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Violence against Women/Violence in the World: Toward a Feminist Conceptualization of Global Violence
Abstract
Feminist conceptualizations of global violence are less partial and more encompassing of all forms of harm, exploring the connections between micro and macro level violence through a gender lens. Understanding violence against women, its causes and its consequences in a global context has never been more important given our crisis-prone world characterised by perceptions of escalating insecurity and conflict, and the need to promote sustainable and just societies. Feminist perspectives emphasise the continuum of violence at the household and community levels with intra-state and inter-state violence. They make visible the relationship among different forms of violence such as physical or incident based violence and structural or symbolic, long-term and gradual harms. Importantly, they highlight how violence in times of conflict, humanitarian, economic, financial and political crisis and transition, is rooted in pre-existing gendered inequalities that cut across and reinforce hierarchies of class, race/ethnicity, nationality/citizenship, religion, and sexuality. These inequalities fundamentally constrain equal participation in political and economic decision-making in the aftermath of crises. To achieve global peace and security, a feminist approach strives to be inclusive not by adding violence against women to the list violence to be eliminated but by analysing the intersections of power relations across all sites of belonging, participation and strife.
... There is a tension within mainstream policies of support for displaced women because they tend to focus on the challenges of accessing medical reproductive health and neglect the need for other policies that would mitigate more negative experiences of 'migrant motherhood' (Erel and Reynolds, 2018). We argue that as well as access to medical services for migrant and displaced women, there is a need for policies that redress the depletion associated with care and social reproduction, particularly in contexts of sociopolitical conflict and crisis (True and Tanyag, 2018;Rai, et al., 2019). ...
Migration is deeply gendered, yet little is known about the lived experiences of displaced women or how they manage their reproductive health challenges. Here, we explore the meaning of sexual and reproductive health for displaced Venezuelan women in Brazil, using photovoice. This methodology revealed that women interpret 'sexual and reproductive health' in ways that go beyond medicalised understandings and include concerns more usually associated with 'social reproduction' or care work. Caring, for Venezuelan migrant women, is complex: many take comfort from their roles as carers, but they also experience depletion and anxiety. Our research suggests the need for wider understand-ings of what reproductive health in displacement means and for support for migrant women that goes beyond addressing their biological reproductive roles. Lived experiences of migration are gendered, and deeply impacted by racism, discrimination and clas-sism (see Freedman, 2010; Arbel et al., 2014; Vanyoro et al., 2019; Mayblin et al., 2020). For this reason, there are calls to explore the experiences of displaced populations through their own knowledge production and voice (McMichael and Nunn, 2019: 239). Our study responds to this need by using the arts-based methodology photovoice to explore how displaced Venezuelan women and girls understand challenges to their sexual and reproductive health. Our argument in this paper is twofold: first, we show that arts-based techniques of engagement and enquiry enhance understandings of the lived experiences of Venezuelan migrant women, demonstrating that they are helpful in conducting par-ticipative research with groups labelled 'vulnerable' and pushed to the margins of the global political
... I move the level of analysis of domestic violence to the complex dynamics of abusive relationships, which have fallen out of view in feminist international relations (IR) approaches. In feminist IR, emphasis has been predominantly placed on comparative analyses of the scale and prevalence of violence against women, including IPV at the global level in the context of human rights (Brysk 2018;Htun and Weldon 2018), in the analysis of how the processes and practices of the global political economy enable and produce violence against women (Elias and Rai 2015;True 2012), through the conceptualization of a continuum of violence (Kostovicova, Bojicic-Dzelilovic, and Henry 2020), and in recognizing how violence in the private sphere increases during and after a conflict or war as soldiers return home (Cockburn 2007;Enloe 1993;True and Tanyag 2019). Violence in the private sphere has been recognized as a strategy during war and conflicts (Baaz and Stern 2013;Skjelsbaek 2001), and the attention paid to the severity of IPV in the context of feminist research and activism has been critically examined as potentially harming racialized men in the process (Zalewski and Runyan 2015). ...
... As part of its post-1980s reshaping of national identity, New Zealand has consistently promoted itself as a small country committed to upholding international human rights norms. 139 Under David Lange's Labour government, the period in which the Atatürk Memorial was built, New Zealand emphasized its anti-nuclear policy as part of a broader liberal internationalism. In 1986, 1987, and 1989, respectively, New Zealand stood out from other US allies (the UK and Australia), opposing the US air attack on Libya, spoke out against military coups in Fiji, and criticized China for the Tiananmen Square massacre, although China was an important bilateral trade partner. ...
Scholars in genocide studies have covered much ground in identifying causes and consequences of genocides. But much less has been done in the area of genocide recognitions: Why have countries recognized some genocides but not others? Strategic and economic relations with perpetrator states, or the influence of diasporan ethnic minorities are often assumed as causes, but we propose that conceptions of national identity may underlie these other factors. We explore a case that other factors do not readily explain: Given New Zealand’s previous bold stances on human rights, its strong self-identity as a human rights supporter, its recognition of some genocides, and its active and vociferous support of Armenians before, during and after the genocide, why does it refuse to recognize the Armenian genocide? We explore New Zealand’s reversal of attitudes by analyzing its public and official discourse in three time periods – first at the time of the Armenian genocide; second, in the late twentieth century when new narratives of national identity, enthusiasm for trade relations with Turkey, and the Anzac myth were established, and third, in the contemporary era, in which successive governments continue to refuse recognition. While we think the anticipated closer economic relations with Turkey during the second timeframe helped drive the shift, we theorize that New Zealand’s current refusal to recognize the genocide is grounded in the construction of its national identity during the second period – particularly in the establishment of the Anzac myth. This involved a changing portrayal of “the Turks” from enemy to fellow victims of the evils of war and imperial invasion, and modern-day Turkey as the sacred “home” of New Zealand’s war dead.
... As such, crisis shapes and is shaped by gendered inequalities and their intersections with other social divisions, such as class, race, or ethnicity (Sjoberg, Hudson, and Weber 2015;Walby 2015). Crises illuminate already existing continuums of violence and can exacerbate intersectional hierarchies of power (True and Tanyag 2019). This nexus between gender and crisis cannot 'be reduced only to impacts on women [but] also concerns both the gendered creation (production) and maintenance (reproduction) of crises, and the institutional and non-institutional responses to crises' (Hozić and True 2016). ...
Migration movements at the EU external borders are increasingly understood and governed through a logic of crisis that draws on gendered and racialised stereotypes of migrants and colonial Self-‘Other’ representations. These narratives of ‘migration crisis’ not only shape public discourse, but also inform institutional processes within the EU border security architecture, particularly the growth of the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). Bringing critical border and migration studies in conversation with feminist postcolonial scholarship on crisis, we argue that gendering and racialisation underpin Frontex’s ‘crisis labelling’ that gives way to institutional claims for extended resources and competences. In an analysis of Frontex’s Annual Risk Analysis Reports (2010–2020), we identify four themes through which Frontex engages in crisis labelling on the basis of gendered and racialised stereotypes, dualisms, and postcolonial (self-)representations: migration as threat; the unknownness of migrants; the hierarchical creation of (non-)European spaces; and humanitarian concerns over vulnerable migrants. Through these themes, gender and race not only made migration intelligible as crisis but importantly justified demands for Frontex’s extension. These findings reveal how gender and race inform the institutional politics of defining and governing migration in ways that reproduce intersectional power relations and (post-)colonial legacies.
This study aims to examine network management in the implementation of child protection policies in Makassar City, with a focus on mobilization strategies implemented by the Office of Women's Empowerment and Child Protection (DP3A). The research method used is a qualitative approach with data collection techniques through interviews, observations, and document studies. Informants in this study include representatives from DP3A, Makassar Police, Institute for Public Policy Studies (LSKP), and other related institutions. The results show that the mobilization strategy implemented by DP3A Makassar City, which includes motivating and rewarding networks, utilizing digital platforms, and cross-sector collaboration, has succeeded in increasing the effectiveness of child protection policy implementation. This success is in line with network management theory. DP3A Makassar City has managed to gather and utilize various resources, strengthen cross-sector collaboration, and accelerate responses to child abuse cases. The use of digital platforms and continuous evaluation are also key factors in the success of child protection efforts in Makassar City. This research provides recommendations for strengthening inter-agency coordination and collaboration through the establishment of regular coordination forums, developing efficient information and data exchange mechanisms, and establishing an integrated referral system. Future research is expected to develop a network management model or framework that can be adapted and applied in the context of child protection at the local, regional and national levels in Indonesia.
This book examines concerns about online security, sovereignty, representation, and resistance, focusing on issues in the Global South. Contributors leverage feminist and postcolonial lenses to assess issues that might challenge conventional notions of cybersecurity, including disinformation, gender-based violence online, and technology as a neocolonial force. The title explores these issues through various methodological approaches, including case studies, content analysis, and practitioner experience. Overarching themes are the need for a human security perspective on cybersecurity, the need for greater attention to issues affecting marginalized groups, and the role that various actors—including tech companies, governments, international organizations, and civil society—play or could play in creating a more inclusive digital space. Through its critical focus and emphasis on the human impact of cybersecurity, this title stands apart from existing work on cybersecurity and international relations, which is often focused on the role of states and geopolitical power dynamics. The editors hope this volume will also be agenda-setting, expanding conversations about feminist and postcolonial security studies into the digital realm.
This article takes as its starting point the experiential knowledge of Syrian women telling the story of the Syrian revolution. By stitching together feminist and decolonial perspectives, we can critically rethink the revolution, which is usually displaced by war talk. This article both explores and attempts an exercise in “decolonial love” – by foregrounding women’s experiences, making room for radical stories on the margins, and carefully considering their visions – as an impulse to a different reading of the revolution. Taking decolonial love as both methodology and praxis creates an opportunity to learn about the multiple oppressions and resistances within the Syrian revolution. Centering decolonial love also allows for a more expansive analysis of the politics of which – and whose – knowledge matters. It asks us as researchers to be mindful of our starting points, the space that our knowledge takes up, and the ways in which we can and should learn from situated knowledge. This article, therefore, conveys not only the experience of Syrian women; it also presents a more complex story of the revolution by making visible its non-linearity, the messiness of being situated in spaces of (non-)violence, and the building of “circles of trust” to imagine and live different futures.
This article advances our understanding of the drivers and multidimensional nature of conflict-related violence against women and girls (CRVAWG). It presents an adapted socioecological model, which supports research, analysis, and programming and can be further adapted as the empirical evidence base grows. Although models to help explore violence against women and girls generally have advanced over recent decades, these have not addressed the specific dynamics of conflict-affected settings. This article makes a unique contribution by bringing together research on CRVAWG and presenting a new model for deepening current approaches to understanding and preventing CRVAWG.
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