences, before giving an account of the interrelated concepts of organizational, institutional, and systemic discrimination. The chapter ends by reflecting on the complex relationship between discrimination and the endurance of categorical inequalities in societies where all members formally enjoy the principle of equality.
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This chapter reviews the main theories developed to explain discrimination. Mirroring the historical development of the field, while reflecting a theoretically systematic approach, the chapter adopts an approach by analytical scales to present and discuss theories of discrimination. The first section presents theories seeking the cause of prejudice and discrimination at the individual level, the second section focuses on organizational mechanisms and the third on structural determinants. In conclusion, we emphasize that despite of these different levels of analysis, the various theories of discrimination reviewed share a common feature, namely the fact that discrimination maintains privileges of certain ascribed groups over others
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Marketing executions (e.g., advertisements, packaging, and brand imagery) incorporating racial or ethnic stereotypes are present in many brands’ histories. Over time, these executions have been updated to comport with societal norms, but much of the dated brand information remains accessible to consumers, especially via various digital platforms and archives. Over four studies, we investigate how exposure to these historical remnants affects contemporary consumers’ held brand attitudes, showing that these executions have a detrimental influence in certain marketplace subsegments. Respondents generally report more negative brand attitudes upon exposure to the historical execution based on perceived offensiveness (Studies 1, 2, and 3). Study 4 rounds out these findings by identifying that offensiveness perceptions are differentially tied to how consumers (majority vs. minority) utilize their egalitarian beliefs.
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Social categorization is an essential component of human activity. However, migrants and their descendants can be disadvantageously categorized based on their ethnicity. How can affected individuals deal with such structural conditions in society and resist ethnic categorizations? To answer this question, we first address available strategies in social identity research and find that those strategies are insufficient to resist ethnic categorizations. As an alternative explanatory model, we have developed the concept of hybrid ethnic-cultural stylization, which represents a process of ethnoheterogenesis. By considering a culture of ethnic hybridity, this concept offers innovative strategies to resist disadvantageous ethnic categorizations. We then analyse a German rap song to empirically exemplify a hybrid ethnic-cultural style. Finally, we discuss theoretical implications and make suggestions for further research. Keywords: migration and integration, hybrid styles, ethnic-cultural empowerment, rap music, anti-racism https://newdiversities.mmg.mpg.de/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/2021_23-01_04_Canan_Hanig.pdf
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This article examines the meanings of Whiteness in France by focusing on the specific case of White converts to Islam. By becoming Muslim, converts enter religious spaces in which they are a numerical minority. Usually unmarked and unnoticed, their Whiteness is now very much visible, prompting interrogations about their racial categorization. Faced with moral dilemmas on how to best position themselves ethically while holding a position of dominance, White converts to Islam resort to a variety of strategies to portray themselves as “good Muslims” and “good Whites.” Relying on ethnography and in-depth interviewing, this article explores the contradictions, inconsistencies, and ambivalences that characterize White identities in the French context.
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The present study aims to explore gay Israeli fathers’ responses and resistance to societal criticism on their decision to become parents through transnational surrogacy. The authors interviewed 39 Israeli gay men who became parents via transnational gestational surrogacy using in-depth, semistructured interviews. Analysis of the interviews suggest that the gay fathers responded to societal perceptions on their choice of surrogacy, which they interpreted as heterosexist and hostile, by relating them to Israeli dominant ideologies and constructing a counter discourse that frames surrogacy as an intimate process fostering gender and parental change. Yet, while the participants portray surrogacy as a catalyst for social change, their accounts are embedded within an Israeli context defined by pronatalist and neoliberal ideologies, showing how accounts of change are intertwined within hegemonic ideologies.
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ÖZ Bu çalışma Kürt gençlerinin etnik kimlikleriyle ilişkili olarak algıladıkları, deneyimledikleri onur kırıcı ve ayrımcı davranışlara ve bunlarla başa çıkma stratejilerine odaklanmaktadır. Çalışmanın temel amacı Kürt gençlerinin azınlıkta oldukları batı illerinde ve özellikle okul ortamında etnik aidiyetleri kapsamında algıladıkları damga ve ayrımcılık anlatılarını ve bunlarla başa çıkma stratejilerini analiz etmektir. Bu çalışma sıradan bireylerin gündelik yaşam deneyimlerine odaklansa bile bu anlatıların ulusal bağlamın etkisiyle şekillendiğini kabul etmekte ve etnik sınırların oluşmasına etki eden tarihsel süreçleri de dikkate almaktadır. Çalışmanın verileri 2017-19 yılları arasında İzmir ilinin Bayraklı ve Menemen ilçelerinde yaşayan yirmi dokuz Kürt öğrenciyle yapılan yarı yapılandırılmış görüşmeye dayanmaktadır. Alan verileri damga algısı ve buna verilen tepkilerin kişilerin etnik göstergelere sahiplik durumuyla doğrudan bağlantılı olduğunu, etnik sınırların giderek güçlendiğini ve Kürt gençlerinin gündelik yaşamlarında sıklıkla etnik kimlikleriyle bağlantılı sorunlar yaşadıklarını göstermektedir. Görüşmecilerin en sık başvurduğu başa çıkma stratejileri karşı çıkma, bilinçli tepkisizlik, bireysel sorumluluğu üstlenme ve kaçınma stratejisi olarak karşımıza çıkmaktadır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Etnik sınırlar, Damga algısı, Başa çıkma stratejileri, Kürt gençleri, Etnik göstergeler
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A Black middle class has emerged in many Latin American countries. Yet given the fluidity of Black identity, it is unclear if socioeconomic gains will result in the consolidation of a Black middle-class group identity with a sense of political responsibility or purpose. In this article, we use qualitative interviews with twenty-two Black professionals in Cali, Colombia, plus a small convenience survey, to explore the following research questions: Does the intersection of being Black and middle class cohere into a group identity? If so, does it translate into a Black political consciousness? And if not, what are the obstacles? We find that while respondents individually identify with a Black middle-class label, they do not experience it as a group that feels symbolic bonds of attachment or acts in a coordinated or mutually cognizant manner. It is a category without shape or coherence. It is amorphous. There are four primary explanations for Black middle class amorphism: the absence of shared or positive markers of collective Black identity; a lack of organizational infrastructure; taboos against organizing along racial lines in the workplace; and a strong individualist ethos towards protecting opportunities and enhancing personal status. We situate our findings within the field of Black politics to discuss what might be lost or gained by this amorphism.
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